SEMICENTENNIAL  PUBLICATIONS 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


1868-1918 


THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 


'  How  the  colonies  were  actually  governed;  what  the 
colonists  did  at  work  and  play;  how  the  mother  country 
stamped  her  image  upon  them,  and  to  what  extent  the 
lineaments  of  that  image  were  modified  by  contact  with 
local  forces — these  are  matters  thai  interest  the  reader  of 
to-day."— W.  R.  Shepherd. 


THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

UNDER   COMPANY  RULE 
(1671-1754) 

WITH  A  SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER,  1755-1917 


BY 
WALDEMAR   WESTERGAARD,  Ph.  D. 

ASSISTANT  PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY   AT   POMONA  COLLEGE 


WITH  AN  INTRODUCTION 

BY 

H.  MORSE  STEPHENS,  M.  A.,  Litt.  D.  (Harv.) 

SATHEE  PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY  AT  THE  UNIVEESITV  OF  CALIFORNIA 


MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS 


Npw  fork 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

1917 

AU  rights  resersed 


COPYRIQHT,    1917 

By  the  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 
Set  up  and  printed.    Published  June,  1917. 


PREFACE 

Since  the  opening  of  the  Panama  Canal,  the  attention  of 
the  United  States  has  been  drawn  more  and  more  to  those 
Caribbean  and  Gulf  regions,  which  were,  until  comparatively 
recent  times,  the  economic  center  of  the  New  World  and  the 
source  of  a  considerable  part  of  that  wealth  which  kept  the 
wheels  of  industry  running  in  the  Old.  If  Tobacco  was  King 
in  the  seventeenth,  and  Cotton  in  the  nineteenth,  then  Sugar 
surely  held  the  scepter  in  the  eighteenth  century. 

This  book  was  written  before  the  United  States  began  the 
negotiations  that  have  resulted  in  the  transfer  of  the  Danish 
West  Indian  islands  to  the  United  States.  The  increased  in- 
terest of  Americans  in  Caribbean  lands,  and  the  scarcity  of 
authoritative  historical  books  upon  the  subject  will  it  is  hoped 
justify  its  appearance  now.  It  assumes  a  certain  curiosity  on 
the  part  of  the  reader,  first,  as  to  how  the  Danish-Norwegian 
state  became  interested  in  the  islands  off  the  Spanish  Main, 
and  second,  how  so  small  a  state  has  managed  to  retain  its  hold 
for  nearly  two  centuries  and  a  half. 

The  pages  which  follow  record  an  episode  in  the  time  when 
Sugar  was  King.  They  are  the  result  of  an  attempt  to  identify 
and  appraise  a  number  of  official  and  other  papers  found  in 
the  Bancroft  Collection  at  the  University  of  California.  These 
documents  had  come  from  the  Danish  West  Indian  islands, 
and  were  first  brought  to  the  writer's  attention  by  Professor 
Henry  Morse  Stephens  under  whose  inspiration  and  guidance 
the  subsequent  investigations  were  carried  on.  The  paucity 
of  the  printed  material  dealing  with  the  history  of  Danish 
colonization  in  America  led  to  a  search  in  the  Danish  libraries 
and  archives  for  further  light.  The  entire  archives  of  the 
Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company  were  found  substan- 
tially intact  in  their  repository  in  the  state  archives  building  of 
Denmark  near  Christiansborg  castle.    Except  for  the  labors  of 

[v] 


vi  PREFACE 

a  few  scholars  in  search  of  genealogical  and  biographical  in- 
formation, the  collection  had  to  all  appearances  scarcely  been 
touched, 

'  With  such  a  wealth  of  material  to  go  through,  the  writer 
cannot  claim  to  have  exhausted  his  subject,  but  he  hopes  to 
have  made  more  intelligible  than  hitherto  the  story  of  one  of 
those  commercial  joint-stock  companies  that  were  so  closely 
associated  with  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  century  ex- 
ploitation of  New  World  resources. 

Treated  by  itself,  colonial  history  is  well-nigh  meaningless. 
Only  when  considered  as  part  of  European  liistory — indeed, 
when  related  somehow  to  universal  history — does  it  become 
vital.  It  is  obvious  that  the  political  and  economic  development 
of  American  colonies  cannot  be  adequately  followed  without 
giving  considerable  attention  to  the  forces  that  prompted,  and 
largely  guided,  commercial  ventures.  The  present  work  is  the 
history  of  a  company  composed  mainly  of  Danish  business 
men  intent  upon  embracing  such  commercial  opportunities  as 
the  New  World  seemed  to  offer  them.  Their  headquarters 
were  in  Copenhagen,  their  factories,  or  trading  centers,  in  the 
West  Indies  and  on  the  Guinea  coast.  Business  was  the  chief 
aim,  the  establishment  of  a  colony  an  incident,  of  their  en- 
deavors.   Yet  one  cannot  be  understood  apart  from  the  other.. 

The  role  played  by  Denmark-Norway  in  tropical  coloniza- 
tion was  indeed  not  large  and  not  infrequently  the  interest  of 
the  English — or  American — reader  will  center  in  what  the  men 
of  the  North  saw  and  heard  in  the  West  Indies,  rather  than  in 
what  they  did  there.  Yet,  there  was  enough  of  what  might  be 
called  economic  solidarity  in  the  Western  commercial  world 
to  lend  the  Danish  occupation  a  genuine  interest.  Despite 
local  differences,  the  experiences  of  the  Danes  were  fairly  typical 
of  those  of  the  Dutch,  the  French,  the  English,  and  even  the 
Spanish  merchants  and  administrators.  The  physical  condi- 
tions with  which  all  had  to  contend  were  nearly  identical.  The 
political  and  economic  ideas  which  the  Europeans  who  sought 
to  earn  their  livelihood  in  the  West  Indies  brought  with  them 
had  many  points  of  similarity.  In  fact,  the  population  of  many 
of  the  islands  was  surprisingly  cosmopolitan. 


PREFACE  vii 

In  the  eighty-four  years  of  its  existence,  the  Company  led 
a  varied  and  interesting  hfe.  During  its  early  years  it  sur- 
vived the  competition  of  Dutch,  French,  English,  and  Branden- 
burg business,  whether  private  or  corporate.  With  the  opening 
of  the  new  century  it  experienced  the  welcome,  if  rather  hectic, 
glow  of  a  period  of  prosperity  induced  by  a  general  European 
war,  that  of  the  Spanish  Succession.  In  the  era  of  speculation 
and  depression  that  followed  the  return  of  peace,  the  Danish 
Company  had  its  experience  with  paper  money  expedients  as  a 
cure  for  hard  times. 

In  the  history  of  the  slave  trade  and  of  that  tropical  agri- 
culture which  it  was  calculated  to  promote,  and  in  the  growth 
of  the  idea  of  self-government,  the  experience  of  the  Danish 
colonies  is  suggestive.  Though  St.  Thomas  has  been  popularly 
associated  with  buccaneers  and  pirates,  some  of  whose  exploits 
are  recorded  in  the  following  pages,  it  has  scarcely  been  sus- 
pected heretofore  that  a  considerable  part  of  Captain  Kidd's 
"treasure"  found  its  way  to  the  warehouses  and  ships  of  Danes 
and  Brandenburgers  on  the  island. 

But  what  was  after  all  far  more  important  than  random  calls 
by  pirates  was  the  fact  that  the  Company  helped  to  supply 
Europe  with  sugar,  cotton  and  what  are  still  known  in  Danish 
shops  as  colonial  wares.  Moreover,  it  served  as  a  training  school 
for  statesmen  who  after  this  experience  found  the  transition 
from  the  business  of  the  Company  to  affairs  of  state  less  dif- 
ficult to  compass. 

The  writer  has  not  hesitated  to  let  the  actors  tell  their  own 
story,  but  to  obviate  needless  obstruction  to  the  narrative, 
and  for  the  benefit  of  those  readers  who  may  care  to  probe 
deeper  into  the  subject,  such  illustrative  and  statistical  ma- 
terial as  could  not  well  be  included  in  the  body  of  the  text  has 
been  incorporated  into  the  appendix.  Many  names  of  char- 
acters and  places  not  familiar  to  English  readers  in  their  Danish 
form  have  been  anglicized  where  possible.  The  following  list 
of  Danish  equivalents  for  the  rendering  of  proper  names  given 
in  the  text  is  offered  in  the  hope  of  preventing  undue  confusion 
for  such  as  may  care  to  consult  the  original  records.  Chris- 
tian —  Christiern;    George  =  Jorgen;    Peter  =  Peder,    Pieter; 


viii  PREFACE 

John  =  Jan,  Johan,  Johannes,  Jens;  Oliver  =  Oliger;  WiUiam  = 
Willem,  Wilhelm;  Severin  =  Soren;  also  Unicorn  =  Enhiorn- 
ingen;  Unity  =  Eenigheden;  Electoral  Prince  =  Churprinz;  the 
Peace  =  Freden;  the  Gilded  Croivn  =  den  Forgyldte  Krone; 
the  Red  Cock  =  den  Rode  Hane. 

To  friends  who  have  assisted  him  in  numerous  ways,  the 
writer  wishes  to  express  his  gratitude.  Chief  among  these  is 
Professor  H.  Morse  Stephens,  Sather  Professor  of  History  at 
the  University  of  California,  to  whose  generous  encourage- 
ment this  work  owes  its  inception.  He  has  followed  the  progress 
of  the  investigations  with  a  never-flagging  interest,  and  has 
always  been  ready  to  place  his  great  store  of  knowledge  at  the 
writer's  disposal.  To  Professor  Charles  H.  Hull  of  Cornell 
University  for  patient  guidance  and  valued  instruction  during 
a  year  at  that  institution  as  Fellow  in  American  history,  to 
Professor  Herbert  E.  Bolton  of  the  University  of  California 
for  constructive  criticism,  to  Mr.  Herbert  I.  Priestley  for 
valuable  bibliographical  hints,  to  Professor  W.  R.  R.  Pinger 
and  Miss  Florence  Livingstone  for  suggestions  as  to  style, 
sincere  thanks  are  due.  To  the  oflScials  in  the  Danish  archives 
and  libraries  whose  services  were  generously  placed  at  his  dis- 
posal, the  author  takes  pleasure  in  acknowledgmg  his  debt, 
and  especially  to  former  Rigsarkivar,  Dr.  V.  Secher  and  his 
staff  at  the  state  and  provincial  archives.  Dr.  V.  Christensen 
of  the  Raadstuearkiv,  Professor  Knud  Fabricius,  Dr.  Ove  Paul- 
sen, the  officials  of  the  Royal  and  University  Libraries,  and  to 
Fru  Anna  Backer.  Their  uniform  courtesy  and  helpfulness 
are  among  the  writer's  pleasant  memories  of  his  year  in  Copen- 
hagen. 

To  His  Excellency  Dr.  Maurice  Francis  Egan,  American 
minister  to  Denmark,  the  writer  desires  to  express  his  gratitude 
for  assistance  in  securing  access  to  materials.  To  the  Regents 
of  the  University  of  California  for  aid  in  making  possible  the 
procuring  of  needed  transcripts,  grateful  acknowledgment  is 
due. 

The  difficulty  of  correcting  proof  and  checking  up  references 
to  manuscript  sources  when  archives  are  thousands  of  miles 
removed  from  the  scene  of  writing  may  serve  to  explain,  though 


PREFACE  ix 

not  to  excuse,  textual  errors.     The  writer  is  indebted  to  Pro- 
fessor Hull  for  generous  assistance  in  reading  the  final  proofs. 

The  present  work,  submitted  as  a  thesis  in  partial  fulfilment 
of  the  requirements  for  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Philosophy  at 
the  University  of  California  in  May,  1915,  is  the  first  volume 
of  three  which  the  writer  hopes  to  devote  to  the  history  of  the 
Danish  West  India  Islands.  The  second  will  follow  the  for- 
tunes of  the  colonies  down  to  the  end  of  the  Napoleonic  Wars, 
and  the  third  will  bring  the  story  down  to  the  present  time.  In 
view,  however,  of  the  current  interest  aroused  in  the  islands  as 
a  result  of  their  purchase  by  the  United  States,  a  supplementary 
chapter  has  been  added  to  this  volume,  summarizing  their 
more  recent  history. 

Pomona  College, 
Claremont,  California, 
April  15,  1917. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 

1660.  Coup  d'etat  of  Frederick  III. 

1671.  Establishment  of  West  India  Company. 

1673.  West  India  and  Guinea  companies  united. 

1685.  Brandenburg  treaty  concerning  St.  Thomas. 

1690.  Arff  takes  over  Guinea  factory. 

1690.  Thormohlen  lease  of  St.  Thomas  begins. 

1694.  Company  receives  back  St.  Thomas. 

1696-97.  Arff  gives  up  Guinea  trade. 

1697.  Company  begins  slave  trade  in  earnest. 

1706.  Planters  send  first  delegation  to  Copenhagen. 

1715.  Planters  send  second  delegation. 

1717.  St.  John  occupied  by  Danes. 

1726.  Drought  and  famine  on  St.  Thomas. 

1733.  Negro  insurrection  on  St.  John. 

1733.  St.  Croix  purchased  from  France. 

1734.  New  charter  granted  by  king. 

1747.  "Union  plan  and  convention"  enlarging  Company. 

1748.  Planters  send  third  delegation  to  Copenhagen. 

1754.  Company's  shares  sold  to  king;  Danish  islands  become 
royal  colonies. 


[xil 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

PREFACE v-ix 

CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE xi 

INTRODUCTION  BY  H.  MORSE  STEPHENS xvii 

AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION :  Geogkaphical  and  Historical  1 
Chap. 

I,  The  Establishment  of  the  Company 31 

IL  The  Critical  Period  (1680-1690) 45 

III.  The  Brandenbuhgers  at  St,  Thomas 71 

IV.  The  Leasing  of  Guinea  and  St.  Thomas 95 

V.  The  Governorship  of  John  Lorentz 105 

VI.  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  as  Plantation  Colonies  (1688- 

1733) 121 

VIL  The  Slave  Trade  in  the  Danish  West  Indies 137 

VIII.  The  Slave  and  the  Planter 157 

IX.  The  Planter  and  the  Company 179 

X.  The  Acquisition  of  St.  Croix 199 

XI.  The  Company  under  the  New  Charter 213 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 263 

APPENDLKES 

A.  Governors  in  the  West  Indies  and  in  Guinea 285 

B.  Directors   and   Board   of   Shareholders   in    Copen- 

hagen    290 

C.  The  First  Charter  of  the  Danish  West  India  Com- 

pany   ' 294 

D.  Charter  of  1697  for  the  West  India  and  Guinea  Com- 

pany    299 

E.  Letter  of  Charite  Esmit  to  Adolph  Esmit 303 

F.  Report  of  Board  of  Police  and  Trade  to  King  Fred- 

erick IV  (1716) 306 

G.  Governor  Erik  Bredal  to  Directors,  1719,  1722 315 

H.  Statistics  for  St.  Thomas:  Population,  Plantations.  . .  318 

I.  Statistics  for  St.  John  and  St.  Croix:  Population, 

Plantations 319 

[xiiil 


xiv  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

APPENDIXES  PAGE 
[J.  List  of  Slave  Cakgoes  ^\jtRiviNG  in  Danish  West  In- 
dies   320 

K.  Prices  on  St.  Thomas  (1687-1751) 327 

L.  West  Indian  Sugar  Exported  from  Copenhagen 328 

M.  Company's  RECEiin-s  and  Debts  at  St.  Thomas 332 

N.  Company's  Receipts  and  Debts  at  St.  Croex 334 

O.  Capital  Invested  at  St.  Thomas  under  Pl.\n  of  1747 ....  335 

P.  The  Company's  Business  in  Brown  Sugar 336 

Q.  The  Coaipany's  Business  in  Cotton 337 

R.  Returns  on  Company's  Capital 338 

S.  St. Thomas  Statistics:  Miscellaneous 340 

T.  St.  Crolx  Statistics:  Miscellaneous 341 

U.  List  of  Shareholders  in  the  Year  1751 342 

INDEX 351 


MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS 

Christiansted,  St.  Croix,  in  1815 Frontispiece 

FACING 
PAGE 

Map  of  the  Danish  West  Indian  Islands 8 

{Botanisk  Tidsskrift.    Bd.  29.    F.  Borgesen) 
Map  of  St.  Thomas  (.'*1715-1733) 122 

(MS.  Map,  undated,  Royal  Library,  Copenhagen) 
Map  of  St.  John  (1780) 127 

(Published  by  P.  L.  Oxholm,  Copenhagen,  1800) 
Map  of  Northern  Europe:  Baltic  and  North  Sea  Lands  . .   136 
Christiansborg  Castle,  Guinea  Coast 139 

(Engraved  by  M.  Rosier,  Copenhagen,  1760) 
Map  of  St.  Croex 202 

(MS.  Map,  undated,  Royal  Library,  Copenhagen) 
Sketch  of  St.  Croix's  Town 216 

(Watercolor  drawing,  State  Archives,  Copenhagen) 
Map  of  St.  Thomas  (1767) 245 

(Oldendorp's  Geschichte  der  Mission,  1777) 
Map  of  St.  Croix  (1767) 245 

(Oldendorp's  Geschichte  der  Mission,  1777) 
JVIap  of  St.  Croix  (1754,  1766) 248 

(Survey  by  J.  M.  Beck;  engraved  by  O.  H.  de  Lode,  1754; 
names  of  plantation  owners  filled  in,  1766) 

St.  Thomas  Harbor  (View  to  Westward) 257 

Map  of  Caribbean  Lands 262 


[xv] 


INTRODUCTION 

In  the  month  of  December,  1916,  the  Danish  Government 
solemnly  transferred  the  sovereignty  of  the  Danish  West  India 
Islands  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  three 
months  later  the  United  States  took  possession  of  the  islands  of 
St.  Thomas,  St.  John,  and  St.  Croix.  From  one  point  of  view, 
this  was  the  natural  development  of  the  United  States  as  a 
West  India  power.  The  island  of  St.  Thomas  closely  approaches 
the  island  of  Porto  Rico,  the  first  island  of  the  Caribbean  Sea  of 
which  the  United  States  became  possessor.  All  that  will  appear 
upon  the  map  will  be  the  extension  of  the  American  Govern- 
ment from  Porto  Rico  a  little  to  the  southeast.  From  a  stra- 
tegical standpoint,  the  chief  value  of  the  Danish  Islands  to  the 
United  States  is  the  possession  of  the  harbor  of  St.  Thomas; 
from  an  economic  standpoint,  it  signifies  a  little  further  territory 
producing  tropical  fruits  for  the  states  of  the  eastern  seaboard; 
from  a  political  standpoint,  it  means  another  step  in  the  expan- 
sion of  the  United  States,  But  from  the  historian's  outlook,  it 
means  the  ending  of  the  colonial  power  of  Denmark,  and  thereby 
marks  an  epoch  in  history. 

The  history  of  the  West  India  Islands  has  a  particular  signif- 
icance to  all  students  of  the  history  of  America.  It  w^as  in  the 
West  Indies  that  took  place  the  most  bitter  and  prolonged 
struggle  in  American  waters  during  the  seventeenth  and  eight- 
eenth centuries.  It  is  generally  pointed  out,  with  a  sniff  of  con- 
tempt, that  through  the  lack  of  prophetic  vision  among  the 
statesmen  of  the  eighteenth  century,  it  was  proposed  during  the 
negotiations  of  the  Treaty  of  Paris,  in  1763,  that  the  triumphant 
English  Ministry  should  not  take  Canada  from  France,  but  one 
of  the  French  West  India  Islands,  so  much  more  valuable  did  the 
commerce  of  the  West  Indies  appear  than  the  possession  of 
Canada.  It  was  in  the  West  Indies  that  the  most  famous  naval 
combats   of  the  seventeenth   and   eighteenth   centuries   were 

[xvii] 


XVUl  INTRODUCTION 

fought,  by  the  EngHsh  against  the  Spanish  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  by  the  EngHsh  against  the  French  in  the  eighteenth 
century.  The  struggle  for  the  possession  of  the  West  Indies  was, 
among  the  European  nations  of  the  seventeenth  and  eight- 
eenth centuries,  both  pohtical  and  economic.  To  use  a  phrase 
of  Doctor  Westergaard's,  tliose  were  the  days  wlien  "sugar  was 
king."  The  importance  of  the  sugar  trade  overcame  all  other 
considerations,  and  the  European  nation  that  could  grow  its 
own  sugar  cane  and  inijjort  its  own  sugar  in  its  own  sliii)s  liad  an 
immense  commercial  advantage  over  other  countries.  The 
peculiar  geographical  formation  of  the  West  India  Islands  gave 
every  one  of  the  maritime  nations  of  Europe  a  chance  to  grow 
its  own  sugar.  The  earliest  of  these  nations  in  the  West  Indies, 
Spain,  counted  rather  on  other  staples  than  sugar,  and  paid 
more  attention  to  its  mainland  possessions  than  to  its  island 
possessions.  Great  Britain,  by  its  settlement  of  Barbados  and 
St.  Christopher  and  by  its  conquest  of  Jamaica,  definitely 
started  its  career  as  a  planter  and  importer  of  sugar,  and  the 
French,  the  Dutch,  the  Danes,  and  even  the  Courlanders 
followed  the  example.  One  of  the  most  interesting  experiments 
in  tliis  direction  was  that  of  Denmark. 

Doctor  Waldemar  Westergaard,  a  scholar  of  Danish  extrac- 
tion, though  born  in  the  United  States,  undertook,  some  years 
ago,  to  study  the  history  of  the  Danish  West  India  Islands. 
His  knowledge  of  the  Danish  language  from  his  childhood 
caused  him  to  study  with  great  interest  certain  Danish  West 
India  documents  of  primary  importance  which  had  been  col- 
lected for  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft  of  San  Francisco,  and  which  now 
form  part  of  the  Bancroft  Library,  in  the  possession  of  the 
University  of  California.  In  his  study  of  these  particular  docu- 
ments. Doctor  Westergaard  discovered  that  not  even  in  the 
Danish  language  W'as  there  any  reliable  history  of  the  Danish 
West  Indies.  He  therefore  resolved  to  go  to  Denmark,  and 
there  soon  found  that  the  Danish  historians  had  neglected  the 
history  of  their  colonial  possessions.  He  spent  about  a  year 
working  among  the  Danish  documents,  and  W'as  thereby  enabled 
to  obtain  first-hand  information  as  to  the  history  of  the  Danish 
West  India  Islands,  and  to  write  a  historj'^  of  the  Danish  settle- 


INTRODUCTION  xix 

merits  based  principally  upon  primary  authorities.  This  in- 
troduction is  not  intended  to  be  mere  laudation  of  Doctor 
Westergaard  or  an  account  of  his  researches,  which  are  described 
sufficiently  well  in  his  bibliography.  The  originality  and 
merits  of  his  book  can  be  seen  by  the  most  superficial  reader. 
Still  less  is  this  introduction  intended  to  be  a  review  of  his  book; 
it  will  be  rather  an  attempt  to  set  forth  the  results  of  Doctor 
Westergaard 's  labors  as  bearing  upon  the  general  history  of  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries. 

Students  of  American  colonial  history  know  well  enough  the 
importance  of  the  chartered  companies,  through  which  was 
made  possible  the  early  English  settlement  of  the  Atlantic 
seaboard  of  the  present  United  States  of  America.  But  these 
companies  which  dealt  with  the  mainland  settlements  only 
exhibit  on  a  small  scale  the  general  principles  by  which  com- 
panies were  chartered  for  trade  and  plantation,  not  only  by  the 
English  Government,  but  by  other  European  countries  as  well. 
Some  day  it  may  be  possible  to  bring  out  the  likeness  and  un- 
likeness  between  the  conditions  under  which  companies  were 
chartered  in  Great  Britain,  France,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Denmark.  M.  Pierre  Bonnassieux,  in  his  Les  Grandes  Com- 
pagnies  de  Commerce,  has  given  the  outlines  of  such  a  study,  and 
other  French  writers  have  dealt  with  phases  of  the  French  East 
India  Company  in  particular.  More  interesting,  if  it  could  be 
made  accessible  from  the  primary  sources,  would  be  the  history, 
and  especially  the  early  history,  of  the  Dutch  companies.  The 
story  of  the  English  companies  before  1720  has  been  written  by 
Mr.  William  R.  Scott,  but  their  later  history  is  scattered  about 
in  many  different  books  dealing  with  India  and  America.  On 
all  of  them  is  light  thrown  by  Doctor  Westergaard 's  elaborate 
study  of  the  Danish  company.  In  these  modern  days,  an 
attempt  is  being  made  to  revive  the  chartered-company  idea  in 
England,  and  the  British  North  Borneo  Company,  under  Sir 
Alfred  Dent;  the  British  East  Africa  Company,  under  Sir 
William  Mackinnon;  the  Britisli  South  Africa  Company,  under 
Cecil  Rhodes;  and  the  British  West  Africa  Company,  under  Sir 
George  Taubman-Goldie,  have  all  of  them  been  an  adaptation 
of  seventeenth-century  ideas  to  nineteenth-century  conditions. 


XX  INTRODUCTION 

There  have  been  two  great  principles  of  expansion  and  settle- 
ment of  European  nations  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  America.  The 
one,  direct  conquest  and  settlement  by  the  governments  of 
European  nations,  and  the  other  the  tapping  of  the  financial 
resources  of  different  countries  through  charters  granted  to 
companies  of  merchants  who  subscribed  capital  for  settlement 
and  trade  beyond  the  seas,  under  the  direct  permission  or 
license  of  their  respective  governments.  Spam  and  Portugal 
were  the  two  countries  that  believed  in  direct  expansion  under 
royal  authority.  In  some  ways,  the  Portuguese  experiment  is 
more  interesting,  especially  in  regard  to  trade,  than  the  far 
larger  Spanish  development  of  empire.  The  Portuguese  Govern- 
ment, after  the  discovery  of  the  direct  sea  route  to  India  by 
Vasco  da  Gama,  kept  in  its  own  hands  as  a  government  the 
entire  trade  of  Asia.  It  was  the  Portuguese  king's  agents  who 
purchased  the  cargoes  for  Portuguese  royal  ships  in  India  and 
Ceylon,  in  China  and  Japan  and  Malacca,  in  Persia  and  Arabia. 
These  cargoes  of  Asiatic  produce  were  brought  to  Lisbon  in  the 
king's  ships,  and  the  goods  were  then  purchased  by  individual 
merchants  out  of  the  king's  warehouses.  It  would  be  possible  to 
dwell  at  length  upon  the  direct  action  of  the  Spanish  and 
Portuguese  Governments  in  the  work  of  expansion,  settlement, 
and  trade  in  Asia,  Africa,  and  America,  but  the  illustration  of 
the  Portuguese  Government's  control  of  the  Asiatic  trade  will 
serve  to  point  out  the  chief  characteristics  of  government  direc- 
tion. Other  countries,  notably  Great  Britain  and  the  Protestant 
Netherlands  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  France  and  Denmark 
in  the  seventeenth  century,  did  not,  for  the  most  part,  work 
through  direct  governmental  agency,  but  through  chartered 
companies.  The  relation  between  these  chartered  companies 
and  the  governments  of  their  respective  countries  is  a  matter  of 
great  interest,  and  much  new  light  is  thrown  upon  it  by  Doctor 
Westergaard's  very  careful  presentation  of  the  relation  between 
the  Danish  West  India  Company  and  the  Danish  Government. 
It  so  happened  that  Danish  expansion  into  the  West  Indies 
took  place  at  the  time  when  the  government  of  Denmark- 
Norway  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Crown.  The  Revolu- 
tion of  1660  had  put  an  end  to  any  body  of  representatives  in  a 


INTRODUCTION  xxi 

legislature,  and  the  Crown  took  entire  charge  of  all  matters  of 
administration.  In  Denmark,  therefore,  there  was  none  of  that 
interference  on  the  part  of  the  legislature  which  marks  the 
history,  in  particular,  of  the  English  East  India  Company,  which 
never  quite  knew,  in  the  seventeenth  century,  whether  it  was 
under  the  Crown  or  under  Parliament,  while  it  knew  very  well 
in  the  eighteenth  century  that  it  must  expect  the  interference 
of  Parliament  whenever  an  opportunity  offered.  The  Danish 
Crown,  therefore,  played  a  considerable  part  in  the  history  of  the 
Danish  Company,  even  more  than  that  of  the  French  Crown 
in  the  history  of  the  various  French  companies.  In  France,  as 
in  the  Protestant  Netherlands,  the  main  reliance  of  the  respec- 
tive chartered  companies  was  upon  the  various  mercantile 
corporations,  or  rather  organizations  of  the  business  interests  of 
France;  while  in  England  it  was  the  individual  merchants  that 
rallied  together  to  form  the  first  holders  of  stock  in  the  great 
plantation  and  commercial  companies. 

A  point  to  be  noticed  is  that  the  Danish  Company  was,  at  the 
same  time,  a  plantation  and  a  trading  company.  In  the  minds 
of  the  expansionists  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
there  was  no  great  distinction  made  between  trade  and  planta- 
tion, and  all  students  of  English  history  will  remember  the 
important  functions  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Plantations, 
whose  administrative  powers  extended  over  the  varied  interests 
of  English  colonial  expansion.  Doctor  Westergaard  has  clearly 
distinguished  between  plantation  and  trade,  and  has  shown  how 
different  were  the  problems  presented  by  each  of  them. 

The  staple  product  of  the  Danish  West  India  plantations,  as 
of  the  plantations  in  all  the  other  islands,  was  sugar.  Doctor 
Westergaard  explains  at  length  the  character  of  the  sugar 
plantations,  the  working  of  the  manufacture  of  sugar,  and  the 
intensive  cultivation  of  the  sugar  cane  followed  by  the  inevitable 
exhaustion  of  the  soil.  But  the  chief  problem  of  the  sugar 
planters  was  labor.  At  first,  the  Danish  Company  tried  to 
make  use  of  the  dregs  of  the  white  population  of  Copenhagen. 
But  these  first  Danish  immigrants  died  oft'  like  flies.  They  were 
unable  to  withstand  labor  in  the  Tropics.  This  had  also  been 
discovered  by  the  English  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and. 


xxii  INTRODUCTION 

indeed,  by  all  European  planters  in  the  West  Indies.  The 
natives  of  the  islands  could  not  work,  and  the  labor  problem, 
tlierefore,  produced  the  negro  slave  trade.  This  meant  the 
establishment  by  Denmark,  as  well  as  by  the  other  countries 
owning  plantations,  of  barracoons,  defended  by  forts,  on  the 
west  coast  of  Africa,  where  negro  slaves  could  be  collected  for 
transport  to  the  West  Indies.  Very  carefully  has  Doctor 
Westergaard  described  these  establishments,  and  shown  their 
importance  to  the  prosperity  of  the  Islands.  Indeed,  a  careful 
study  of  his  book  and  of  his  appendixes  will  show  what  some  may 
tliink  a  disproportionate  amount  of  space  devoted  to  the  slave 
trade.  On  the  other  hand,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
negro  slave  trade  was  one  of  the  most  important  phases  of  com- 
merce in  the  eighteenth  century,  and  that  the  wise  stockholder 
in  a  West  India  trading  and  plantation  company  would  naturally 
endeavor  to  have  the  company  import  slaves  for  its  own  and  the 
planters'  use  in  company  ships  rather  than  to  buy  them  at  a 
big  profit  to  slave  traders  of  other  countries. 

Denmark  is  a  very  small  country  compared  to  Spain,  France, 
and  Great  Britain,  and  yet  shows  in  the  history  of  her  West 
India  Islands,  it  is  possible  to  say,  many  illustrations  of  the 
mistakes  that  ruined  the  more  extensive  experiments  of  other 
nations.  This  is  not  the  proper  place  to  describe  Doctor  Wester- 
gaard's  treatment  of  individuals,  although  he  has  made  quite  a 
picture  gallery  of  governors,  factors,  captains,  chaplains,  states- 
men, and  politicians.  To  some  readers,  his  personal  description 
of  individuals  will  appeal  more  than  any  other  feature,  but  to 
others  the  larger  economic  and  political  questions  involved  will 
seem  of  greater  interest.  One  episode  in  particular  might  be 
here  mentioned,  the  story  of  the  Brandenburg  Company.  The 
Great  Elector  of  Brandenburg  is  a  figure  to  conjure  with;  from 
him  started  the  larger  growth  of  the  House  of  HohenzoUern  and 
its  development  into  King  of  Prussia  and  German  Emperor. 
Those  who  read  the  past  in  the  light  of  the  present  have  some- 
times wondered  that  neither  Brandenburg  nor  Prussia  had  its 
part  in  the  great  movement  of  colonial  expansion.  Close  stu- 
dents of  HohenzoUern  history  know  that  Frederick  the  Great  of 
Prussia  deliberately  resolved  not  to  make  his  state  into  a  naval 


INTRODUCTION  xxiii 

or  a  colonial  power,  but  comparatively  few  know  that  the 
attempt  was  made  earlier,  not  in  the  direct  fashion  of  sov- 
ereignty, but  through  an  arrangement  with  the  Eang  of  Den- 
mark, in  the  West  Indies.  It  seems  curious,  at  the  present 
time,  to  think  of  the  Hohenzollern  Prince,  and  one  as  famous  as 
the  Great  Elector,  making  arrangements  with  Denmark  for  a 
West  India  sugar  experiment.  The  story  of  the  Brandenburgers 
has  been  dealt  with  at  considerable  lenglh  by  Doctor  Wester- 
gaard,  and  doubtless,  to  some  readers,  this  will  prove  the  most 
interesting  new  fact  brought  to  their  attention.  We  have  to 
remember  that  Brandenburg  was  a  poor  country  in  the  seven- 
teenth century,  and  that  it  had  not  the  capital  or  the  means  to 
develop  a  colonial  power.  We  must  remember  also  that  it  had 
no  sea  power,  while  Denmark-Norway  was  one  of  the  great  sea 
powers,  on  account  of  its  extended  coast  line,  its  geographical 
position,  and  the  efficiency  of  its  sailors. 

Durmg  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  the  Danish 
West  Indies  passed  through  various  stages  of  prosperity  and 
failure,  and  were  at  times  profitable  to  the  Danish  Crown  and  to 
the  Danish  people,  and  at  other  times  a  drain  upon  their  re- 
sources. But  the  time  at  last  came,  in  the  nineteenth  century, 
when  there  was  no  more  profit  to  be  made  out  of  cane  sugar,  and 
the  Danish  Islands  definitely  declined.  The  abolition  of  the 
negro  slave  trade,  the  development  of  beet  sugar,  the  building 
up  of  larger  political  and  economic  units,  all  played  their  part 
in  decreasing  the  value  of  the  Danish  West  Indies  either  to 
Denmark  or  to  the  inhabitants  themselves.  The  same  depres- 
sion from  the  same  causes  was  to  be  seen  in  the  West  India 
possessions  of  other  European  countries.  Ever  since  the  aboli- 
tion of  negro  slavery,  the  English  West  Indies  have  been  profit- 
less. But  for  pride,  the  Danes  might  have  easily  abandoned 
their  West  India  possessions  many  years  ago.  But  pride  in 
their  past  is  pretty  strong  in  small  nationalities  that  have  once 
been  powers  in  the  world.  Denmark,  after  losing  Norway  in 
1814,  and  Schleswig-Holstein  in  1864,  became  a  very  small  na- 
tion indeed,  and  the  Danish  West  Indies  became  rather  a  burden 
than  anything  else.  Only  one  nation  in  the  world  desired  the 
possession  of  the  Danish  West  Indies,  and  that  not  for  economic 


xxiv  INTRODUCTION 

reasons.  I  think  that  it  can  be  asserted  that  neither  Great 
Britain  nor  France  would  have  taken  them  as  a  gift,  but  the 
United  States  of  America  has,  for  more  than  a  half  century,  de- 
sired the  harbor  of  St.  Thomas  for  strategic  reasons.  Porto 
Rico,  acquired  after  the  Spanish-American  War  in  1898,  had  no 
naval  base,  and  when  the  Panama  Canal  was  finally  untlertaken 
and  then  built,  it  became  worth  while  for  the  United  States  to 
look  again  towards  the  acquisition  of  St.  Thomas.  The  only 
argument  against  the  cession  of  the  Islands  was  historic  pride, 
and  in  these  days  of  European  crisis,  historic  pride  could  not 
stand  further  against  actual  need.  So  the  Danes  made  up  their 
minds  to  forget  that  they  had  been  a  West  India  power,  and  to 
the  great  delight  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Islands,  who,  as 
Doctor  Westergaard  points  out,  are  generally  not  Danes,  and  to 
sell  their  West  India  jjossessions  to  the  United  States  of  Amer- 
ica. It  might  be  imagined  that  some  patriotic  Danes  would 
feel  deeply  the  loss  of  the  Islands  as  signifying  the  passing  of  an 
historic  relic  of  the  Danish  past,  but  the  neglect  which  the 
Danish  people  have  shown  for  the  history  of  their  West  Indies, 
as  shown  in  Doctor  Westergaard's  statement  that  no  Danish 
scholar  has  written  the  history  of  the  Islands,  and  that  even  the 
most  valuable  primary  authorities  have  been  utterly  neglected, 
shows  that  the  feeling  of  historic  pride  has  not  gone  very  deep 
among  Danish  scholars.  At  any  rate,  it  should  be  noted  as  an 
interesting  fact,  that  the  first  history  of  the  Danish  West  Indies, 
written  from  primar^^  sources,  should  be  the  work  of  the  son  of  a 
Danish  family  which  immigrated  to  North  Dakota,  and  that  he 
should  have  received  his  historical  training  at  the  University  of 
California. 

II.  Morse  Stephens. 


THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 


THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES  UNDER 
COMPANY  RULE 

(1671-1754) 
introduction:  geographical  and  historical 

If  Belgium  has  been  described,  and  not  inaccurately,  as  "the 
cockpit  of  Europe,"  the  West  Indies  may  be  regarded  as  "the 
cockpit"  of  sea  power.  The  islands  and  mainland  of  the 
Caribbean  and  Gulf  regions  have  been  among  the  prizes  for 
which  European  states  have  contended  in  practically  every 
war  of  consequence  that  has  been  fought  during  the  seventeenth 
and  eighteenth  centuries. 

Just  why  Spaniards,  Frenchmen  and  Englishmen,  Dutchmen 
and  Danes,  Swedes  and  Brandenburgers,  and  even  Knights  of 
Malta  and  Courlanders,  should  all  at  one  time  or  another  have 
directed  their  energies  to  West  Indian  commerce  and  commer- 
cial exploitation  is  a  question  that  very  few,  beyond  a  limited 
number  of  specialists,  are  able  intelligently  to  answer.  The 
heterogeneous  character  of  the  West  Indian  political  map  of 
to-day  has  behind  it  an  interesting  story,  and  one  thoroughly 
worth  studying,  for  those  who  wish  to  grasp  understandingly  the 
reasons  for  European  interest  in  America  before  Spain  lost  her 
various  American  colonies  on  the  mainland.  So  far  as  the 
immediate  effects  upon  Europe  were  concerned,  the  beating 
back  of  the  Spanish  frontier  in  the  Caribbean  regions  by  Spain's 
commercial  rivals  was  far  more  important  at  the  time  than  the 
distant  frontier  struggles  of  Spaniards,  Frenchmen,  and  English- 
men on  the  mainland  of  America. 

The  present  study  is  an  attempt  to  separate  from  the  tangled 
skein  of  West  Indian  history  the  single  small  thread  that  con- 
cerns the  early  efforts  of  Denmark-Norway  to  establish  itself 
in  those  distant  regions.    It  is  an  attempt  to  explain  the  strange 

m 


2  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

fascination  tliat  drew  tlie  blonde  and  hardy  blue-eyed  traders 
and  sailors  from  the  cold  Baltic  shores  to  distant  tropical  regions 
where  the  bounties  of  Nature — it  must  often  have  seemed — only 
served  to  lure  the  newcomer  on  to  sickness  and  death. 

Denmark  possesses  three  small  islands  in  the  West  Indies; 
St.  Thomas.  St.  John,  and  St.  Croi.x.  With  the  exception  of  a 
few  months  in  ISOl  and  the  period  1807-1815,  when  England 
seized  tliem  to  prevent  their  being  of  use  to  Napoleon,  with 
whom  Denmark  was  to  all  intents  and  purposes  allied,  they 
have  since  remained  continuously  under  Danish  rule.  St. 
Thomas  was  first  permanently  settled  by  Danes  in  1672;  St. 
Jolui,  although  claimed  as  early  as  1683,  was  not  actually  settled 
until  1716-1717;  St.  Croix  was  purchased  from  France  in  1733, 
and  settled  by  colonists  from  the  other  two  islands  early  in  1735. 
Spasmodic  attempts  at  occupation  had  taken  place  before  by 
the  Dutch  and  English  on  St.  Thomas,  and  by  French,  Knights 
of  Malta,  and  miscellaneous  rovers  on  St.  Croix, 

The  total  area  of  the  three  islands  is  but  a  trifle  over  one 
hundred  and  thirty-two  square  miles,  or  about  three  and  a  half 
towTiships.  The  acreage  of  St.  Thomas  is  18,080;  of  St.  John, 
12,780.8,  and  of  St.  Croix,  53,913.6.^  At  its  greatest  length,  St. 
Thomas  extends  about  thirteen  and  three-fourths  miles  (22  km.), 
its  breadth  at  the  town  of  Charlotte  Amalia  is  but  one  and  one- 
half  miles  (2.3  km.),  and  its  greatest  width  three  and  three- 
fourths  miles  (6  km.).  The  two  northern  islands  form  part  of 
the  Virgin  island  group,  and  all  three  belong  to  the  group  still 
frequently  designated  as  the  Leeward  Islands.^  Together  they 
form  part  of  the  northwestern  extremity  of  that  "bow  of  Ulys- 
ses" constituting  the  Lesser  Antilles,  stretching  from  Porto 
Rico  to  the  east  and  then  southward  in  a  mighty  .sweep  of  seven 
hundred  miles,  ending  at  Trinidad  off  the  South  American  main- 
land.   With  the  Greater  Antilles  and  the  mainland,  they  enclose 

'  Eggers  (St.  Croix's  Flora,  p.  33).  gives  51,861  acres  for  St.  Croix.  The 
6gurcs  quoted  are  taken  from  The  National  Geographic  Magazine  for  July, 
1916.  p.  80. 

-  The  Loeward  Islands  include  the  Virgin  Islands,  St.  Christopher  (St.  Kitts), 
St.  Eu.statius,  .\ntigua,  Montscrrat,  Guadaloupe,  Martinique,  and  their  various 
dependencies. 


INTRODUCTION  3 

the  Caribbean  Sea,  which  is  separated  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
by  Cuba  and  the  peninsula  of  Yucatan. 

The  spectator  who  stands  in  clear  weather  above  Botany 
Bay  in  the  west  end  of  St.  Thomas  and  looks  westward  beyond 
the  little  islands  of  Culebra  and  Vieques  or  Crab  may  plainly  see 
Porto  Rico.  From  the  hills  that  command  St.  Thomas  harbor, 
the  observer  may  discern  St.  Croix  on  the  southern  horizon 
thirty-five  miles  away.  St.  John,  near  neighbor  to  St.  Thomas 
and  equally  mountainous,  is  less  than  three  miles  from  the 
eastern  end  of  that  island.  The  trip  from  Smith's  Bay,  St. 
Thomas,  to  Crux  Bay,  St.  John,  is  but  a  matter  of  an  hour  by 
rowboat  or  sail.  The  British  Virgin  Islands  lie  immediately  to 
the  eastward,  the  nearest  of  them,  Tortola,  being  but  twenty 
minutes  distant  by  rowboat  from  St.  John.  Like  the  rest  of  the 
entire  archipelago,  these  islands  are  of  volcanic  origin,  and  sub- 
ject to  frequent  earthquakes,'^  which  are  however  rarely  de- 
structive. The  two  islands,  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John,  rise  out 
of  the  same  plateau.  Between  them  and  St.  Croix  the  Caribbean 
Sea  deepens  to  15,000  feet.  Sail-boats  plying  between  St. 
Thomas  and  St.  Croix  must  be  extremely  cautious  during  the 
summer  months,  in  the  so-called  hurricane  season.  The  islands 
lie  directly  in  the  track  of  the  trade  winds  that  blow  down  from 
southwestern  Europe  and  Madeira.  This  was  the  reason  why 
they  were  among  the  first  lands  to  be  sighted  by  Columbus  on 
his  initial  voyage  westward. 

The  Spaniards  devoted  their  attention  to  the  larger  islands, 
and,  naturally  enough,  with  the  increasing  importance  of  the 
Spanish  trade,  the  lesser  islands  became  desirable  outposts  for 
those  nations  whose  traders  were  all,  by  Ifwful  means  or  with- 
out, to  gain  a  share  in  that  trade.  Of  such  islands  few  had  more 
natural  advantages  than  St.  Thomas.  Its  harbor  aflForded  pro- 
tection to  ships  in  all  but  the  severest  storms,  its  beaches  were 
admirably  suited  to  the  careening  and  overhauling  of  sailing 
vessels,*  and  it  was  easily  fortified  and  defended. 

*  During  a  period  of  five  and  one-half  years.  Dr.  Hornbech  noted  not  less  than 
thirty-three  quakes,  none  of  them  violent  (Bergsoe,  Den  danske  Slats  Statistik, 
IV,  579). 

*  See  Grigri  or  Gregerie  on  map  facing  p.  8,  just  west  of  harbor. 


4  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Besides  the  harbor,  St.  Thomas  has  along  its  coast  line  nu- 
merous smaller  indentations,  usually  referred  to  on  the  islands 
as  "bays,"  although  many  are  scarcely  more  than  landing 
places.  It  is  the  existence  of  such  bays  in  this  and  in  many 
other  West  Indian  islands  that  has  made  it  practically  im- 
possible in  the  past  for  officials  to  put  an  end  to  smuggling. 
Christian  Martfcldt,  a  Danish  economist  who  visited  the  islands 
about  1765,  listed  and  described  forty-five  such  "bays"  in  St. 
Thomas,  and  thirty -one  in  St.  John.  It  is  worthy  of  note  that  he 
considered  Coral  (Craal)  bay  in  St.  John  as  not  only  a  better 
harbor  than  the  one  in  St.  Thomas,  but  the  best  in  the  entire 
West  Indies.  It  is  in  fact  about  twice  as  deep,  and  can  hold 
about  twice  as  many  vessels."  But  St.  Thomas  harbor  has  al- 
ways been  quite  large  enough  to  accommodate  such  shipping  as 
came  to  it;  hence  the  harbor  of  St.  John,  with  perhaps  greater 
natural  advantages,  has  been  practically  ignored  in  favor  of 
that  of  St.  Thomas,  which  after  all  was  first  settled  and  lay 
closer  to  Porto  Rico. 

Ships  sailing  for  the  West  Indies  steered  for  the  islands  off  the 
west  African  coast,  whence  they  were  swept  on  their  way  south- 
westward  by  the  tradewinds.  The  journey  usually  occupied 
about  seven  or  eight  weeks,  although  under  particularly  favora- 
ble circumstances  it  might  be  made  in  four.  On  the  return  trip 
the  vessel  steered  north  and  west  of  its  outward  course,  passing 
as  a  rule  about  two  hundred  miles  to  the  east  of  the  Bermudas. 
The  usual  procedure  for  a  ship  from  Copenhagen  was  to  leave 
in  September  or  October  for  St.  Thomas,  remain  there  until  the 

^  "In  it  [Coral  Bay]  400  to  500  vessels  large  and  small  can  ride  at  anchor. 
It  has  various  suitable  landing  places  for  the  plantations  lying  round  about, 
separated  from  each  other  by  out-jutting  points  which  form  the  said  bays. 
Beside  the  6  English  families  mentioned  in  the  [appended]  table  there  arc  16 
others,  [which  he  names],  from  which  one  may  perceive  its  great  extent.  It  is, 
besides,  provided  with  a  beautiful  hurricane  'hole'  on  the  east  (north?)  side, 
where  40  to  50  vessels  and  more  may  lie  safe  against  storms  and  so  close  in  to 
the  shore  that  one  may  walk  ashore  on  a  board,  not  to  mention  those  that  can 
lie  in  the  'stream.'  In  this  hurricane  hole  ...  a  number  of  careening  places 
could  [easily]  be  constructed  .  .  .  where  vessels  could  conveniently  be  ca- 
reened." Martfeldt,  Samlinger  .  .  .  Vol.  III.  Cf.  Bryan  Edwards,  History 
of  the  British  Colonies  in  the  West  Indies,  I,  459:  "St.  John  is  of  importance  as 
having  the  best  harbor  of  any  island  to  the  leeward  of  Antigua." 


INTRODUCTION  5 

winter's  sugar  cane  crop  had  been  harvested,  boiled  down  and 
put  into  casks,  and  then  in  April  or  May  to  sail  for  home  with  a 
completed  cargo. 

Almost  from  the  first,  the  chief  product  of  the  islands  has 
been  sugar,  although  tobacco  and  cotton  have  played  an  im- 
portant part  in  the  economy  of  the  islands  at  certain  periods. 
Their  prosperity  as  plantation  colonies  has  always  been  pecu- 
liarly dependent  upon  the  rainfall.  St.  Thomas  in  particular 
has  ever  been  subject  to  severe  and  protracted  droughts,  and 
has  not  infrequently  suffered  from  torrential  downpours.  "We 
have  had  no  rain  for  six  months,  and  the  cane  is  drying  up  in  the 
fields,"  is  a  plaint  frequently  found  in  the  reports  of  governors. 
Nevertheless,  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  are  the  most  fertile  of 
the  Virgin  Islands, 

The  rains  are  on  the  whole  fairly  evenly  distributed  through 
the  seasons,  though  the  period  from  the  beginning  of  May  till 
the  close  of  November  is  more  subject  to  showers  than  the  winter 
months.  The  showers  are  usually  local  and  of  short  duration; 
hence  it  frequently  happens  that  one  plantation  may  have 
plenty  of  rain  while  its  neighbor  suffers  from  drought.^  Dr. 
Hornbech's  carefully  kept  meteorological  journal  shows  an 
average  annual  precipitation  for  St.  Thomas  of  43+  inches  for 
the  decade,  1828-1838.  On  St.  Croix,  Major  Lang  made  pains- 
taking observations  at  the  plantation  Eliza's  Retreat,  situated 
four  hundred  feet  above  sea  level  and  just  east  of  Christiansted, 
covering  the  period  1838  to  1861,  and  he  found  the  annual  rain- 
fall there  to  be  but  thirty-seven  and  six-tenths  inches,  Egger's 
calculations  for  the  whole  of  St,  Croix  for  the  years  1852  to  1873 
give  an  average  downpour  of  forty-four  and  forty-eight  one 
hundredths  inches,  indicating  a  fairly  uniform  rainfall  on  the 
smaller  islands,'^ 

The  species  of  calamity  that  strikes  deepest  terror  in  the 
heart  of  the  West  Indian  is  the  hurricane,  and  St,  Thomas  is 

"  In  Bergsoe  (IV,  571  el  seq.)  is  given  a  thorough  discussion  of  climatic  condi- 
tions on  the  Danish  islands  based  in  part  upon  the  observations  of  Dr.  Horn- 
bech  and  Prof.  Pedersen.    See  also  Baron  Eggers,  St.  Croix's  Flora,  pp.  41  et  seq. 

'  Eggers,  p.  46,  quotes  A.  S,  Oersted's  estimate  for  the  precipitation  in  the 
southern  part  of  Jamaica  as  forty-six  inches. 


6  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

one  of  those  islands  that  has  suffered  most  from  hurricanes. 
Tlie  custom  that  long  prevailed  on  the  Danish  islands,  of  setting 
aside  two  days  for  prayer,  one  on  June  25  and  the  other  on  Oc- 
tober 25,  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the  "hurricane  season," 
reflects  the  popular  fear  of  these  storms.  They  are  not  limited 
altogether  to  these  summer  months,  for  according  to  an  author- 
ity whose  work  is  dated  1853,  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight 
destructive  hurricanes  have  visited  the  West  Indies  during  the 
past  three  hundred  and  fifty-eight  years,  and  of  these,  eleven 
occurred  in  July,  forty  in  August,  twenty-eight  in  September, 
and  the  remaining  forty-nine  during  the  other  months.^ 

Besides  being  dangerous  to  human  life  on  land  and  sea,  they 
may  when  violent,  pull  the  roofs  off  the  houses,  uproot  trees, 
cast  vessels  in  the  harbors  high  up  on  the  beach,  and  completely 
demolish  the  growing  crops.  On  August  31,  1772,  St.  Croix  was 
visited  by  a  hurricane  which  was  described  in  the  local  news- 
paper^ as  the  "most  dreadful  Hurricane  known  in  the  memory 
of  man."  It  began  about  nightfall  and  "blew  like  great  guns, 
for  about  six  hours,  save  for  half  an  hour's  intermission."  The 
shipping  in  the  harbor  was  driven  ashore,  houses  everywhere 
were  shattered,  "the  whole  frame  of  nature  seemed  unhinged 
and  tottering  to  its  fall  .  .  .  terrifying  even  the  just,  for  who 
could  stand  undisturbed  amid  the  ruins  of  a  falling  world.  .  .  . 
A  few  such  events  would  ruin  us  in  temporals,  but  help  us  in 
spirituals,  and  make  us  fit  for  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven;  for  the 
Turk,  the  Jew,  the  Atheist,  the  Protestant,  and  Papist  would 
join  in  unanimous  prayer  to  appease  the  Lord  of  Hurri- 
canes." 

This  catastrophe,  which  cost  the  lives  of  seven  whites  and 
nine  negroes,  was  so  eloquently  described  in  a  letter  written 
by  a  young  counting  house  clerk  on  the  island,  Alexander 
Hamilton,  to  his  father,  that  attention  was  attracted  to  his 
ability  and  he  was  sent  to  King's  College,  New  York,  to  com- 
plete his  education.    The  letter  ^°  ran  as  follows : 

8  Bergsoe,  IV,  579,  note. 

'  Royal  Dani.ih  American  Gazette  (St.  Croix),  Sept.  9,  1772. 
'"  Ibid.,  Oct.  3,  1772.     Mra.  Gertrude  Atherton  in  A  few  of  Hamilton's  let- 
ters .  .  .  (New  York,  1903),  pp.  261  et  seq.,  quotes  this  letter  in  full. 


INTRODUCTION  7 

St.  Croix,  September  6,  1772. 
Honored  Sir, 

I  take  up  my  pen,  just  to  give  you  an  imperfect  account  of  one 
of  the  most  dreadful  hurricanes  that  memory  or  any  records 
whatever  can  trace,  which  happened  here  on  the  31st  ultimo  at 
night. 

It  began  about  dusk,  at  north,  and  raged  very  violently  till 
ten  o'clock. — Then  ensued  a  sudden  and  unexpected  interval, 
which  lasted  about  an  hour.  Meanwhile  the  wind  was  shifting 
round  to  the  south  west  point,  from  whence  it  returned  with  re- 
doubled fury  and  continued  till  nearly  three  in  the  morning. 
Good  God !  what  horror  and  destruction — it  is  impossible  for  me 
to  describe — or  you  to  form  any  idea  of  it.  It  seemed  as  if  a 
total  dissolution  of  nature  was  taking  place.  The  roaring  of 
the  sea  and  wind — fiery  meteors  flying  about  in  the  air — the 
prodigious  glare  of  almost  perpetual  lightning — the  crash  of 
falling  houses — and  the  earpiercing  shrieks  of  the  distressed, 
were  sufficient  to  strike  astonishment  into  Angels.  A  great 
part  of  the  buildings  throughout  the  island  are  levelled  to  the 
ground — almost  all  the  rest  very  much  shattered — several  per- 
sons killed  and  numbers  utterly  ruined — whole  families  roaming 
about  the  streets,  unknowing  where  to  find  a  place  of  shelter — 
the  sick  exposed  to  the  keenness  of  water  and  air — without  a 
bed  to  lie  upon — or  a  dry  covering  to  their  bodies — and  our 
harbors  entirely  bare.  In  a  word,  misery,  in  its  most  hideous 
shapes,  spread  over  the  whole  face  of  the  country. — A  strong 
smell  of  gunpowder  added  somewhat  to  the  terrors  of  the  night; 
and  it  was  observed  that  the  rain  was  exceedingly  salt.  Indeed 
the  water  is  so  brackish  and  full  of  sulphur  that  there  is  hardly 
any  drinking  it.  .  .  .  Our  General  has  issued  several  very 
salutary  and  humane  regulations,  and  both  in  his  public  and 
private  measures,  has  shown  himself  the  Man. 

Notwithstanding  these  occasional  stormy  visitations,  the  is- 
lands are  endowed  with  varied  and  interesting  plant  resources. 
Along  the  coast  line,  where  the  land  has  not  been  cleared,  is  a 
thick  belt  of  well-nigh  impenetrable  bush  and  trees  of  which  the 
manchilla  tree,  the  mangrove  and  the  cocoanut  palm  are  among 
the  most  striking.  The  cultivated  region  is  especially  adapted 
to  the  growing  of  sugar  cane,  although  the  hilly  eastern  third  of 
St.  Croix  has  had  in  times  past  a  considerable  acreage  devoted 
to  cotton.  The  forest  region  on  St.  Croix  lies  mainly  in  tiie 
eastern  third  where  croton  brush  covers  nearly  all  of  the  moun- 
tains except  an  occasional  patch  suitable  for  cotton  culture,  and 


8  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

the  belt  on  the  north  side  of  the  ridge  west  of  Salt  River,  where 
the  most  charcactcristic  growth  is  the  eriodendron,  or  silk  cotton 
tree.  On  St.  Thomas  the  croton  and  eriodendron  are  found 
chiefly  on  the  southern  slopes  of  the  ridge.  ^^  The  northern 
slopes  of  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  are  reputed  to  be  better 
suited  to  plantation  purposes  than  the  southern.  The  former 
island,  practically  a  submerged  fragment  of  mountain  ridge, 
varies  in  elevation  from  about  one  thousand  two  hundred  and 
fifty  feet  (380  meters)  near  the  west  to  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  to  two  hundred  and  fifty  feet  (45  to  75  meters)  at  its 
broader  eastern  extremity.  Settlers  seeking  plantation  ground 
had  first  to  find  a  piece  of  grassland,  if  possible,  or  ground  not 
too  thickly  covered  with  bush  or  forest.  Some  fustic,  pock- 
wood,  or  mahogany  was  not  objectionable,  for  the  dyewood 
often  made  a  profitable  ballast  for  a  sugar  and  tobacco  cargo, 
while  cabinet  and  building  woods  found  a  ready  market  in  the 
older  English  settlements  to  windward.  Despite  the  fact  that 
St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  were  but  poorly  adapted  to  plantation 
purposes  as  compared  with  St.  Croix,  which  was  the  last  island 
occupied  by  the  Danes,  St.  Thomas  had  acquired  a  prosperous 
planting  population  before  the  close  of  the  war  of  the  Spanish 
Succession  in  1713,  and  had  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  planta- 
tions by  the  time  St.  Croix  was  purchased  (1733);  while  St. 
John,  the  permanent  occupation  of  which  began  in  the  latter 
part  of  1716,  had  one  hundred  and  three  plantations  surveyed  or 
assigned  and  nearly  three-fourths  of  them  under  cultivation  at 
the  same  date.^^ 

The  severest  drawback,  especially  when  the  colony  was  new, 
was  the  inevitable  fever,  probably  mainly  malarial.  The  white 
inhabitants,  governors,  preachers,  planters,  seemed  helpless 
when  the  fever  was  rife;  and  epidemics  of  smallpox  frequently 
carried  off  great  numbers  of  slaves.  Newlj'^  arrived  settlers,  and 
particularly  recently  imported  soldiers,  of  whose  habitual 
drunkenness  the  governors  constantly  complained,  were  par- 

"  Eggers,  pp.  51  S.;  Borgesen  (Dansk  Vestindien),  pp.  601  ff.;  Borgesen  og 
Paulsen,  Om  V egetationen  paa  de  dansk-vestindislce  Oer,  pp.  69  ff. 

'^  Land  Lister  for  St.  Thomas  og  St.  Croix.  The  usual  size  of  a  plantation  was 
SOOO  X  2000  feet. 


INTRODUCTION  9 

ticularly  liable  to  attacks  of  fever,  which  carried  off  many  of 
them.  It  is  quite  likely  that  the  hookworm  took  its  toll  of 
victims. 

A  brief  resume  of  that  European  overseas  expansion  in  which 
Denmark -Norway  played  a  small  but  rather  interesting  part,  is 
necessary  to  the  understanding  of  how  that  state  came  to  be  a 
colonizing  power  at  all.  The  two  great  regions  which  became 
subject  to  European  commercial  and  colonial  expansion  as  a 
result  of  the  age  of  discovery  were,  broadly  speaking,  America 
and  the  coasts  of  southern  Asia  with  those  East  Indian  islands 
lying  to  the  southeast  beyond  the  Straits  of  Malacca.  To  the 
first  of  these  regions,  excepting  Brazil,  the  Spaniards  claimed 
exclusive  title,  while  the  Portuguese  laid  claim  to  Brazil  and  to 
those  East  Indian  localities  to  which  their  explorers  had  first 
discovered  the  sea  route,  and  which  were  for  a  time  to  make 
Lisbon  the  commercial  center  of  Europe.  Of  the  two  regions, 
the  Far  East  offered  at  first  far  better  opportunities  for  trade. 
The  Portuguese  merchants  found  there  peoples  of  a  relatively 
high  degree  of  civilization,  who  produced  a  surplus  of  goods 
beyond  their  needs.  The  Spaniards  on  the  other  hand  found  a 
nearly  virgin  land  peopled  by  savages  who  for  the  most  part 
had  only  the  most  rudimentary  ideas  of  trade.  Until  these  new- 
found lands  could  be  made  to  open  their  store  of  mineral  and 
agricultural  treasure,  they  would  seem  to  be  merely  an  obstacle 
that  blocked  the  way  to  the  real  India. 

But  colonization  was  promptly  begun  after  the  discovery,  and 
by  1580,  when  Philip  II  of  Spain  became  king  also  of  Portugal, 
the  Spaniards  had  made  large  settlements  in  the  New  World. 
The  wealth  of  Peruvian  and  Mexican  mines  had  begun  to  flow  to 
Spain,  and  the  news  of  that  wealth  to  Spain's  neighbors  in 
Europe.  The  Reformation  had  divided  Europe  into  two  armed 
camps.  Religious  feeling  intensified  political  and  commercial 
rivalries.  Protestant  England  under  Elizabeth  was  ready  to 
contest  with  Catholic  Spain  the  supremacy  of  the  sea;  while  the 
seven  northern  provinces  of  the  Low  Countries,  which  in  1579 
had  formed  the  Union  of  Utrecht  and  two  years  later  had  pro- 
claimed their  independence  from  Spain,  were  ready  to  assist  in 


10  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

breaking  that  commercial  monopoly  in  East  and  West  which 
was  now  made  doubly  dangerous  through  the  union  of  Spain 
and  Portugal.     The  Dutch  continued,  though  with  increasing 
difficulty,  to  carry  Far  Eastern  goods  from  Lisbon  to  the  ports 
of  northern  Europe.    When,  however,  in  1595  PhiUp  II  caused 
the  seizure  of  four  or  five  hundred  Holland  and  Zeeland  ships 
then  lying  in  Spanish  and  Portuguese  harbors,  it  was  clear  to 
the  Dutch  that  a  readjustment  of  their  commercial  methods 
must  take  place  before  they  could  hope  for  good  times.    Jan 
van  Linschoten  had  already  published  some  of  those  geograph- 
ical and  trade  secrets  long  jealously  guarded  by  the  Portuguese, 
and  on  April  2,  1595,  ten  rich  Amsterdam  merchants  sent  out  a 
fleet  to  the  East  Indies  under  Cornelis  Houtman.     Not  until 
July,  1597,  did  Houtman  return  to  Amsterdam  with  three  of  his 
four  ships  and  only  a  third  of  his  men,  and  with  a  small  cargo  for 
his  pains.     The  enterprise  cost  more  than  it  yielded,  but  it 
showed  that  with  good  fortune  larger  profits  might  be  expected. 
The  entering  wedge  had  been  driven  into  the  Portuguese 
monopoly.     Houtman's  voyage  was  followed  by  the  organiza- 
tion of  other  and  competing  Dutch  companies,  which  were 
finally  on  March  29,  1602,  merged  into  one  great  organization, 
the  Dutch  East  India  Company.     Meantime  Queen  Elizabeth 
had  followed  up  the  English  victory  over  the  Invincible  Armada 
in  1588,  when  the  hollowness  of  the  Spanish  naval  prestige  had 
been  decisively  demonstrated,  by  sending  an  expedition  under 
Captains  Raymond  and  Lancaster  in  1591  around  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  to  Cape  Comorin,  Ceylon  and  the  Malay  Peninsula. 
On  December  31,  1600,  the  Queen  granted  a  charter  to  "The 
Governor  and  Company  of  Merchants  of  London  Trading  to 
the  East  Indies,"  otherwise  known  as  the  London  East  India 
Company. ^^    The  organization  of  these  two  companies,  English 
and  Dutch,  was  followed  by  that  of  French,  Danish,  and  Swedish 
companies,  and  marked  the  beginning  of  the  end  of  Portuguese 
monopoly  in  East  Indian  regions." 

"This  is  not  to  be  confused  with  the  English  East  India  Company  incor- 
porated in  1698  and  amalgamated  with  the  above  company  in  1709.  C.  P. 
Lucas,  The  Mediterranean  and  Eastern  Colonies,  p.  189,  note. 

^*  A  good  working  list  of  commercial  companies  organized  in  Europe  from 


INTRODUCTION  11 

In  the  West  similar  attempts  were  made  to  break  the  hold 
of  Spain  on  the  New  World.  Even  before  the  destruction  of  the 
Armada,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  had  attempted  the  colonization  of 
Newfoundland  and  Virginia.  Not  until  the  reign  of  Elizabeth's 
successor  did  the  English  found  a  permanent  settlement,  when 
the  English  Virginia  Company  sent  out  an  expedition  which,  in 
spite  of  Spanish  protests,  settled  on  the  James  River.  These 
successes  emboldened  the  rivals  of  Spain  and  Portugal  in  East 
and  West  to  fresh  activities.  The  Dutch,  encouraged  by  the 
success  of  their  early  expeditions,  first  established  factories  at 
Bantam,  Amboyna,  and  other  places,  and  in  1619  proceeded  to 
the  conquest  of  the  province  of  Jacatra  in  Java.  As  early  as 
1612  they  had  begun  the  occupation  of  Ceylon  (at  Trinkomalee), 
though  they  did  not  finally  drive  the  Portuguese  from  the 
island  until  1658.^'^  By  1641  they  had  gained  control  of  the 
Straits  of  Malacca  and  had  become  supreme  in  the  Malay  seas.''' 
The  EngUsh  had  established  their  first  settlement  in  India  in 
1611,  and  organized  the  Presidency  of  Madras  in  1639.  Mean- 
while the  Danes,  through  their  East  India  Company,  organized 
in  1616,  had  founded  one  factory  at  Tranquebar  in  southern 
India  in  1618,  and  others  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ganges,  at 
Pipley  and  Balasor  shortly  thereafter,  while  Danish  ships 
navigated  as  far  as  the  Spice  Islands  in  search  of  cargoes." 

That  part  of  the  western  world  the  settlement  of  which  was 
calculated  to  affect  Spanish  trade  monopoly  most  vitally  was  the 
West  Indian  archipelago.  The  Spanish  treasure  fleets  which 
sailed  from  Porto  Bello  and  Vera  Cruz  were  obliged  to  pass  some 
of  these  islands  in  crossing  the  Caribbean  Sea  or  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico.  The  occupation  of  these  islands  was  one  of  the  surest 
means  by  which  Spain's  enemies  could  gratify  their  cupidity, 
and  it  gave  them  a  base  for  other  activities  of  a  more  strictly 
commercial  nature.  The  Bermudas,  situated  near  the  route 
1554  to  1698  is  given  by  E.  P.  Cheyney  in  European  Background  of  American 
History.  137-139. 

^'  Lucas,  The  Mediterranean  and  Eastern  Colonies,  102. 
"  Keller,  Colonization,  41G. 

'^  See  Kay  Larsen,  De  dansk-ostindiske  Koloniers  Historie  (Kobenhavn,  1908), 
for  a  detailed  account  of  Danish  activities  in  the  East  Indies.  The  factory  at 
Pipley  was  established  in  1625. 


12  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

used  for  the  return  trip  to  Europe  from  the  Spanish  Main  and 
the  islands,  were  settled  by  the  English  in  1609-1616.18  The 
first  footholds  gained  by  the  English  in  the  West  Indies  them- 
selves were  in  Barbados,  just  east  of  the  Windward  Islands,  and 
in  St.  Christopher  (or  St.  Kitts)  in  the  Leeward  group.  These 
two  islands  became  centers  of  English  influence  and  settlement 
in  the  West  Indies.  From  St.  Kitts,  which  was  occupied  jointly 
by  French  and  English  in  1625,  English  settlers  went  in  1628  to 
Nevis  and  Barbuda,  and  in  1632  to  Antigua  and  Montserrat,  all 
of  them  islands  belonging  to  the  Leeward  group.  The  Dutch 
took  joint  possession  of  St.  Croix  with  the  English  in  1625,  and 
seven  years  later  stationed  themselves  in  St.  Eustatius,  a  tiny 
island  some  half  score  miles  to  the  northwest  of  St.  Kitts,  and 
in  Tobago,  near  Trinidad.  Pushing  down  closer  to  the  Spanish 
Main  and  nearer  to  the  isthmus  of  Panama,  they  occupied  the 
island  of  Curasao,  lying  near  the  entrance  to  the  guH'  of  Ven- 
ezuela, in  1634.  Saba,  an  islet  near  St.  Eustatius,  was  occupied 
in  1640.19 

The  outlook  for  profitable  trade  in  the  West  Indies  had  led  the 
Dutch  to  organize  in  1621  a  West  India  company  which  was  to 
become  an  Important  factor  in  the  struggle  of  the  Dutch  state 
with  Spain.  The  next  nation  to  found  a  West  India  company 
was  the  French,  which,  under  the  encouragement  of  Richelieu, 
formed  in  1626  the  Company  of  St.  Christopher.^  This  was 
reorganized  in  1635  under  the  name  of  the  Company  of  the  Isles 
of  America.  In  the  latter  year  the  company  began  the  settle- 
ment of  Guadaloupe,  while  a  group  of  settlers  from  St.  Kitts 
established  themselves  at  Martinique  at  about  the  same  time.-^ 
Tortuga,  or  la  Tortue,  a  little  island  off  the  north  coast  of  His- 
paniola  (San  Domingo)  was  likewise  colonized  by  Protestant 
settlers  from  St.  Kitts  who  in  1640  joined  a  few  Frenchmen  who 
had  attempted  settlement  before  but  had  been  disturbed  by 
Spaniards.  Some  Frenchmen  who  had  been  driven  from  St. 
Kitts  by  Spaniards  in  1629  had  settled  on  the  north  coast  of 

^*  Lucas,  II,  7  et  .leq. 

»  Ibid..  II,  Sec.  II,  Ch.  1,  passim. 

^^  Mims,  Colbert's  West  India  Policy,  p.  15. 

21  Ibid.,  Se3,  26,  27. 


INTRODUCTION  13 

San  Domingo,  where  they  remained  a  small  buccaneering  and 
fihbustering  colony  until  the  time  of  Colbert.^^ 

During  this  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  sugges- 
tion for  the  formation  of  a  West  India  company  came  up  both 
in  England  and  Denmark,  but  without  tangible  result  in  either 
case.  English  commercial  companies  were  directing  their  chief 
attentions  in  America  to  the  Atlantic  and  Caribbean  main- 
land,-^ while  Denmark,  which  had  already  entered  the  East 
India  field,  was  forced  to  neglect  that  for  a  considerable  period 
on  account  of  more  urgent  affairs  nearer  home.  Not  until  the 
century  was  nearly  three-fourths  past  was  the  latter  state  able 
to  devote  itself  seriously  to  American  trade  and  coloniza- 
tion. 

But  what  was  this  Danish  state,  that  could  thus  presume  to 
seek  a  share  of  the  world's  newly  opened  commerce,  that  had 
won  a  Hapsburg  princess  for  one  of  its  kings,  that  could  venture 
to  send  a  prince  to  sue  for  the  hand  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  that 
had  furnished  an  asylum  for  Bothwell  on  the  death  of  Mary 
Stuart  and  a  queen  for  James  VI  of  Scotland,  and  that  had  had  a 
king  who  had  become  for  a  time  the  recognized  leader  of  Prot- 
estant Europe.''  After  the  gi*eat  outburst  of  activity  in  the 
Viking  Age,  when  the  Northmen  succeeded  for  a  brief  period 
in  maintaining  a  North  Sea  empire,  the  Scandinavian  lands  had 
passed  through  a  period  of  strife  with  north  German  princes  and 
between  local  rulers.  Out  of  this  welter  of  conflict  arose  the 
Union  of  Kalmar  (1397)  with  Queen  Margaret  as  the  sole  mon- 
arch of  the  three  kingdoms  of  Denmark,  Norway,  and  Sweden. 
This  union  lasted  with  few  interruptions  until  Sweden  broke 
away  under  the  leadership  of  Gustav  Eriksson  (Gustavus  Vasa) 
in  1523.  During  this  period  of  a  century  and  a  quarter,  a 
desperate  struggle  with  the  Hanseatic  League  for  the  control  of 
the  Baltic  and  the  North  Sea  had  retarded  the  development  of 
commerce  and  sea  power  in  the  three  kingdoms.  Denmark  had 
long  been  the  chief  enemy  of  the  League,  and  had  been  forced  to 
see  Bergen  arise  as  a  rival  to  Copenhagen,  although  Bergen  was 
located  in  a  land  closely  united  to  the  Danish  crown.    Not  until 

22  Mims,  Colbert's  West  India  Policy,  p.  29. 
2^  The  Guinea  Company  was  formed  in  1609. 


14  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

the  reign  of  King  Hans  (  +  1513),  was  Denmark  able  to  meet  the 
Hanseatic  League  in  battle  on  an  even  footing  and  to  curb  its 
privileges  in  Scandinavian  cities.  It  was  King  Hans'  chief 
glory  that  he  furnished  Denmark  with  a  fleet  and  made  her  once 
more  a  sea  power.^^ 

The  last  ruler  to  hold  the  scepter  of  the  three  kingdoms, 
Ciiristian  H,  succeeded  through  the  help  of  his  uncle,  Frederick 
the  Wise  of  Saxony,  in  negotiating  a  marriage  with  the  mighty 
house  of  Hapsburg.  His  queen,  Elizabeth  (Isabella)  of  Bur- 
gundy, whom  he  married  on  August  12,  1514,  was  a  sister  of  the 
Archduke  Charles,  who  ascended  the  imperial  throne  in  1519 
as  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth.  The  king  continued  the 
fight  which  he  had  begun  while  prince,  with  Liibeck  and  the 
other  Hanseatic  cities,  in  his  attempt  to  make  Copenhagen  a 
staple  city  for  the  Baltic  trade.  After  the  suppression  of  a 
Swedish  uprising  (1520)  marked  by  the  bloody  "massacre  of 
Stockholm,"  the  king  called  certain  Danish  and  Swedish  mer- 
chants into  a  conference  at  Stockholm  with  the  idea  of  estab- 
lishing a  great  northern  commercial  company  with  Copenhagen 
and  Stockholm  as  the  leading  centers.  It  was  planned  to  have 
smaller  distributing  centers  in  Finland  and  the  Netherlands, 
after  the  fashion  of  the  Hanseatic  League,  which  it  was  Chris- 
tian's design  to  crush.  The  king  was  even  intending  to  send  one 
of  his  captains,  Soren  (or  Severin)  Norby,  to  Greenland  and 
"India"  (i.  e.,  America)  in  search  of  a  direct  passage,-^  but  be- 
fore he  could  bring  his  plans  to  fruition,  Gustav  Eriksson  had 
led  the  uprising  in  Sweden  which  resulted  in  the  breakup  of  the 
Union  of  Kalmar  and  the  accession  of  the  rebel  leader  in  1523  as 
King  of  Sweden  under  the  title  of  Gustavus  I  (Vasa).  In  the 
general  crash  Christian  lost  his  throne,  and  plans  for  American 
exploration  were  not  seriously  considered  until  nearly  a  century 
later. 

Meanwhile  the  feeling  of  nationality  was  gradually  develop- 
ing in  Denmark.  During  the  reign  of  Christian  II  the  humanis- 
tic movement  had  already  gained  considerable  headway.    The 

2'  Danmarks  Riges  Historie  (Kobenhavn,  1897-1907,  6  v.).  Ill  (a),  133  (cited 
hereafter  as  D.  R.  H.). 

«  D.  R.  H.,  Ill  (a),  192,  246. 


INTRODUCTION  15 

university  of  Copenhagen  (founded  1479)  was  reorganized  in 
accordance  with  the  new  ideas.  The  introduction  of  the  printing 
press  into  Denmark  make  possible  the  rapid  spread  of  new 
ideas.  The  printing  of  the  rimed  chronicle  of  the  Danish 
kings,  den  danske  Rimkrbnike,  in  1495,'-®  of  Saxo's  history  and 
the  like,  stimulated  national  pride.  In  his  triumphal  visit  to  the 
Netherlands  in  July,  1521,  the  king  had  come  in  contact  with 
Dutch  culture,  had  met  leading  Dutch  thinkers  and  workers, 
and  in  conversation  with  Erasmus  of  Rotterdam  had  shown  a 
certain  sympathy  for  Luther.-^  Christian  Pedersen,  a  close 
personal  friend  of  the  king,  became  a  leader  in  the  humanistic 
movement  and  an  exponent  of  Lutheranism.  A  history  of 
Denmark  from  earliest  times  to  1474,  when  Christian  I  visited 
Rome,  was  partly  finished  by  Pedersen,  but  was  not  printed  un- 
til our  own  time.  Its  pages  show  that  through  this  period  of  re- 
adjustment to  new  conditions,  Denmark,  or  Denmark-Norway, 
as  the  state  was  properly  called  after  Sweden  achieved  its  in- 
dependence, was  becoming  conscious  of  itself.  Of  this  new 
feeling  of  solidarity,  of  national  consciousness,  the  Lutheran 
reformation  was  at  once  a  phase  and  a  symbol. 

The  sixteenth  century  in  Denmark-Norway  was  nevertheless 
an  age  of  economic  dechne.  That  state  had  indeed  gained  com- 
plete control  of  the  entrance  to  the  Baltic,  but  its  energies  were 
spent  in  internal  disorders,  in  feuds  between  the  nobles,  and  in 
powerful  peasant  uprisings.  This  decline  is  strikingly  shown  in  a 
negative  way  by  the  fact  that  the  number  of  Netherlands  ships 
that  passed  through  the  Sound  increased  from  five  hundred  and 
forty-three  in  1528  to  two  thousand  eight  hundred  and  ninety- 
two  in  1563.  But  as  long  as  Denmark^retained  control  of  the 
Sound  it  was  a  power  to  be  reckoned  with.  In  the  reign  of 
Frederick  II  (1559-1588),  when  Spain  and  England  were  pre- 
paring for  their  great  naval  duel,  the  Spanish  ambassador  to 
Sweden  actually  suggested  to  Philip  II  that  he  direct  an  attack 
against  Elsinore  and  Helsingborg,  in  order  to  wrest  the  Baltic 

^  This  was  the  first  printed  Danish  book,  and  came  from  the  press  of  Gotfred 
of  Ghemen,  a  Dutchman,  who  established  the  first  printing  shop  in  Denmark. 
D.  R.  H.,  Ill  (a),  224. 

"Ibid. 


16  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

trade  from  the  English  and  the  Dutch.^  Denmark's  position  in 
the  North  makes  it  possible  to  understand  how  Frederick  II 
could  venture  to  join  the  ranks  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  suitors,  and 
how  James  VI  of  Scotland  should  be  led  there  to  seek  his 
bride. 
'By  the  time  the  young  king,  Christian  IV,  came  of  age,"'^ 
Denmark  was  recovering  from  the  turbulent  fever  of  the  Ref- 
ormation. Its  resources  were  not  strong  enough,  however,  to 
enable  it  to  take  part  with  the  Dutch  and  the  English  in  break- 
ing the  monopoly  of  the  Portuguese  and  Spanish  in  the  Far 
East.  Denmark  was  destined  to  play  but  a  secondary  part  in 
the  history  of  those  regions,  but  the  fact  that  it  was  able  to 
play  a  part  at  all  was  due  very  largely  to  the  vigorous  policy  of 
Christian  IV  and  his  advisers,  who  knew  how  to  make  the  most 
of  the  growing  feeling  of  nationaHty  in  the  Danish-Norwegian 
state.  To  be  sure,  the  state  still  lacked  in  large  measure  two 
essentials  for  successful  trade;  the  right  kind  of  men,  and  plenty 
of  money.  This  deficiency  Christian  IV  hoped  to  supply  from 
the  Protestant  Netherlands,  which  in  the  beginning  of  his 
reign,  were  still  engaged  in  the  struggle  for  their  independence 
from  Spain.  As  early  as  1607  he  sent  a  capable  envoy,  Jonas 
Charisius,  to  Amsterdam  to  encourage  Dutchmen,  artisans  as 
well  as  capitalists,  to  come  to  Denmark  to  live.^°  Despite  their 
war  with  Spain,  the  Dutch  did  not  flock  to  Denmark  in  very 
great  numbers,  but  enough  came  to  affect  profoundly  the 
commercial  development  of  the  country,  as  will  presently 
appear. 

The  king's  keen  interest  in  exploration  and  the  development 
of  trade  led  to  the  sending  of  three  expeditions  to  Greenland  in 
1605,  1606,  and  1607.=^'  The  first  two  succeeded  in  landing  on 
the  west  coast,  but  failed  to  find  any  trace  of  the  lost  colonies, 

28  D.  R.  E.,  Ill  (b),  222. 

^^  Christian  IV  was  bom  in  1577,  was  proclaimed  king  under  a  council  of 
regency  on  the  death  of  his  father  in  1588,  and  assumed  the  government  in 
his  own  name  in  1596. 

'"  In  1521,  Christian  II  had  given  over  the  httle  island  of  Amager  near  Copen- 
hagen to  184  Dutch  families  who  were  brought  in  to  encourage  gardening. 
D.  R.  H.,  Ill  (a).  245. 

''  C.  C.  A.  Gosch,  Danish  Arctic  Expeditions,  I  (Hakluyt  See). 


INTRODUCTION  17 

which  was  part  of  their  errand.  These  colonies  had  been  planted 
in  the  Viking  Age,^'^  but  Denmark  had  had  no  communication 
with  them  since  the  Black  Death  in  the  fourteenth  century. 
It  was  the  King's  desire  to  reestablish  the  dominion  of  the 
Danish-Norwegian  crown  over  these  regions.  In  1619  the 
search  for  the  northwest  passage  to  India,  which  had  been 
proposed  in  the  reign  of  Christian  II,  was  actually  attempted  by 
the  famous  Jens  Munk,  whose  Navigationes  septentrionales  has 
become  one  of  the  classics  of  North  Atlantic  exploration.  Jens 
Munk  had  been  suggested  as  captain  of  that  fleet  which  the 
newly  organized  Danish  East  India  Company  sent  out  from 
Copenhagen  on  November  29,  1618,  to  sail  around  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  for  the  East  Indies;  but  he  seems  to  have  been 
unable  to  come  to  terms  with  the  company,  in  the  establishment 
of  which  he  had  been  interested.  Instead  he  ventured  out  from 
the  Danish  capital  on  May  9,  1619,  with  two  ships,  the  Unicorn 
with  a  crew  of  forty-eight  and  the  Lamprey  with  sixteen  men. 
After  passing  through  the  Hudson  Strait,  they  sailed  south- 
westward  over  Hudson's  Bay,  waters  that  had  been  crossed  so 
far  as  is  known  only  by  the  discoverer  Henry  Hudson,  by  Cap- 
tain Thomas  Button  in  1612-1613,  and  possibly  by  Hawkridge 
in  1617.  They  wintered  at  the  mouth  of  the  Churchill  River 
and  after  fearful  sufferings  from  cold  and  scurvy,  the  captain 
and  two  other  survivors  arrived  on  the  Norway  coast  in  the 
Unicorn  on  September  21,  1620.^^  After  so  severe  a  disappoint- 
ment, the  expedition  that  had  been  planned  for  the  following 
year  was  given  up. 

The  most  lasting  contribution  of  Christian  IV  to  overseas 
commerce  was  the  chartering  of  the  Danish  East  India  Com- 
pany in  1616.  The  prime  movers,  besides  Jens  Munk,  were 
two  Dutchmen,  John  de  Willom  of  Amsterdam  and  Herman 
Rosencrantz  of  Rotterdam.  The  fact  that  the  Danish  factory 
at  Tranquebar  in  India  was  kept  alive  at  all  during  the  early 
years  of  the  company  was  due,  more  than  to  any  other  cause,  to 
the  skill  and  perseverance  of  the  second  governor,  Roland 
Crappe,  a  Dutchman  by  birth,  who  directed  the  factory  from 

'^  Erik  the  Red  discovered  and  settled  Greenland  in  985. 
^*  C.  C.  A.  Gosch,  Danish  Arctic  Explorations,  II. 


18  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

1621  to  1636."^  In  organizing  this  company  the  Danes  were 
following  closely  in  the  footsteps  of  the  Dutch,  whose  great 
company  had  already  scored  some  conspicuous  successes.  So 
long  as  states  did  not  possess  navies  strong  or  numerous  enough 
to  patrol  distant  as  well  as  home  waters,  the  plan  employed  to 
secure  reasonable  safety  for  trading  vessels  was  for  merchants 
to  band  themselves  together  in  joint-stock  companies  under 
liberal  charters  from  the  crown  and  then  send  out,  when  neces- 
sary, whole  merchant  fleets,  properly  armed,  to  Muscovy  or 
Turkey,  to  India  or  Cathay.  These  companies  became  the 
instruments  by  which  states  fought  each  other  openly  or  by 
intrigue  for  the  control  of  the  foreign  trade  of  alien  lands.  The 
custom  of  issuing  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  had  become 
prevalent  in  the  wars  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Privately  owned 
vessels  were  thereby  permitted  to  make  seizures  of  enemies' 
ships.  Hence  trade  by  means  of  single  private  vessels  became 
exceedingly  unsafe. 

Danish  merchants  organized  other  companies  for  trade  nearer 
home.  A  company  organized  in  1619  secured  a  monopoly  of  the 
trade  with  Iceland.^^  The  salt  and  wine  trade  with  Spain  and 
France  had  suffered  so  severely  from  captures  and  lack  of 
capital  that  the  king,  again  taking  his  cue  from  the  Dutch, 
decided  to  have  the  trade  carried  on  by  a  large  number  of  com- 
panies with  seats  to  be  located  in  the  various  cities  of  the  king- 
dom, that  should  serve  as  distributing  centers.  It  was  hoped  to 
produce  a  merchant  fleet  that  would  be  of  service  in  defence,  but 
the  plan  failed,  and  with  its  failure  the  whole  scheme  of  govern- 
mentally  encouraged  commercial  companies  received  a  serious 
setback.^® 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  in  this  period  of  commercial 
activity,  in  which  the  king  plays  a  leading  part,  we  hear  for  the 
first  time  of  proposals  for  a  Danish  West  India  Company,  They 
come  as  one  might  expect,  from  a  Dutchman,  in  fact  from  that 
John  de  Willom  who  had  helped  in  the  organization  of  the  East 
India  Company.    On  January  25,  1625,  he  received  permission 

3<  K.  Larsen,  I,  14  et  seq..  170. 
"  D.  R.  B..  IV.  104. 
36  Jbid..  105,  109. 


INTRODUCTION  19 

to  establish  a  company  which  should  have  for  a  term  of  eight  years 
the  privilege  of  trade  with  the  West  Indies,  Brazil,  Virginia,  and 
Guinea.^^    Nothing  is  known  to  have  come  of  the  venture. 

The  extent  of  Christian  IV's  commercial  plans  is  strikingly 
illustrated  by  his  foundation  of  cities.  In  1616  he  had  begun  the 
building  of  Gliickstadt,  on  the  Elbe,  with  the  intention  of  making 
it  a  rival  of  Hamburg.  In  1624  he  compelled  the  inhabitants  of 
Oslo  in  Norway  to  move  into  the  newly  planned  city  of  Chris- 
tiania,  named  in  the  king's  honor,  a  city  that  was  to  become  a 
rival  to  Bergen,  which  had  lost  its  Hanseatic  privileges  in 
1559. -^^  But  just  as  conditions  appeared  to  favor  the  rapid 
development  of  Danish  commerce  in  new  fields,  Christian  de- 
cided to  take  a  hand  in  settling  the  religious  strife  in  Germany. 
The  intervention  of  the  king  as  champion  of  the  German  prot- 
estant  princes  and  head  of  the  Lower  Saxon  Circle  of  the  Em- 
pire came  to  an  inglorious  end  (peace  of  Liibeck,  May  22,  1629) 
and  reacted  unfavorably  upon  commercial  conditions  in  the 
kingdom.  The  East  India  Company  was  reorganized  in  1634 
and  a  Greenland  company  formed  in  1636,  but  the  results  seem 
to  have  been  exceedingly  meager. '^^ 

Peace  with  her  neighbors,  particularly  with  Sweden  and  the 
Netherlands,  was  the  chief  condition  on  which  the  prosperity  of 
Denmark-Norway  rested.  Her  selfish  policy  with  regard  to  the 
navigation  of  the  Sound  drove  the  Netherlands  into  an  alliance 
with  Sweden  (1640)  which  was  to  last  for  fifteen  years.  At  the 
instance  of  Axel  Oxenstierna,  Sweden  declared  war  against 
Denmark  in  1643.  As  a  result  of  aid  extended  by  Dutch  ships 
and  the  threat  of  Dutch  intervention  in  Sweden's  behalf,  Den- 
mark was  forced  in  1645  to  conclude  a  peace  at  Bromsebro  in 

''  De  Willom  had  in  1616  with  the  assistance  of  Jens  Munk  organized  a  com- 
pany to  undertake  whale  fishing  on  the  Greenland  coast;  in  1623  he  had  taken 
over  the  royal  silk  weaving  factory  in  Copenhagen  from  the  king.  He  is  buried 
in  the  cemetery  of  Nicolaj  church,  Copenhagen.  D.  R.  H.,  IV,  104.  V.  Chris- 
tensen,  Historiske  Meddeleser  om  Kjobenhavn,  II,  420. 

'8  D.  R.  H.,  IV,  97,  98. 

''Two  ships  were  sent  out  to  Greenland  in  1036,  and  mention  is  made  by 
Thaarup  of  "an  unfortunate  voyage  undertaken  by  Commander  Kirk  Albertz 
in  the  year  1639."  Vejledning  til  del  danske  monarchies  Statistik  (Kjobenhavn, 
1794),  II,  365. 


20  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

which  she  made  important  concessions  concerning  the  Sound 
duties.  This  was  the  beginning  of  Denmark's  actual  decHne  as 
a  Baltic  power. 

Immediately  on  the  accession  of  Charles  X  as  king  of  Sweden 
in  1654  began  that  series  of  wars  which  involved  Sweden  in 
struggles  with  Poland,  Brandenburg,  the  Empire,  Russia,  and 
Denmark,  and  which  finally  ended,  so  far  as  the  last  named  state 
was  concerned,  in  her  humiliation  by  the  peace  of  Copenhagen 
(1660).  Denmark  lost  the  three  southern  provinces  of  the  Swed- 
ish peninsula,  Scania,  Hailing,  and  Bleking,  as  well  as  her  lord- 
ship over  the  Sound.  In  this  strenuous  period,  when  the  Danes 
were  fighting  for  their  very  existence  as  a  nation,  they  had  no 
means  or  energy  to  devote  to  commerce  with  distant  lands. 
During  the  lull  between  the  two  Swedish  wars,  however,  Henry 
Miiller,  chief  of  the  Copenhagen  customs  house  and  a  man  of 
extensive  manufacturing  and  trading  interests,  sent  expeditions 
to  Greenland  in  1652  and  1653. ^"^  In  the  later  year  Frederick  III 
granted  privileges  to  certain  "participants"  to  engage  in  West 
Indian  trade.  It  was  a  grant,  as  the  royal  letter  reads,  "to  our 
subjects  who  have  already  sailed  to  the  Caribbean  islands  in  the 
West  Indies  in  a  recent  year,  and  who  now  desire  with  such 
other  shareholders  as  may  join  them  to  sail  again  to  these 
islands."  The  privileges  had  mainly  to  do  with  Sound  and 
harbor  dues  and  had  nothing  to  say  of  occupation  of  any  terri- 
tory.^^ The  results  were  at  first  exceedingly  meager.  It  appears 
that  in  1654,  the  year  that  Charles  X  began  his  martial  career, 
eleven  ship  owners  from  Elsinore  ventured  to  send  a  single 
ship  to  the  West  Indies. ^^ 

Though  the  beginnings  were  small  and  early  efforts  timid,  the 
possibilities  of  the  Guinea- West  Indies  trade  loomed  large.    It 

*"  No  further  expeditions  appear  to  have  visited  Greenland  until  Hans  Egede 
went  there  to  establish  his  famous  mission  in  1721.  Thaaruj),  36.5.  The  Dutch 
had  organized  a  Greenland  company  as  early  as  1614,  but  apparently  made  no 
attempt  at  settlement.    Bergsoe,  Den  danske  Stats  Statistik,  IV,  507. 

"  No.  73,  Sjcell.  aahne  Breve,  Apr.  29.  1662  (Indlwg). 

*^  Mads  Mortensen,  Joh.  Hansen,  Lambert  Ebbesen,  Jac.  Albertsen,  Isbrandt 
V.  Holten,  Hans  Jensen,  Joan  Wilders,  and  Hans  Hansen,  Herm.  Voogt, 
Berendt  Willumsen,  and  Jan  Hein.  No.  73,  Sjwll.  aahne  Brere,  Apr.  29,  1662 
(Indlceg,  Mar.  5,  1653). 


INTRODUCTION  21 

was  not  long  before  the  scene  of  Danish-Swedish  rivalry  was 
shifted  from  the  Baltic  Sea  to  the  coast  of  Guinea  in  Western 
Africa.  Just  as  the  Portuguese  monopoly  in  the  East  Indies 
gradually  crumbled  before  the  onslaughts  of  skippers  with 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and  of  companies  with  royal 
charters  sailing  under  the  Dutch,  English,  French,  or  Danish 
flag,  so  had  the  Portuguese  monopoly  of  the  African  slave  trade 
been  broken  into,  first  by  the  English,  of  whom  John  Hawkins 
stands  as  a  type,  and  later  by  Dutch,  French,  and  Courlanders, 
and  in  1614  by  the  Swedes.  Negro  slaves  were  in  chief  demand 
among  the  Spanish  planters  on  the  mainland  of  America  and  the 
larger  islands,  where  the  use  of  native  labor  had  threatened  the 
extermination  of  the  Indians  and  the  Caribs.  The  Swedes  had 
built  their  Guinea  factory  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cabo  Corso  or 
Cape  Coast,  where  they  seem  to  have  displaced  the  Portuguese.''^ 
During  the  war  of  1657-1658  with  Denmark,  the  Swedish  factor, 
one  Henry  Carloff,  turned  traitor  and  went  into  the  Danish 
service  as  a  privateer,  and  captured  the  chief  factory,  called 
Carolusberg.  Although  forced  to  give  up  this  place,  the  Danes 
secured  other  places  near  at  hand  where  they  built  the  forts  of 
Fredericksborg  and  Christiansborg.  An  African  company  with 
headquarters  at  GlUckstadt  appears  to  have  been  established 
without  delay  (1659),  though  the  extent  of  its  activities  is  not 
yet  known.  There  was  some  trading  by  private  Danish  adven- 
turers who  took  cargoes  of  slaves  from  Guinea  to  the  Spanish 
American  colonies  early  in  Frederick  Ill's  reign. ''^ 

In  the  realm  of  political  history  the  most  important  event 
in  Frederick's  time  (1648-1670)  was  the  establishment  of  the 
absolute  monarchy,  probably  the  most  thoroughgoing  abso- 
lutism that  Europe  has  ever  seen.  Recent  events  had  demon- 
strated the  necessity  for  unified  and  eflScient  action,  and  cer- 

^'  Lucas,  III,  67. 

^^  On  17  Nov.,  1653,  Jens  Lassen,  a  treasury  clerk  and  merchant,  with  certain 
associates,  petitioned  Philip  IV  for  permission  to  carry  on  a  trade  with  Spanish 
America  in  Guinea  slaves.  The  Spanish  ambassador  in  Copenhagen,  the  Count 
of  Rebolledo,  had  favored  the  grant  on  the  ground  that  if  the  king  refused,  the 
trade  would  no  doubt  still  take  place.  He  reported  that  all  the  northern  lands 
traded  with  the  Spanish  colonies.  E.  Gigas,  Grev  Bernardino  de  Rebolledo  .  .  . 
(Kjobenhavn,  1883),  pp.  181,  377. 


22  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

tainly  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  a  more  "efficient"  government 
than  an  absolute  monarchy  under  a  capable  despot.  Since  it 
was  not  until  this  reorganization  of  government  had  taken  place 
that  the  state  assumed  a  leading  and  consistent  part  in  en- 
couraging commerce  and  industry,  a  brief  summary  of  what 
happened  in  1660  will  he  appropriate. 

There  was  felt  a  crying  need,  especially  by  the  peasantry, 
for  a  new  order,  and  the  nobility  was  held  mainly  responsible  for 
existing  oppressive  conditions.  It  was  in  fact  chiefly  upon  the 
peasants  and  burghers,  assisted  to  some  extent  by  the  clergy, 
that  the  king  depended  in  putting  through  his  coup  d'etat.  For 
government  by  the  king  and  estates,  was  substituted  govern- 
ment by  the  king  alone,  who  delegated  a  large  part  of  his  work  to 
colleges  or  boards  appointed  by  himself.  Some  of  these  as  the 
Privy  Council  (Rigsraadet) ,  a  remnant  of  the  old  order,  the 
Council  of  State  (Statskollegiet),  and  the  Board  of  Trade  (Kom- 
merce-kollegiet),  were  advisory;  others,  as  the  Danish  and  Ger- 
man chanceries  and  the  treasury  board  (Skatkammerkollegiet) , 
were  administrative.  The  supreme  court  which  had  hitherto 
been  filled  entirely  by  the  nobility,  now  came  under  the  Danish 
chancery.  The  chancellor  became  its  president,  and  trained 
burghers  were  given  seats  in  it.  Besides  these  institutions, 
which  were  modified  as  conditions  changed  and  circumstances 
demanded  it,  special  commissions  were  at  one  time  or  another 
appointed  to  investigate  special  subjects;  sometimes  the  king 
would  issue  acts  or  ordinances  under  his  own  hand,  and  some- 
times one  or  another  board  would  prepare  an  act  which  would 
be  issued  from  the  royal  chamber  or  cabinet.^^  It  was  this  con- 
centration of  power  in  the  royal  hands  that  made  possible  a 
c-oncentration  of  effort  in  matters  of  trade.  About  the  time 
when  Danish  and  Norwegian  merchants  were  beginning  to 
think  seriously  of  securing  the  establishment  of  a  chartered 
company  for  trade  with  America  (i.  e.,  the  West  Indies),  or  of 
making  some  arrangement  with  the  French  who  were  preparing 

«  Meddelelserfra  Arkivet,  1886-88,  6.5  ct  scq.  D.  R.  H.,  IV,  470  et  seq.  "  Cab- 
inet Orders"  play  an  important  part  during  the  Goldberg  period  (1772-1784) 
when  much  of  the  government  was  carried  on  through  orders  made  out  by 
advisers  and  signed  by  the  king. 


INTRODUCTION  23 

under  Colbert's  direction  to  reorganize  their  West  India  Com- 
pany, that  the  Board  of  Trade  was  established  (1668)  as  a  de- 
partment of  the  Danish  government,  with  the  Dutchman  Simon 
Petkum  as  its  first  president. ^^ 

The  question  naturally  arises,  What  was  the  actual  situation 
in  Europe  and  the  West  Indies  with  which  this  new-fledged 
absolutism  would  be  called  upon  to  cope  before  it  could  success- 
fully launch  a  colonizing  and  commercial  company  for  New 
World  exploitation?  The  sudden  death  of  Charles  X  in  1660 
had  lessened  the  immediate  danger  from  the  Swedish  quarter. 
The  accession  of  Charles  II  to  the  throne  of  the  restored  mon- 
archy in  England  could  not  but  be  viewed  hopefully  in  Denmark, 
which  state  had  all  but  openly  assisted  the  Netherlands  against 
England  in  the  first  Anglo-Dutch  war  (1652-1654),  Denmark's 
position  in  the  second  Anglo-Dutch  war  (1665-1667)  was  still 
more  difficult. ^^  The  Dutch,  by  virtue  of  alliances  with  both 
powers,  were  straining  every  effort  to  secure  the  assistance, 
active  or  passive,  of  France  and  Denmark,  while  Charles  II  was 
laboring  to  draw  Frederick  away  from  the  Dutch  alliance.  Al- 
though forced  to  resist  the  Dutch,  Louis  XIV  succeeded  through 
a  combination  of  circumstances  in  thwarting  Charles'  Danish 
plans.  Frederick  III  made  a  show  of  remaining  neutral,  but  he 
succeeded  In  saving  the  Dutch  East  India  fleet  in  Bergen  harbor 
from  English  captors. ^^ 

Events  in  Europe  reacted  on  conditions  in  the  West  Indies. 
Jamaica  had  been  seized  in  1655  by  the  Penn-Venables  expedi- 
tion sent  to  American  waters  to  make  reprisals  against  the 
Spaniards.  In  1660  the  English,  French,  and  Caribs  signed  a 
peace  at  Guadaloupe  by  which  the  Indians  should  be  aUowed 
undisturbed  occupation  of  the  two  Leeward  Islands  of  St. 
Vincent  and  Dominica,  provided  they  kept  the  peace  else- 
where.'*^   During  the  second  Anglo-Dutch  war,  the  French  had 

*>  D.  R.  H.,  IV,  490;  Meddelelser  fra  Arkivet,  1886-1888,  p.  106. 

*^  One  of  the  immediate  causes  of  this  war  was  the  rivalry  between  Dutch 
and  English  traders  on  the  Guinea  Coast. 

***  Schoolcraft,  "  Anglo-Danish  Relations,  1660-67,"  In  The  English  Historical 
Review,  vol.  25,  p.  479. 

«  Lucas,  II,  57. 


i4  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

seized  the  English  part  of  St.  Kitts,  Antigua  and  Montserrat  in 
1667,  only  to  give  them  back  by  the  treaty  of  Breda  in  the  same 
year.  The  English  in  their  turn  had  seized  Surinam  in  South 
America  from  the  Dutch,  but  returned  it  in  1674  on  the  final 
cession  to  England  of  New  Amsterdam. 

In  Europe,  the  ambitions  of  Louis  XIV  were  presently  to 
change  the  general  aspect  of  affairs.  The  treaties  of  Breda  were 
followed  by  the  Triple  Alliance  between  England,  the  Nether- 
lands and  Sweden  (1668).  This  alliance  Louis  immediately  set 
about  to  break;  only  by  isolating  the  Netherlands  could  he 
hope  to  carry  out  his  plans  on  the  Continent.  He  was  aided  in 
this  by  the  circumstance  that  Charles  II  had  scarcely  any  more 
liking  for  the  Dutch  than  Louis,  and  was  quite  inclined  to  lend 
his  aid  to  any  scheme  that  promised  to  cripple  or  destroy  the 
United  Netherlands.  The  secret  treaty  of  Dover  bj'^  which 
Charles  pledged  his  aid  to  Louis  in  the  event  of  a  war  with  the 
Dutch  was  signed  June  1,  1670.  Under  these  circumstances  an 
alliance  between  England  and  Denmark  would  weaken  the 
Dutch  and  hence  should  add  to  the  joy  of  France.  And  so  it 
happened  that  not  later  than  June  21,  1670,  Arthur  Capel,  first 
Earl  of  Essex,  left  England  for  Copenhagen  as  ambassador  ex- 
traordinary to  conclude  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  the  new  Danish 
king.  Christian  V.^* 

Denmark's  interest  in  the  West  Indies  was  only  secondary, 
and  was  based  upon  the  interest  aroused  in  her  merchants  as  a 
result  of  recent  voyages  which  wall  be  considered  later.  What 
English  as  well  as  French  diplomacy  played  upon  in  Den- 
mark was  fear  of  Sweden  and  a  feeling  that  the  Dutch  had  long 
treated  them  insolently  in  the  Sound  disputes  and  would  be 
"  ever  ready  and  resolute  in  defence  of  Hamburg,  whenever  the 
Danes  should  have  strength  enough  to  attack  it; "  for  Hamburg, 
as  Sir  William  Temple  expressed  it,  was  their  "chief  ambition 
abroad,  it  seems."  ^^ 

In  Europe  England's  wars  with  the  Dutch  had  materially 

!»  Cal.  Dom..  1670  and  Add..  1660-1670.  pp.  165,  378;  Col.  Treas.,  1669-1673, 
V.  3,  pt.  1  (Nov.  10,  1670).  The  refusal  of  Essex  to  strike  his  flag  on  entering 
Danish  waters  created  considerable  stir  in  England. 

"  Sir  W.  Temple,  Works.  II.  217  (Ix)ndon,  1814,  4  v.). 


INTRODUCTION  25 

enhanced  her  sea  power,  while  in  the  West  Indies  her  ability 
to  hold  Jamaica  against  Spanish  attempts  at  reconquest  had 
made  her  a  serious  rival  of  France  as  a  West  Indian  power.  If 
Denmark  hoped  to  secure  any  lesser  islands  as  footholds  from 
which  to  carry  on  trade  with  Porto  Rico  or  other  of  the  larger 
Spanish  islands,  an  understanding  with  England  was  imperative, 
for  while  the  French  had  their  buccaneering  colonies  on  San 
Domingo  and  Tortuga,  and  some  small  Leeward  colonies  to  the 
north,  French  ships  of  war  were  mainly  concentrated  near  the 
fertile  islands  of  Guadaloupe  and  Martinique,  the  southernmost 
of  the  Leeward  group. 

But  although  Spain  had  lost  Jamaica,  she  yet  remained  the 
leading  colonial  power  in  the  West  Indies  and  on  the  neighboring 
mainland.  The  destruction  of  the  Armada  in  1588  had  lost 
Spain  her  naval  prestige,  and  had  left  her  commerce  and  her 
colonies  all  but  helpless  at  the  hands  of  all  sorts  of  searovers, — 
privateers,  buccaneers,  pirates,  or  by  whatever  name  they  might 
be  called.  These  men  were  gathered  from  many  nations;  their 
common  enemy  was  Spain  and  their  common  aim  was  plunder; 
while  French,  English,  and  Dutch  authorities  in  the  West 
Indies  winked  at  their  depredations,  when  they  did  not  actually 
encourage  them.  Not  infrequently  did  the  Spaniards  send  out 
punitive  expeditions  that  wreaked  terrible  vengeance  for  ills 
previously  suffered,  by  capturing  or  dispersing  many  a  young 
colony  which  ventured  to  settle  in  their  proximity. 

A  secret  article  to  the  treaty  of  Vervins  arranged  between 
France  and  Spain  in  1598  had  expressly  provided  that  the  peace 
should  not  hold  good  in  regions  west  of  the  longitude  of  the 
Azores  and  south  of  the  tropic  of  Cancer.  French  and  Spanish 
ships  meeting  each  other  beyond  these  lines,  "les  lignes  de 
I'enclos  des  amities,"  might  make  lawful  prize  of  one  another 
as  in  time  of  war.''-  With  the  Dutch,  lawlessness  had  often 
enough  been  possible  without  a  treaty,  though  they  had  secured 
the  recognition  by  the  Spaniards  of  their  independence  in  the 
Treaty  of  Munster  in  1648.  The  first  state  to  negotiate  a  treaty 
with  Spain  that  would  actually  prepare  the  way  for  order  in 
West  Indian  regions  was  England,  whose  buccaneers  and  log- 
^^  Uaring,  Buccaneers  in  the  West  Indies,  48. 


26  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

wood  cutters  were  threatening  to  extend  the  English  frontier 
from  Jamaica  to  tlie  Si)anish  Main  in  the  logwood  district  about 
Campeachy  and  Honduras  Bay.^^ 

The  time  had  come  for  Spain  to  admit  by  treaty  what  was 
already  an  established  fact;  that  she  no  longer  held  a  monopoly 
over  the  Caribbean  Islands.  So  while  Essex  was  negotiating  in 
Co})enhagen,  Sir  William  Godolphin  had  been  received  in 
Spain,  where  on  April  18,  1670,  he  secured  from  Charles  II  of 
Spain  the  Treaty  of  Madrid,  "composing  differences,  restraining 
depredations,  and  establishing  peace"  in  America.  For  the 
first  time,  Spain  definitely  recognized  England's  right  to  possess 
undisturbed  the  American  islands  and  colonies  which  she 
actually  occupied,  although  the  Pacific  was  to  remain,  as  hereto- 
fore, strictly  a  closed  sea.^^  Before  the  news  of  the  treaty  could 
be  published  in  the  English  and  Spanish  colonies,  ^he  arch- 
buccaneer,  Henry  Morgan,  most  notorious  of  his  tribe,  had  led 
an  expedition  which  had  sacked  the  two  isthmian  cities  of  Porto 
Bello  and  Panama.  The  subsequent  knighting  of  Morgan  by 
the  king  and  his  appointment  as  lieutenant-governor  of  Jamaica 
were  hardly  calculated  to  inspire  confidence  in  England's  inten- 
tions to  bring  about  peace  in  Caribbean  waters.  And  yet,  as  we 
shall  see,  an  honest  attempt  was  made  in  that  direction  in  which 
Sir  Henry  Morgan  figured  as  the  faithful  representative  of  law 
and  order. 

Though  the  treaty  was  far  from  instantaneous  in  its  effects,  it 
furnished  a  basis  for  mutual  relations  and  strengthened  Eng- 
land's position  in  the  West  Indies  to  the  extent  that  she  was 

*^  An  expedition  from  Jamaica  had  attacked  the  Castle  of  Santa  Cruz  on  the 
Campeachy  coast  in  February,  1663.  Logwood  cutting  on  the  coast  of  Cam- 
peachy,  Honduras  and  Yucatan  had  begun  among  the  English  about  1665. 
llaring.  Buccaneers,  107,  208. 

An  interesting  episode  that  forms  a  connecting  link  between  the  Elizabethan 
struggle  with  Spain  and  the  English  conquest  of  Jamaica  is  the  Puritan  coloniza- 
tion scheme  of  1629-1640,  when  the  Providence  Company  held  the  islands  of 
Providence  (Santa  Catalina),  Henrietta  (San  Andreas),  and  Association  (Tor- 
tuga)  until  they  were  seized  by  the  Spaniards.  A  detailed  account  is  to  be  found 
in  A.  P.  Newton's  The  Colonizing  Activities  of  the  Early  Puritans  (New  Haven, 
1914). 

''*  Haring,  op.  cit ,  197. 


INTRODUCTION  27 

able  actually  to  bring  about  peace  by  "composing  difiFerences" 
and  "restraining  depredations."  Denmark's  position  could  not 
but  be  improved  by  her  being  an  ally  of  the  power  that  had  been 
able  to  humble  the  Dutch  sea  power  and  to  score  a  diplomatic 
victory  over  his  Most  Catholic  Majesty. 

A  word  remains  to  be  said  concerning  the  position  of  Denmark 
with  respect  to  France  whose  king  persisted  in  treating  the 
states  of  Europe  as  pawns  on  the  diplomatic  chess  board.  The 
immediate  aim  of  Louis  XIV,  as  already  indicated,  was  to  check 
the  United  Netherlands  and  if  possible  wipe  them  off  the  board. 
England  had  been  brought  within  his  schemes  by  the  Treaty  of 
Dover.  It  remained  to  detach  Sweden  from  her  alliance  with 
the  Dutch,  after  which  he  would  be  ready  to  throw  off  the  cloak 
of  diplomacy  and  disclose  the  iron  fist.  Meantime  Colbert, 
Louis'  gr^at  minister  of  finance,  was  quite  willing  to  make  use  of 
Denmark  to  help  destroy  Dutch  commerce  in  the  Baltic,  and  to 
promote  that  of  the  French;  but  he  was  unwilling  to  go  as  far  in 
the  matter  of  reciprocal  trade  privileges  in  Danish  and  French 
ports  as  the  gentlemen  who  were  engaged  in  1668  in  organizing 
the  Company  of  the  North.^^  The  proposal  of  these  French 
merchants  was  considered  by  the  Board  of  Trade,  a  body  created 
at  this  time  apparently  for  the  very  purpose  of  giving  proper 
consideration  to  the  French  suggestions.  But  the  president  of 
this  board  was  a  Dutchman  named  Simon  Fetkura,  who  pro- 
fessed to  see  small  prospects  in  this  French  trade.  Private 
Danish  traders  had  already  visited  the  French  West  Indian 
islands.  An  attempt  had  been  made  in  fact  to  occupy  St. 
Thomas,  and  hence  a  counter  proposal  of  the  Board  of  Trade 
must  have  been  made  with  the  previous  experience  in  mind  and 
in  the  hope  of  increasing  this  trade.  The  Board  proposed  that 
the  Danes  send  annually  to  the  French  colonies  of  St,  Christo- 
pher and  Martinique  such  goods  as  were  needed  and  at  a  reason- 

^^  The  Danish  ambassador  at  Paris,  Frederick  Gabel,  had  reported  that  "  the 
French  trade  was  so  managed  that  in  time  it  would  center  entirely  in  France 
and  that  a  foreign  state  would  hardly  go  into  a  partnership  with  it  unless  it 
received  very  considerable  advantages  [referring  to  French  subsidies]."  Gabel's 
Relation,  October  5,  1668  (N.  S.),  and  October  19  (quoted  in  K.  Fabricius, 
"  Colbert  og  Danmark,"  9). 


28  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

able  price  on  condition  of  Denmark's  receiving  certain  staple 
rights  in  France,  e.  g.,  in  La  Rochelle  and  Nantes. 

But  Colbert's  idea  was  protection,  not  reciprocity.  He  had  no 
desire  to  encourage  the  establisiinient  of  a  Danish  West  India 
company  that  might  become  an  active  competitor  with  the  Com- 
pany of  the  North,  so  he  turned  the  negotiations  to  the  subject 
of  Dansborg,  the  Danish  factory  on  the  Malabar  coast  of  India, 
which  he  attempted  in  vain  to  buy  for  France.  In  these  futile 
negotiations  the  idea  of  cooperating  for  the  pursuit  of  West 
Indian  trade  was  lost  sight  of,  and  Danish  merchants  were  left 
to  form  their  own  company.^® 

Of  the  expeditions  which  were  sent  to  the  West  Indies  by 
private  Danish  adventurers  previous  to  the  coup  d'etat  of  1660, 
mention  has  already  been  made.  It  remains  to  consider  those 
expeditions  which  took  place  after  the  disastrous  war  with 
Sweden,  and  which  led  eventually  to  the  choice  of  St.  Thomas  as 
the  site  of  Denmark's  first  West  Indian  colony,  A  memorial 
dated  February  15,  1662,  and  hitherto  unpublished,  epitomizes 
the  state  of  Danish  trade  in  the  West  Indies  during  the  troublous 
years  that  had  just  passed.  "  We  have  to  thank  Your  Majesty," 
runs  the  memorial,  "most  graciously  and  humbly  for  the  priv- 
ileges [to  trade]  upon  the  Caribbean  islands,  which  were  granted 
to  us  several  years  ago,  although  by  God's  will  ^^  we  suffered 
great  losses  on  the  journeys  undertaken  during  those  times,  in- 
asmuch as  Cromwell  and  those  ruling  with  him  took  away  from 
us  two  ships  with  cargoes,  worth  over  32,000  rdl.  And  besides, 
one  of  our  ships  with  full  cargo  and  twenty-two  persons  was 
swept  away  from  the  land  by  God's  weather,  by  the  wind  called 
hurricane,  on  the  11th  day  of  August,  1657,  and  never  has  there 
been  heard  of  ship  or  men  since;  so  that  we  have  suffered  a  very 
great  loss  during  the  two  years.  Since  that  time  we  huve  been 
unable  to  continue  our  voyages  thence,  both  for  the  reasons 
given  and  because  of  the  dangers  due  to  the  present  wars.  .  .  . 
Meantime  our  former  privileges  have  expired,  and  we  have 
again  undertaken  in  the  Lord's  name  to  have  our  former  skipper, 

^  Knud  Fabricius,  "  Colbert  og  Danmark  .  .  ."  {Historisk  Tidsskrift,  8  R., 
IV,  Till.). 

"  Gud  bedred  disverr. 


INTRODUCTION  29 

Erik  Nielsen  Schmidt,  navigate  these  islands  in  the  good  hope 
that  God  Almighty  will  grant  us  some  share  of  the  good  things  of 
the  land  by  way  of  restitution  for  our  former  losses.  We  pray 
Your  Majesty  to  renew  the  grant  of  our  former  privileges  for 
another  term  of  years."  Hans  Nansen,  Schmidt,  and  three 
others  ^^  signed  their  names  to  the  petition  which  was  granted  ^^ 
substantially  in  the  form  asked,  for  "the  present  year"  only. 

The  Hans  Nansen  who  signed  this  petition  appears  to  have 
been  the  son  of  the  wealthy  burgher  and  Iceland  merchant  of  the 
same  name.  After  attendance  in  a  Copenhagen  "Latin  school" 
he  had  been  sent  to  Danzig  in  1652  to  learn  bookkeeping,  and 
went  thereafter  on  business  missions  to  Prussia,  the  United 
Netherlands,  and  Iceland.  In  1655  he  was  the  "winter  mer- 
chant" of  the  Iceland-Fsero  company;  in  the  winters  of  1656- 
1657  he  was  in  Amsterdam  learning  seamanship  and  nautical 
mathematics.  In  the  summer  of  1657  he  was  made  merchant 
in  Iceland  for  the  new  company;  the  year  following  he  was  in 
Gluckstadt  and  Hamburg.  During  the  last  Swedish  war,  being 
unable  to  return  to  Copenhagen,  he  was  in  business  for  his 
associates  and  himself  in  Hamburg,  Gluckstadt  and  Iceland. 
He  was  certainly  one  of  the  organizers  of  the  West  India  Com- 
pany in  1671,  and  may  be  taken  as  a  type  of  the  shrewd,  ad- 
venturous entrepreneurs  of  the  age  of  the  commercial  com- 
panies. 

The  skipper,  Erik  Nielsen  Schmidt,  was  evidently  selected  for 
his  knowledge  of  West  Indian  waters  and  conditions.  How 
many  previous  voyages  their  "former  skipper"  may  have  made, 
it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  he  is  certainly  found  on  February  25, 
1663,  passing  through  the  Sound  with  a  cargo  of  tobacco,  ginger, 
etc.,  from  the  West  Indies;  ^  he  is  referred  to  in  a  contract  dated 
June  8, 1665,  at  Copenhagen  as  royal  commandant  and  governor 
of  the  island  of  St.  Thomas.''^    On  July  1  he  passed  Elsinore  with 

*8No.  73,  Sjaell.  aabne  Breve,  April  29,  1662  (Indlwg).  Find  Nielsen,  Chris- 
toff  er  Hanse,  and  Jorgen  Hansen  Raffn.  Schmidt's  name  appears  as  Erich 
Nielsen  Schmit  in  the  document,  and  is  signed  Erich  Nielsen  Smit. 

^'  It  was  granted  on  April  29,  1662,  udi  ruBrvmrende  Aar. 

""  Oresiindstoldregnskahct  for  1663. 

^'  In  Kirkehist,  Sand.,  5  R.  II  B.,  pp.  293  et  seq.  E.  V.  Lose  quotes  in  extenso 
the  contract  entered  into  between  Schmidt  and  Kield  Jensen  Slagelse,  the 


30  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

a,  cargo  of  provisions  bound  for  tlie  West  Indies.^-  Early  in  1666 
(February  15)  he  sent  a  small  cargo  containing  three  hundred 
"rolls"  of  tobacco  and  one  and  one-half  hhds.  of  sugar  to  Co- 
penhagen.'^^ Not  long  thereafter,  in  the  same  year,  he  died  at 
St.  Thomas.  The  Lutheran  minister,  Kjeld  Jensen  Slagelse, 
seems  to  have  succeeded  him  and  to  have  returned  to  Denmark 
with  the  remaining  colonists.  The  last  ship  from  the  West 
Indies  recorded  as  passing  through  the  Sound  before  the  or- 
ganization of  the  Company  in  1671,  and  probably  the  one  by 
which  the  St.  Thomas  colonists  came,  sailed  into  Copenhagen 
harbor  on  August  30,  1666,  under  Holger  Freder's  command. 
The  cargo  contained  50,000  lbs.  of  pockwood,  20,000  lbs.  of 
sugar,  and  70,000  lbs.  of  tobacco,^^  which  may  partly  have  been 
bought  on  French  or  English  islands. 

Such  then,  in  its  main  features,  was  that  long  train  of  cir- 
cumstances that  had  attracted  the  interest  of  kings  and  sub- 
jects of  Denmark-Norway  to  the  western  world,  and  particu- 
larly to  those  parts  adjacent  to  the  Spanish  Main.  The  success 
of  those  trading  vessels  that  had  returned  with  fair  cargoes  from 
successful  ventures  in  those  distant  tropical  waters  had  at  least 
served  to  whet  the  appetites  of  Danish-Norwegian  merchants 
and  skippers.  They  began  to  hope  that  by  follomng  the  course 
laid  out  by  other  western  European  states,  notably  the  Dutch 
and  the  English,  they,  too,  might  secure  some  share  in  that 
commerce  of  which  Spain  was  finding  it  increasingly  difficult  to 
keep  a  monopoly.  It  remains  to  explain  how  Danish  mer- 
chants were  able  through  a  royally  chartered  commercial  com- 
pany to  gain  for  the  state  a  permanent  foothold  in  those  regions. 

Lutheran  minister  who  was  to  accompany  him.  A  copy  of  the  same  is  to  be 
found  in  the  Bancroft  Collection,  but  the  date  given  is  1G55. 

'-  Oresundstoldregnskabet  for  1G55. 

"  Ibid,  for  1666. 

6^  Ibid,  for  1666. 


CHAPTER  I 

THE    ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   COMPANY 

By  1671,  circumstances  were  more  favorable  to  the  establish- 
ment of  a  Danish  West  India  Company  with  broad  powers  and 
considerable  latitude  of  action  than  at  any  previous  time.  The 
several  expeditions  already  described  gave  sufficient  encourage- 
ment to  suggest  a  more  ambitious  plan  for  getting  into  the  field 
of  Caribbean  commerce.  An  unoccupied  island  with  an  excel- 
lent harbor  had  been  found,  the  peaceful  occupying  and  retain- 
ing of  which  had  become  a  more  likely  possibility  as  a  result 
of  recent  diplomatic  developments  in  Europe.  The  newly 
founded  Board  of  Trade  took  on  a  new  lease  of  life  after  the 
accession  to  the  throne  of  the  new  king,  Christian  V,  in  1670. 
On  September  22  of  that  year  the  Board  received  its  first  official 
instructions,  and  presently  it  was  organized  with  Frederick 
Ulrik  Gyldenlove,  the  illegitimate  son  of  the  king,  as  its  president 
and  Jens  Juel,  a  statesman  and  diplomatist  and  a  brother  of  the 
famous  admiral,  as  vice-president.  The  remaining  members 
included  the  well-known  merchant  Hans  Nansen,  Peter  Peterson 
Lerke,  the  Danish  master  of  the  mint,  Andrew  Timpf  who  had 
held  a  similar  position  in  Poland,  Gabriel  Marselis,  a  reputable 
Dutch  merchant,  and  as  secretary,  Melkior  Rotlin,  formerly 
employed  in  Bergen  as  secretary  of  the  Liibeck  office.^  To  these 
men  the  king's  trusted  adviser,  Peter  Schumacher  (created 
Count  Grifi'enfeld  and  made  Chancellor  in  1673)  lent  his  en- 
thusiastic support  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  encourage- 
ment of  trade  and  industry.^  On  November  20,  1670,  the  second 
Danish  East  India  Company  was  organized  and  given  a  charter 
for  forty  years.    On  the  eleventh  day  of  the  following  March, 

»  K.  Fabricius,  Griffenfeld  (Kobenhavn,  1910),  IGO,  166.    The  contemporary 
spelling  of  Lerke's  name  is  Lerche. 
\D.  R.  H.,  IV,  539. 

[31] 


32  THE  DANISH  WEST  IxXDIES 

the  Danish  West  India  Company  received  its  charter  from  the 
royal  hand.^  In  America  and  the  Far  East  Denmark  was 
planning  to  enter  into  commercial  competition  with  her  enter- 
prishig  neighbors. 

As  directors  of  the  West  India  Company  the  king  named  three 
of  the  members  ("assessors"  or  judges)  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
Jens  Juel,  Peter  Lerke,  and  the  burgher,  Hans  Nansen,*  the 
last  named  on  the  nomination  of  Peter  Schumacher, 

This  charter,  like  the  usual  seventeenth  century  commercial 
company  charters,  conferred  very  broad  powers  upon  the  com- 
pany. In  describing  it,  reference  will  be  made  by  way  of  com- 
parison with  an  organization  established  just  the  year  before, 
the  continuous  existence  of  which  from  that  day  to  this  renders 
it  unique  in  the  annals  of  chartered  companies,  namely,  the 
Hudson  Bay  Company,  whose  official  corporate  title  was  "the 
governor  and  company  of  Adventurers  of  England  trading  into 
Hudson  Bay."  The  English  had  no  company  exactly  corre- 
sponding to  the  Danish  company.  The  Royal  African  Com- 
pany, founded  in  167!2,  made  Guinea  the  main  scene  of  its 
operations,  with  the  British  islands  in  the  West  Indies  the  chief 
market  for  what  soon  came  to  be  their  principal  article  of  com- 
merce, African  slaves.  But  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  was, 
like  the  Danish,  intended  for  the  exploitation  of  the  New  World 
and  offers  at  its  inception,  despite  the  different  nature  of  its 
sphere  of  action,  some  interesting  resemblances  to  its  con- 
temporary. 

The  charter  issued  by  Christian  V  authorized  the  Danish 
West  India  Company  to  occupy  and  take  possession  of  the 
island  of  St.  Thomas  "and  also  such  other  islands  thereabouts  or 
near  the  mainland  of  America  as  might  be  uninhabited  and 

'  C.  P.  Lucas,  II,  5i,  III,  67,  mistakenly  places  the  incorporation  of  the 
company  in  1734.  For  the  second  East  India  Company,  see  Kay  Larsen,  De 
(Lansk-ostindiske  Koloniers  Hislorie  (Kobenhavn,  1907),  I,  43. 

*  P.  Mariager,  Historisk  EJterretning  over  de  Veslindiske  og  Guineiske  Com- 
pagnies  Etablissemenfer  tidi  Vestindien  og  Guinea,  p.  2.  This  manuscript  work 
by  a  bookkeeper  of  the  Company  is  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Copenhagen  and  is 
of  prime  importance.     (Cited  hereafter  as  Mariager  MS.) 

Hans  Nansen  was  also  a  judge  on  the  Admiralty  Board,  and  later  became,  as 
his  father  had  been  before  him,  president  of  the  city  of  Copenhagen  (1688). 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  COMPANY  33 

suitable  for  plantations,  or  if  inhabited,  then  by  such  people 
who  have  no  knowledge  concerning  us."  ^  Like  the  Hudson  Bay 
Company,  it  was  authorized  to  build  forts  and  lodges  and  to 
take  proper  measures  for  its  own  defence  in  case  of  attack;  it  ad- 
ministered justice  to  all  in  the  Company's  service  or  within  its 
immediate  jurisdiction.  Direct  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  at 
Copenhagen  was  permitted  by  the  Danish  company;  the  Eng- 
lish government  granted  the  Hudson  Bay  Company  final  juris- 
diction, merely  stipulating  that  all  causes  should  be  judged  and 
local  justice  carried  out  by  one  of  the  local  governors  and  his 
council,  where  such  authority  was  available,  "according  to  the 
laws  of  this  kingdom."  ^ 

The  Danish  king  bound  himself  to  issue  no  "seabriefs"  or 
passports  to  Danish  captains  navigating  the  Danish  West 
Indies  and  promised  the  Company  the  proceeds  of  all  prizes 
except  the  usual  tenth  part  which  was  the  perquisite  of  the 
admiral  of  the  realm.  The  Hudson  Bay  Company  was  origi- 
nally empowered  to  seize  the  persons  of  English  or  any  other 
subjects  who  sailed  into  Hudson  Bay  or  were  found  in  the  Com- 
pany's territory  without  its  permission.  No  such  amazing 
powers  were  conferred  on  the  Danish  company;  and  in  any  case, 
there  would  have  been  no  opportunity  for  their  exercise.  The 
English  company  like  the  Danish  had  government  officials  on  its 
board  of  directors,  but  the  association  of  government  and  com- 
pany was  far  closer  in  Denmark  than  in  England  because  of  the 
absolute,  thoroughly  centralized  administration  established  by 
Frederick  III  and  continued  by  his  son  Christian  V.  The  in- 
ternal government  of  each  company  was  managed  by  a  general 
assembly,  or  "general  court,"  as  the  arrangement  was  called 
in  the  English  charter.  The  Danes  were  charged  with  the  re- 
sponsibility of  converting  the  Indians,  not  a  difficult  task,  as 
only  two  or  three  are  to  be  found  in  the  entire  period  of  the 
Company's  existence.^  We  may  judge  of  the  success  with  which 
this  injunction  was  carried  out  by  the  fact  that  "John  Indian," 

*  /.  e.,  Indians. 

®  Cawston  and  Keane,    The  Early   Chartered  Companies   (London,    1896), 
292  et  seq.    See  Appendix  C  for  translation  of  Danish  charter. 
^  Cf.  Lucas,  II,  138. 


34  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

himself  a  large  fraction  of  his  tribe,  finally  was  punished  by  the 
loss  of  a  leg  for  his  various  attempts  at  running  away.^ 

Besides  the  three  royally  appointed  directors,  two  of  whom 
were  nobles,  three  were  to  be  elected  by  the  shareholders 
("participants")  from  among  themselves  by  a  majority  vote, 
those  chosen  being  required  to  have  a  minimum  of  2,000  "Slet- 
tedaler"  invested  in  the  Company's  stock.^  A  paragraph  (1[13) 
the  consequences  of  which  the  promoters  could  not  have  fore- 
seen was  that  which  provided  for  the  upkeep  of  the  population 
of  the  young  colony  by  the  promise  of  as  many  of  the  men 
condemned  in  the  home  country  to  labor  in  irons  or  to  serve  in 
prison  as  the  company  might  deem  necessary  for  its  plantations, 
and  as  many  as  they  might  wish  of  those  women  whose  dis- 
orderly lives  had  brought  them  into  arrest  in  the  "spinning 
house"  and  other  places.  This  was  not  the  first  time  that 
Europe  deliberately  planned  to  empty  her  jails  on  American 
soil  nor  was  it  to  be  the  last  time,  but  on  St.  Thomas  as  in  the 
English  colonies,  the  authorities  soon  learned  that  convicts 
were  not  deemed  good  timber  for  plantations  by  the  colonial 
oflficials.  Not  like  the  English  company,  where  the  owner  of 
each  block  of  stock  worth  £100  was  entitled  to  vote,  the  Danish 
company  gave  each  shareholder  one  vote,  and  only  one  vote. 
The  minimum  size  of  the  shares  was  one  hundred  rixdoUars. 
The  Company  received  free  use  of  rooms  in  the  Copenhagen 
Stock  Exchange,  and  was  provided  with  suitable  pack  house 
quarters  on  "Holmen"  near  the  present  site  of  "Holmens" 
church.  The  king,  the  queen,  and  Prince  George,  each  sus- 
scribed  3,000  Sletiedaler,  while  the  total  amount  of  this  first 
subscription  was  64,300  sldl.,  which  was  to  be  paid  in  three 

*Even  the  negroes  did  not  become  the  objects  of  serious  missionary  effort 
until  the  arrival  of  the  Moravian  missionaries  in  1732,  and  then  the  impetus 
came  from  circles  entirely  outside  of  the  oflBcial  class. 

"  A  Slettedaler  =  64  Skilling;  a  rigsdaler  (rixdollar)  =  96  Skilling  =  6  Mark. 
1  pesos  =  8  reals  =  96  granos  (or  48  stivers).  A  rixdollar  was  about  equal  to 
a  pesos  or  piece-of-eight,  and  to  four  kroner  (1  Kr.  =  $0,275)  in  present  day 
coin.  The  purchasing  value  during  the  Company's  career  was  perhaps  two  to 
three  times  that  of  the  present  time  in  Denmark.  On  money  values,  see  D.  R.  H., 
IV,  103,  note;  W.  Scharling,  Pen  genes  synkende  Vwrdi  (Kobenhavn,  1869); 
Arent  Bemtsen,  Danmark  og  Norges  Frugtbar  Herlighed.     (Kjobenhavn,  1656). 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  COMPANY  35 

equal  parts,  the  first  to  be  available  on  June  11,  1671,  the  last 
instalment  on  March  31,  1673.^°  A  proposal  to  require  the 
royal  assent  to  the  election  of  directors  by  the  shareholders  was 
struck  out  by  Peter  Schumacher,  who  was  responsible  for  the 
arrangement  by  which  two  directors  instead  of  six  should  have 
the  full  power  to  attend  to  the  Company's  current  business. ^^ 
As  a  sort  of  advisory  body  there  was  formed  a  group  of  those 
who  had  invested  not  less  then  1,000  rdl.,  and  who  were  known 
as  the  chief  participants.^^  From  this  group  a  committee  of  four 
was  provided  for,^two  nobles  and  two  burghers,  who  should 
have  the  power  to  inspect  the  Company's  books  at  any  time, 
and  who  audited  the  bookkeeper's  accounts  once  in  each  year. 
The  first  chief  participants  appointed  were  Admiral  Kordt 
Adeler  and  Frederik  Poggenberg.^^  The  former  was  by  birth  a 
Norwegian  and  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  Venetian  navy 
in  the  struggle  with  the  Turks. 

Such  was  the  constitution  of  the  Danish  West  India  Company 
whose  corporate  existence  continued,  although  with  a  number 
of  changes,  for  eighty-four  years.  Under  this  charter  and  the 
"reglement"  which  accompanied  it,  preparations  for  the  settle- 
ment of  St.  Thomas  were  begun  in  the  summer  of  1671.  On 
the  nomination  of  Lerke,  the  directors  selected  George  Iversen 
as  governor  of  the  new  colony.  The  new  governor,  though  a 
man  but  thirty-three  years  of  age  when  he  received  his  appoint- 
ment, had  led  a  life  full  of  incident  and  of  the  sort  of  experience 
that  served  to  prepare  him  for  his  post.^^  His  surname  of  Dyp- 
pel,  the  modern  Dybbol,  testifies  to  a  Schleswig  origin,  although 
he  was  himself  born  in  Elsinore,  where  his  father  was  a  baker. 
Not  long  after  his  twelfth  year,  when  his  schooling  was  ended, 
he  was  bound  to  service  and  sent  to  the  West  Indies  by  one  of 
those  privately  owned  ships  referred  to  above,  perhaps  by  the 

»"  Manager  MS.,  14,  15. 

"  Fabricius,  Griffenfeld,  169. 

^^  See  Reglsment  of  March  11,  1671  (C.  P.  Rothe,  Christian  V's  Rescripter 
Jor  Norge  ...  II  B.). 

^'  Mariager  MS.,  15. 

^*  This  account  of  Governor  George  (Jorgen)  Iversen's  life  is  based  mainly 
on  the  excellent  and  exhaustive  sketch  by  Fr.  Krarup  in  the  Personalhistorisk 
Tidsskrift,  II  R.  6  B.  (Kobenhavn.  1891). 


36  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ship  that  left  Elsinore  in  1654.  It  is  at  any  rate  certain  that  he 
entered  the  service  of  an  English  merchant  on  St.  Christopher 
(St.  Kitts),  and  that  about  1660  he  returned  to  Europe  with  a 
Dutch  merchant.  There  he  joined  a  company  including  three 
business  men  from  Zeeland,  of  whom  one  John  Basselaer,  was  the 
leader;  Iversen  participated  in  the  enterprise,  holding  one-sixth 
of  the  capital.  He  was  himself  to  accompany  the  ship  to  the 
West  Indies  and  to  take  charge  of  the  trade  there,  of  which  he 
was  to  enjoy  one-half  of  the  profits. 

All  went  on  smoothly  until  1665,  when  Iversen  returned  to 
Europe  and  there  learned  that  war  had  broken  out  between 
England  and  the  Netherlands.  This  information  was  brought 
in  upon  him  in  a  way  that  was  not  to  be  mistaken,  and  he  paid 
dearly  for  his  instruction.  His  ship  and  cargo  were  seized 
by  an  English  privateer.  The  skipper  himself  went  to  Copen- 
hagen hoping  to  obtain  restitution  through  diplomatic  channels. 
Admiral  Henry  Bjelke  procured  him  an  audience  with  Fred- 
erick III.  The  king  not  only  acceded  to  Iversen's  desire  that 
Charles  II  of  England  be  petitioned  to  deliver  over  to  the  in- 
jured party  his  share  of  the  damages,  estimated  at  3,000  rdl., 
but  had  Iversen  come  to  him  three  times  to  tell  him  concerning 
life  in  the  New  World  and  of  his  personal  experiences  there. 
Inasmuch  as  the  Danes  appeared  to  show  too  much  sympathy 
with  the  Dutch,  and  particularly  since  the  failure  of  the  Danes 
to  cooperate  with  the  English  fleet  in  capturing  the  Dutch 
East  Indiamen  in  Bergen  harbor,  Iversen's  petition  came  to 
nothing.  Although  he  kept  up  his  connections  with  his  Zeeland 
partners,  he  appears  to  have  remained  in  Denmark  during  the 
years  following.  In  1670,  the  year  of  the  embassy  of  Essex,  he 
was  married  "in  the  house,"  a  distinction  which  indicates  a 
fairly  high  social  position,  and  with  other  evidences,  shows  him 
still  to  have  been  a  man  of  some  means,  despite  his  severe 
loss. 

The  newly  elected  governor  invested  1,000  rdl.  in  the  West 
Indian  enterprise  at  the  start.  He  also  took  charge  of  fitting 
out  two  ships  provided  by  the  new  king.  Christian  V,  for  the 
use  of  the  Company.  About  20,000  rdl.  were  expended  in  the 
outfitting.    Captain  Arent  Henriksen,  a  Dutch  skipper,  took 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  COMPANY  37 

the  yacht,  The  Gilded  Crown,  and  set  sail  on  August  30,  1671.'^ 
He  was  to  look  over  the  ground,  for  it  was  not  entirely  certain 
that  the  English  might  not  have  occupied  it.  On  the  failure  of 
the  Fero  to  arrive  within  the  time  expected,  Captain  Hen- 
riksen  returned  to  Denmark  with  ship  and  cargo,  only  to  find 
that  the  Governor  had  left  on  February  26,^^  after  having  been 
delayed  in  Bergen  since  November  20,  because  of  a  leaky  ship. 
The  passenger  list  of  the  Fero  makes  interesting  reading.  Be- 
sides the  crew,  which  totaled  only  twelve  men,  those  who  had 
bound  themselves  to  service  and  engaged  themselves  as  em- 
ployees of  the  Company  numbered  one  hundred  and  sixteen. 
The  remaining  sixty-one  had  been  selected,  as  the  charter  had 
permitted,  from  the  convicts  in  Bremerholm  and  other  places. 
Several  culprits  had  escaped  at  Bergen,  but  were  promptly  re- 
placed by  others  equally  unpromising. 

With  this  motley  throng,  to  manage,  an  assemblage  that  was 
to  form  the  nucleus  of  the  new  colony.  Governor  Iversen  would 
have  abundant  opportunity  to  show  of  what  stuff  he  was  made. 
After  leaving  Bergen,  and  especially  on  the  approach  to  the 
warmer  latitudes,  the  toll  of  death  began  to  be  taken  in  earnest. 
Eighty-six  persons  of  both  sexes  died  on  the  journey  or  had  es- 
caped in  Bergen.  One  of  the  victims  was  Kjeld  Jensen  Slagelse, 
the  minister,  who  had  accompanied  Erik  Schmidt  on  his  voyage 
in  1665. 

The  ship,  with  a  cargo  valued  at  18,172  sldl.  arrived  in  St. 
Thomas  harbor  on  May  25,  1672,^^  just  three  months  after  its 
departure  from  Bergen.  The  pioneer  band  went  ashore  on  the 
following  morning,  raised  the  Danish  flag,  and  took  formal 
possession.  They  found  an  island  that  seemed  to  them,  as  the 
governor  expressed  it,  well  suited  and  large  enough  for  their 
purposes.  No  one  was  there  to  dispute  ownership,  the  English 
who  had  occupied  it,  having  left  six  or  seven  weeks  earlier,  after 
burning  off  the  roof  of  the  storehouse.'^  The  land  had  to  be 
cleared  of  bush  and  forest  before  it  could  be  planted ;  pockwood 

"  Mariager  MS.,  15. 

'«  Manager  MS.  has  it  February  29  (p.  16). 

"  Mariager  MS..  16,  18. 

w  IMd.,  18. 


88  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

was  sufficiently  in  demand  in  Denmark  to  furnish  a  profitable 
ballast  for  returning  ships  during  the  earlier  years  of  the  colony. 
The  problem  of  securing  cane  for  the  newly  cleared  patches  of 
plantation  ground  was  solved  by  the  aid  of  the  English,  who  had 
recently  seized  Tortola,  a  little  island  just  northwest  of  St. 
John,  from  the  Dutch.  The  English  officer  ^^  in  charge  there 
generously  gave  the  Danes  full  permission  to  use  anything  they 
found  on  the  island,  and  they  made  no  find  more  precious  than 
the  shoots  of  sugar  cane. 

The  new  masters  had  scarcely  begun  settlement,  before 
colonists  of  various  sorts  began  to  seep  in.  The  greater  number 
of  them  belonged  to  the  Dutch  nation,  and  were  seeking  the 
protection  of  a  state  that  they  supposed  to  be  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  English,  who  were  harrying  the  Dutch  wherever  they 
dared.  Some  of  these,  as  John  von  Beverhoudt,  became  plant- 
ers of  distinction  and  even  founded  influential  families;  others, 
like  Carl  Baggaert,  an  absconder  from  Middelburg,  became 
trouble  makers  who  soured  the  life  of  the  governor  and  those  in 
authority  with  him.  Although  French,  Germans,  English,  and 
Jews  were  among  these  early  settlers,  Dutch  became  the  pre- 
vailing language  from  the  beginning. 

To  keep  such  a  variously  confused  assemblage  in  reasonable 
restraint  while  the  necessary  pioneering  work  was  being  done, 
was  the  new  governor's  task.  That  Iversen  should  succeed  in 
laying  the  foundation  of  a  civil  government  out  of  the  crude 
materials  that  he  had  at  hand  was  in  itself  a  creditable  per- 
formance, and  something  for  which  his  masters  had  reason  to 
be  grateful.  But  in  putting  through  this  pioneer  work  one  is  not 
surprised  to  find  that  he  gained  for  himself  a  reputation  for 
severity  that  made  the  directors  declare  that  Governor  Iver- 
sen's  brutal  management  "has  given  the  Company  such  a  bad 
reputation  among  the  common  people  in  Denmark  that  they 
are  of  the  opinion  that  if  they  should  serve  in  the  West  Indies 
they  would  be  worse  off  than  if  they  had  served  in  Barbary." 
There  was  indeed  considerable  ground  for  such  a  belief,  and  the 
fault  did  not  all  lie  with  Iversen's  government. 

"  Spoken  of  by  Krarup  {Jorgen  Iversen,  28)  a»  Burd. 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  COMPANY  39 

Besides  the  eighty-nine  who  died  on  board  the  Fero,  seventy- 
five  died  not  long  after  landing.  The  Pelican,  which  arrived  in 
St.  Thomas  March  29, 1673,  lost  seven  of  its  people  en  route  and 
fifty- three  after  landing,  out  of  a  total  of  only  sixty-seven.  The 
galliot  St.  Thomas,  which  arrived  at  the  island  June  2,  1675,  lost 
five  out  of  nine  men;  and  the  Merman,  which  arrived  on  May  12, 
1675,  lost  thirty -four  out  of  fifty-eight  persons.  There  were 
enough  survivors,  however,  to  spread  reports  which  required  no 
exaggeration  to  give  the  West  Indies  the  reputation  of  being  a 
veritable  charnel  house.  The  resulting  depletion  was  made 
good  by  further  recourse  to  convicts  and  nondescripts,  immi- 
grants against  whom  the  governor  never  ceased  to  rail.  "Un- 
controllable fellows,  whom  neither  Holmen  -°  nor  the  penitentiary 
could  improve,"  "lazy,  shiftless  louts,  who  were  of  no  use  at 
home,"  "vagabonds  and  idlers,"  are  terms  employed  by  Iversen 
in  describing  various  of  his  former  charges,  even  after  several 
years  had  intervened.  To  obtain  honest  or  capable  employees 
under  these  circumstances  became  well-nigh  impossible.  The 
knotty  problem  of  securing  suitable  ministers  reflects  the  pre- 
vailing difficulties.  After  Kjeld  Jensen's  death  on  the  outward 
voyage  in  1672,  George  Jensen  Morsing  was  appointed  minister, 
but  he  dropped  dead  on  April  23,  1673,  just  as  he  was  about  to 
take  possession  of  the  house  assigned  to  him.  The  Schleswiger, 
Theodore  Christensen  Risbrich  (Theodorus  Christianus  Hol- 
satus),  who  succeeded  to  the  post,  quarrelled  with  the  governor 
from  the  beginning,  called  him  a  tyrant,  and  insisted  on  preach- 
ing in  German,  to  the  governor's  disgust.  He  was  finally  per- 
mitted, in  fact  urged  to  leave  the  land  in  October,  1677.  In 
1679  he  brought  a  damage  suit  against  the  Company,  and  met 
its  counter-charge  of  drunkenness  by  explaining  that  such  a 
state  "was  easily  brought  about  by  the  terrible  stuff  they 
make  in  that  land," — referring  to  the  young  rum  called  "kill- 
devil"  because  of  its  reputed  powers. 

The  Danes  were  obviously  passing  through  the  most  difficult 

pioneering  period  in  the  founding  of  plantation  colonies,  and 

learned,  in  common  with  other  plantation  pioneers,  whether 

Spanish,  English,  Dutch  or  French,  that  the  first  serious  prob- 

^^  Holmen:  workhouse  for  prisoners  in  Copenhagen. 


40  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

lem  clamoring  for  solution  was  that  of  labor  supply.^^  As  early 
as  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  the  Spanish 
government  began  to  concern  itself  with  the  preservation  of  the 
aborigines,  who  proved  unadaptable  to  severe  labor,  African 
slaves  had  been  resorted  to  as  a  substitute  for  native  and  white 
labor. ^-  White  convict  labor  was  cursed  at  in  Virginia,  Barbados 
and  Martinique  as  heartily  as  at  St.  Thomas.  Indentured 
servants  were  among  those  who  accompanied  Governor  Iversen 
on  the  initial  voyage;  but  fevers,  climate,  and  careless  living 
killed  them  off  faster  than  they  could  be  replaced.  This  labor 
difficulty  seems  to  have  been  anticipated  in  the  charter  to  some 
extent  when  provision  was  made  for  absorption  of  the  African 
company  of  Gliickstadt  into  the  West  India  Company.-^  The 
union  was  in  fact  complete  November  28, 1674,  when  Christian  V 
issued  an  edict  allowing  the  Danish  West  India  Company  to 
trade  on  the  Guinea  coast.-^  Meanwhile  the  African  company 
had  sent  over  a  ship  to  Guinea  in  1673  which  added  one  hundred 
and  three  slaves  to  the  St.  Thomas  labor  supply;  ^^  some  smaller 
purchases  were  made  from  local  dealers,  and  another  voyage 
was  taken  by  the  Cornelia  in  the  summer  following,  probably  for 
the  same  company.-® 

In  1675  a  Portuguese  bark  was  found  wrecked  on  the  shore 
with  a  slave  cargo,  from  which  were  secured  twenty-four 
wretched  negroes,  of  whom  ten  survived  long  enough  to  be 
entered  on  the  books  of  the  Company.  The  Dutch  traders 
seemed  peculiarly  gifted  with  the  power  to  scent  a  bargain  from 
afar,  whether  in  slaves,  sugar,  or  silks.    A  certain  Landert  van 

^^  See  Mima,  Colbert's  West  India  Policy,  p.  283,  for  a  statement  of  the  con- 
ditions in  the  French  islands;  also  Pierre  Heinrich,  La  Louisiane  soua  la  Com- 
pagnie  des  Indes,  pp.  32  ei  seq. 

**  G.  Scelle,  La  traite  negriere  aux  Indes  de  Castille  (Paris,  1906),  I,  123-125, 
139-161. 

-*  See  If  16  of  octroi. 

^*  Krarup,  Jorgen  Iversen,  31.  Christiansborg  Castle,  near  Accra  on  the 
Guinea  coast,  had  been  built  by  the  Swedes  in  1645  and  captured  from  them  by 
the  Danes  in  1657.  The  history  of  the  Gliickstadt  African  Company  up  to  the 
date  of  its  merger  with  the  Danish  West  India  Company  is  exceedingly  meager. 
Denmark  finally  sold  its  African  possessions  to  Great  Britain  in  1850. 

"  Mariager  MS.,  22. 

"^  L.  Fogtman,  Alphabetisk  Register  .  .  .  (see  July  10,  1674). 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  COMPANY  41 

der  Busse  disposed  of  a  batch  of  sixteen  slaves  to  the  Company 
in  1678,  perhaps  the  remnant  of  a  cargo  that  he  had  retailed 
down  the  islands.  One  Paul  Jensen  from  Stade  on  the  Elbe,  but 
recorded  as  a  "Swede,"  also  sold  slaves  to  the  Company.  That 
the  slave  trade  of  the  Company  was  practically  at  a  standstill  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  the  king  in  1680  granted  permission  to 
Oliver  Pauli,  for  a  time  secretary  of  the  Company  in  Copen- 
hagen, to  send  a  ship  to  Guinea  for  slaves.  The  growth  of  the 
colony  in  these  early  years,  when  rumors  of  pestilence  and  dis- 
affection were  plentiful  and  dividends  were  scarce,  was  nat- 
urally slow.  From  a  population  of  barely  a  hundred  each  of 
whites  and  blacks  in  1673,  the  number  had  risen  by  1680  (the 
last  year  of  Iversen's  stewardship)  to  a  hundred  and  fifty-six 
whites  and  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  blacks.^^ 

During  these  early  years  the  colony  at  St.  Thomas  was  too 
much  concerned  with  keeping  alive  to  become  a  dangerous  com- 
petitor to  the  Dutch,  French,  or  English.  Nevertheless,  the 
appearance  of  the  Danes  was  greeted  by  a  number  of  protests. 
The  English  governor  of  the  Leeward  Islands,  General  Sir 
Charles  Wheler,  lost  no  time  in  denying  the  rights  of  the  Danes 
to  any  of  the  Virgin  Islands,  but  on  the  vigorous  representations 
of  the  Danish  ambassador  in  London,  Marcus  Gioe,  Charles  II 
disavowed  Wheler's  actions,  recalled  him  from  his  post  and 
appointed  Sir  William  Stapleton  in  his  place.  Charles'  letter 
was  dated  September  23, 1672.-^  Spanish  protests  came  in  from 
the  governor  of  Porto  Rico  in  1673  and  1675,  based  on  the  argu- 
ment that  St.  Thomas  lay  on  the  coast  of  Yucatan  and  Cam- 
peachy,  which  with  the  surrounding  islands  were  the  property  of 
Spain.  The  directors,  by  way  of  reply,  presented  a  memoran- 
dum to  the  Danish  king,  setting  forth  the  fact  that  Spain  claimed 
all  the  Virgin  Islands  in  opposition  to  the  claims  of  all  nations, 
but  that  she  did  not  actually  occupy  one;  and  further,  that  the 
Danes  were  looked  upon  by  Charles  II  of  England,  in  his  letter 
(September  23,  1672)  as  rightful  occupants.  Christian  V  had 
his  envoye  at  Madrid,  George  Reedtz,  set  forth  these  arguments, 

"  Krarup,  Iversen,  33;  E.  V.  Lose  (in  Kirkehistarisk  Saml.,  6  R.  II  B.,  298) 
28  Cal.  Col.  1675-76,  Addenda  157^-167/^,  No.  397.    The  relations  of  Stapleton 
with  the  St.  Thomas  authorities  will  be  discussed  in  the  next  chapter. 


42  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

and  gradually  the  pretensions  of  the  Spaniards  dwindled  down 
for  the  time  to  an  occasional  more  or  less  innocuous  reference,^ 
The  French  had  no  valid  grounds  for  protest.  Their  nearest 
colony  was  St.  Croix  which  had  been  taken  from  the  Spaniards 
in  1650  by  an  expedition  sent  by  de  Poincy  from  St.  Christopher. 
Colbert,  in  his  efforts  to  build  up  French  commercial  power,  had 
practically  closed  French  colonies  to  foreign  trade,  but  the 
Dutch  wars  of  Louis  XIV  made  traffic  between  France  and  her 
West  Indian  colonies  so  precarious  that  Governor  de  Baas  of 
St.  Croix  was  forced  in  1673  to  open  the  island  to  Danish  com- 
merce during  six  months  to  save  his  people  from  starving.^^ 
But  when  Denmark  joined  in  the  war  against  the  French,  this 
trade  ceased,  and  the  St.  Thomas  creditors  were  left  with  some 
thousands  of  rixdollars  worth  of  valueless  paper  on  their  hands. ^^ 

The  news  that  war  had  broken  out  came  in  September,  1675, 
and  for  the  time  being  the  French  contented  themselves  with 
seizing  the  Company's  yacht  at  St.  Croix.  Finally,  on  Feb- 
ruary 2,  1678,  the  French  actually  attacked  St.  Thomas.  Gov- 
ernor Iversen  had  made  valiant  efforts  to  complete  the  fort  to 
the  point  where  it  could  withstand  attack;  a  tower  had  recently 
been  finished,  and  when  requested  to  surrender  he  was  able  to 
bid  the  enemy  defiance.  The  French  left  after  carrying  off  a 
few  slaves  and  some  free  negroes.  After  their  departure  the 
work  on  the  fort  was  continued  with  greater  vigor  than  ever  so 
that  by  1680  the  governor  was  able  to  record  that  the  fort  was 
completed.  With  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  white  and 
black,  that  he  had  available,  he  felt  himself  able,  so  he  reported 
to  his  masters,  to  beat  off  six  hundred  or  even  one  thousand 
men. 

But  the  strenuous  work  involved  in  preparation  against  out- 
side attack  had  driven  the  planters  as  well  as  the  governor  al- 
most to  desperation.  With  the  malcontents  under  the  Dutch- 
man Baggaert  against  him,  with  his  health  undermined  by  the 
strain  of  responsibility,  and  his  temper  becoming  more  and 

"  Manager  MS.,  18,  19. 
'"  Mims,  323;  Krarup,  Iversen.  35. 

"  "  Debtors  on  St.  Croix"  were  still  in  1708  debited  with  2,293  rdl.,  5  marks  in 
the  Company's  books  at  St.  Thomas.    N.  J.  for  St.  Th.,  1705-1708. 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  COMPANY  43 

more  violent,  his  wife  dead,  and  revengeful  enemies  on  all  sides. 
Governor  Iversen  finally  insisted  so  strongly  on  being  relieved 
that  the  directors  proceeded  in  August  and  September,  1679,  to 
choose  a  successor.  They  found  one  in  the  Holsteiner  Nicholas 
Esmit,  the  only  available  candidate  applying.  He  did  not  arrive 
until  July  4,  1680,  when  he  was  received  by  Governor  Iversen 
with  appropriate  pomp  and  ceremony.  The  new  governor  found 
the  harbor  supplied  with  a  good  fort,  a  road  running  through 
the  island,  fifty  plantations  surveyed,  of  which  forty-six  were 
actually  occupied,  the  other  four  not  having  recovered  from  the 
attack  of  the  French;  he  found  the  Company  in  possession  of 
two  plantations  of  its  own,  equipped  with  forty-nine  slaves 
(men,  women,  and  children),  thirty-one  cattle,  seven  horses, 
poultry,  numbers  of  hogs,  and  with  sheep  and  goats  pastured  on 
nearby  islets. ^^ 

Although  the  little  colony  showed  signs  of  vitality,  the  Com- 
pany could  not  begin  to  pay  dividends.  Of  seven  ships,  in- 
cluding yachts  and  the  like,  which  the  Company  or  King  had 
put  into  the  West  India  or  Guinea  trade,  several  had  undergone 
expensive  repairs  or  costly  seizures,  and  two,  the  Charlotte 
Amalia  and  the  St.  Vincent,  had  been  wrecked  altogether, 
bringing  about  a  direct  loss  of  40,000  rdl.  to  the  Company.^^ 
In  the  cargoes  brought  into  Copenliagen  had  been  included  sugar, 
cotton,  indigo,  tobacco,  ginger,  cacao,  "  carret "  (sea  turtle), 
hides,  pockwood  and  other  valuable  timber.^^  Only  a  half  score 
of  passports  had  been  issued  during  the  years  1671-1680  to 
ships  bound  from  Copenhagen  to  the  West  Indies,  and  five  for 
ships  sailing  to  Guinea.  Even  the  extension  of  trading  priv- 
ileges granted  by  the  Company  in  its  mandate  of  February  22, 
1675,  did  not  bring  about  the  hoped  for  results.^^    Matters  had 

^'^Buck  ("Bocken")  and  St.  George  ("S.  Jorris")  islets,  and  particularly 
Water  Island,  just  outside  the  harbor,  were  used  for  pasturage  purposes, 
Krarup,  Iversen,  38. 

3*  Manager  MS.,  22. 

^^  Ibid.,  19,  23. 

'^  By  this  mandate,  the  Company  permitted  its  own  shareholders  to  trade 
with  St.  Thomas  on  the  payment  to  the  government  there  of  a  ten  per  cent, 
duty  on  goods  imported;  while  if  they  imported  slaves  they  should  pay  a  "  recog- 
nitioD"  or  duty  of  one  slave  out  of  each  fifty.    Strangers  might  bring  in  goods 


44  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

come  to  a  low  pass  largely  because  of  the  reaction  of  conditions 
in  Europe  upon  the  commercial  situation  both  in  the  capital  and 
in  the  colony. 

In  carrying  out  his  second  war  against  the  Dutch,  Louis  XIV 
had  indeed  secured  the  assistance  of  the  former  ally  of  the 
United  Provinces,  Sweden,  and  for  a  time  that  of  England.  The 
Netherlands  were  allied  from  the  first  with  the  Hohenzollern 
elector  of  Brandenburg  and  were  later  to  be  joined  by  the  Em- 
peror and  by  their  traditional  enemy,  Spain.  Into  this  armed 
camp  Denmark  threw  herself  on  the  side  of  the  Dutch,  but 
against  the  Swedes,  from  whom  she  hoped  to  regain  her  lost 
provinces.  Such  a  state  of  war  not  only  militated  against  the 
success  of  the  Company's  efforts,  but  threatened  the  very 
existence  of  its  American  factory. 

for  these  return  cargoes  at  the  same  rate  of  ten  per  cent.  Each  of  the  Danish 
skippers  was  to  bring  to  St.  Thomas  two  capable  workingmen,  for  whom  the 
Company  would  pay  10  rdl.  each;  while  each  failure  to  make  such  delivery  waa 
to  be  penalized  by  a  fine  of  20  rdl. 

This  was  very  similar  to  the  Arret  promulgated  by  Colbert,  January  22, 1671, 
to  encourage  the  importation  of  white  servants.  Vessels  of  100  tons  or  over 
were  to  carry  two  cows  or  two  mares,  and  those  of  less  to  carry  two  indentured 
servants  in  place  of  each  cow  or  mare.  Mims,  op.  cit.,  282.  Three  Bergen 
merchants,  Jorgen  Thormohlen,  Cordt  von  Woyda,  and  Daniel  Wolszman, 
received  permission  to  send  ships  to  the  West  Indies  in  this  trade.  A  Christiania 
ship  seems  to  have  got  to  St.  Thomas  with  a  passport  from  the  king,  but  with- 
out the  knowledge  or  permission  of  the  directors.    Mariager  MS.,  26-28. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE   CRITICAL   PERIOD    (1680-1690) 

The  conclusion  of  the  peace  with  Sweden  in  1679  was  followed 
by  a  series  of  efforts  on  the  part  of  the  Danish  crown  to  revive 
and  quicken  the  economic  life  of  the  kingdom.  The  Board  of 
Trade  applied  itself  anew  to  the  task,  and  a  special  commission 
with  Jens  Juel  at  its  head  was  created  in  September,  1681,  to 
supplement  that  body.^  In  this  revival  of  interest  in  commer- 
cial and  kindred  matters,  the  West  India  and  Guinea  venture 
came  in  for  its  share  of  attention.  On  March  3,  1680,  the  king 
issued  an  order,  the  provisions  of  which  indicate  clearly  the  low 
state  of  the  company  and  the  heroic  measures  necessary  to  fan 
into  a  flame  its  spark  of  remaining  life.  In  this  order  the  king 
pledged  his  assistance  by  offering  to  fit  out  and  send  a  ship  to 
Guinea  to  fetch  slaves  for  use  in  St.  Thomas;  and  he  promised  to 
send  the  needed  number  of  men  to  the  Guinea  forts,  which  were 
sadly  in  need  of  assistance.^  The  resolution  of  February  8, 
1675,  confiscating  to  the  Company  the  capital  of  participants 
who  had  not  paid  in  their  full  quota  was  confirmed,  and  now 
each  shareholder  was  assessed  an  amount  equal  to  ten  per  cent, 
of  the  par  value  of  his  share.  If  he  failed  to  pay,  he  was  liable 
to  lose  his  entire  investment.  Moreover,  all  government  em- 
ployees in  his  majesty's  dominions  were  "invited"  to  invest 
ten  per  cent,  of  their  salary,  if  the  latter  was  over  300  rdl.  a  year, 
in  shares;  if  they  had  not  paid  in  the  required  amount  within 
four  or  six  weeks,  it  would  be  deducted  from  their  salaries. 
Finally,  the  king  reached  out  after  those  wealthy  but  apathetic 
burghers  and  others  who  had  hitherto  refrained  from  investing 
or  had  been  unduly  cautious,  by  requiring  that  all  carriage 

*  Other  members  of  this  commission  were  Michael  Vibe,  Peter  Brandt,  Paul 
Rosenpalm,  and  " procureur-general"  Peter  Scavenius.    D.  R.  H.,  IV,  615. 
2  Manager  MS.,  37,  38. 

1451 


46  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

owners  whose  shares  did  not  amount  to  500  sldl.  must  invest 
60  rdl.  once  for  all. 

Whatever  the  king  and  company's  directors  might  propose, 
it  was  after  all  the  servants  of  the  company  in  the  West  Indies 
and  on  the  Guinea  coast  on  whom  would  rest  the  duty  of  dis- 
posing; and  the  success  of  their  efforts  would  be  largely  condi- 
tioned by  various  external  circumstances  over  which  they  had  no 
control.  To  carry  out  the  details  required  by  this  scheme  of 
rehabilitation  and  readjustment,  a  committee  of  four  ^  headed 
by  Herman  Meyer,  councilor  of  war,  admiralty  and  commerce, 
was  appointed  to  take  charge  of  supplying  the  Guinea  forts  with 
men  and  munitions  and  equipping  ships  for  both  Guinea  and  the 
West  Indies.  The  result  was  that  the  Merman  was  sent  out  to 
Guinea  ^  under  Captain  Ove  Ovesen,  who  took  with  him  a  new 
merchant  and  commander  for  the  Guinea  factory,  while  the 
Crowned  Griffin  was  sent  to  St.  Thomas,  passing  Kronborg  castle 
on  September  4,  1680,  under  Captain  John  Blom.^ 

The  home  authorities  had  done  all  that  they  could,  and  as- 
suredly no  less  than  was  needed.  It  remained  to  be  seen  to  what 
extent  their  efforts  would  be  seconded  by  their  employees  and 
favored  by  circumstances.  The  new  governor  of  St.  Thomas, 
Nicholas  Esmit,  had  given  the  directors  plenty  of  promises,  but 

had  been  unable  to  produce  any  recommendations.  The  pend- 
ing resignation  of  Iversen  gave  them  no  time  to  search  about  for 
candidates.  Esmit  claimed  to  have  been  a  skipper,  called  him- 
self captain,  and  asserted  that  he  had  served  his  apprenticeship 
with  the  English  at  Jamaica.     His  name  Esmit  was  probably 

'  The  others  were  Peter  Bladt,  Assessor  in  the  Board  of  Trade,  Mauritz  van 
der  Thy,  and  Claus  Sohn. 

*  No  pass  appears  to  be  recorded  in  Vestindisk  Reg.  1671-99  for  this  ship. 
Merman  =  Hafmanden  or  Havmanden. 

^  Mariager  MS.,  34  et  seq.;  Vest.  Reg.,  1671-99.  The  Crowned  Griffin  =  den 
Cronede  Griff. 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  47 

originally  Schmidt  and  would  point  to  a  sojourn  in  Spain.  He 
was  apparently  related  to  that  John  Esmit  who,  according  to  a 
petition  filed  in  1671  had  been  consul  in  Spain  for  four  years  and 
thereafter  receiver  of  customs  in  Copenhagen  for  twelve  years 
and  had  been  at  one  time  in  charge  of  the  renovation  of  the 
city.^ 

On  his  arrival  at  St.  Thomas,  Captain  Esmit  was  all  amiabil- 
ity, but  he  began  very  soon  to  lend  his  ear  to  George  Iversen's 
enemies,  particularly  to  the  Dutch  absconder,  Carl  Baggaert. 
He  released  one  Peter  Jansen  from  the  prison  into  which  his 
predecessor  had  cast  him,  and  before  Iversen  had  got  ready  to 
leave  for  home  via  St.  Croix,  which  he  did  on  September  20, 
1680,  Esmit  had  so  far  broken  with  the  former  governor  as  to 
forbid  his  living  at  the  fort.  The  obvious  attempt  of  the  new 
encumbent  to  curry  favor  with  the  lawless  element  did  not  bode 
well  for  the  colony. 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  since  the  treaty  of  Madrid 
(1670)  the  EngHsh  governors  in  the  West  Indies  had  been 
strictly  enjoined  to  suppress  privateering.  Their  task  had  been 
a  difficult  one,  for  Spain  not  only  protested  against  English 
logwood  cutters  being  allowed  to  exploit  the  swamps  of  Yucatan 
but  effected  a  considerable  number  of  captures.^  The  distinc- 
tion between  logwood  cutting  and  piracy  was  apparently  not 
very  clear  to  the  Spanish  official  mind. 

Among  the  most  conscientious  officials  were  Sir  Thomas 
Lynch,  who  was  governor  of  Jamaica  in  1671  and  after  an  ab- 
sence of  a  few  years  was  reappointed  in  1681,  and  Sir  William 
Stapleton,  governor  of  the  Leeward  Islands.  Assuredly  pri- 
vateering and  the  development  of  plantations  and  legitimate 
trade  did  not  go  hand  in  hand.  Until  there  was  reasonable 
guarantee  that  plantation  products  would  be  safe  from  seizure 
on  the  high  seas,  men  would  be  chary  of  sinking  their  funds  or 
investing  their  labor  in  plantations. 

From  the  viewpoint  of  British  expansion,  commercial  and 
territorial,  the  Danish  islands,  like  the  Dutch  and  French,  were 

'  Nielsen,  Kobenhavn,  V,  62  et  scq. 

''  It  was  reported  in  1674  that  75  English  ships  had  been  seized  by  the  Span- 
iards since  1670.    Beer,  The  Old  Colonial  System.  1660-1688,  II,  68. 


48  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

on  the  frontier  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  EngHsh.  This 
frontier  had  been  pushed  forward  by  a  straight  conquest  to  in- 
clude Jamaica;  buccaneers  had  made  sport  of  it  and  were  finally 
to  extend  it  permanently  into  Campeachy.  It  was  in  this  twi- 
light zone,  haunted  by  buccaneers  and  men  of  their  type,  that 
St.  Thomas  had  found  itself  since  its  settlement.  To  keep  the 
island  out  of  complications  with  its  powerful  neighbor  required 
more  firmness  and  clear-headedness  than  was  possessed  by 
Nicholas  Esmit.  Of  his  early  history  as  governor  only  a  few  en- 
lightening documents  exist,  but  a  letter  written  by  him  to  the 
directors  May  17, 1682,  is  sufficiently  illustrative  of  the  ways  of 
the  privateers  and  of  their  reception  in  St.  Thomas  to  justify 
quotation: 

"There  arrived  here  February  8  [1682]  a  ship  of  unknown 
origin,  some  two  hundred  tons  in  size,  without  guns,  passport  or 
letters,  and  with  seven  men,  French,  English,  and  German.  On 
being  questioned  they  replied  that  they  had  gone  out  of  Es- 
-paniola  [Hispaniola]  from  the  harbor  of  Petit  Guava  (sic)  with 
two  hundred  men  and  a  French  commission  to  cruise  on  the 
Spaniards.  They  had  come  to  the  coast  of  Terra  Firma  and 
landed  in  the  river  of  Danan  [Darien?]  where  they  were  joined 
by  the  wild  Indians  who  were  to  show  them  the  way  over  the 
land  to  the  South  Sea,  which  they  also  did;  .  .  .  and  they  took  a 
little  ship  or  bark  with  a  hundred  blocks  [bars?]  of  silver,  next  a 
large  vessel,  and  finally  a  Spanish  galleon,  with  which  they  did 
much  damage  over  all  the  South  Sea;  and  after  having  robbed 
for  two  years  in  the  South  Seas,  they  escaped  around  Terra  de 
fago  [del  Fuego]  .  .  .  and  on  January  28  came  to  anchor  in 
Antigo  [Antigua],  where  all  the  English  in  the  crew  went  over 
on  the  English  ship  with  all  their  gold  and  silver.  The  rest, 
namely  seven  men,  who  had  risked  [?]  and  doubled  their  money, 
sailed  for  Petit  Goava,  but  on  the  way  the  boat  leaked,  so  they 
asked  to  come  in  to  St.  Thomas  and  there  careen  the  boat, 
which  was  done  at  Strand  Slucken  [Gregerie  Beach?]  by  the  aid 
of  thirty  men  sent  out  by  me.  I  bought  what  little  cacao  they 
had,  the  rest  of  their  plunder  they  brought  ashore  and  divided 
among  our  people.  The  ship  was  no  longer  usable.  I  have 
decided  not  to  confiscate  it,  in  order  to  avoid  any  unfriendhness 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  49 

with  sea-robbers.    The  inhabitants  of  St.  Thomas  have  decided 
that  the  said  seven  men  shall  remain  among  them."  ^ 

But  clearly  enough  such  cheerful  receptions  could  not  go  on 
very  long  without  arousing  serious  misgivings  in  the  watchful 
governor  of  the  Leeward  Islands,  Sir  William  Stapleton.  On 
August  18,  1682,  one  Captain  "Toms  Wadsten"  (Thomas 
Watson?)  came  into  St.  Thomas  harbor  with  his  sloop,  the 
Prosperous,  and  received  permission  of  the  governor  to  come 
in  to  revictual.  The  vessel  had  come  from  Barbados,  it  was 
said,  and  was  bound  for  Jamaica.  On  the  captain's  remaining 
in  the  harbor  longer  than  the  time  agreed  on,  and  selling  great 
quantities  of  "kill-devil,"  stuffs,  linen,  gloves,  and  the  like,  his 
vessel  and  remaining  goods  were  seized  and  declared  good  prize. 
A  commission  headed  by  the  Carl  Baggaert  before  mentioned, 
and  including  "Mr.  William  Borth"  (Burke?)  an  "expert  buyer 
of  English  and  Irish  wares,"  found  the  confiscated  cargo  to  be 
worth  £108,  135.  M.  On  August  26,  Captain  Watson  and  his 
mate,  John  Campion,  were  condemned  to  be  hanged.  This  in- 
teresting ceremony  occurred  "in  the  proper  place,  where  or- 
dinary justice  is  done."  There  the  victim  was  suspended  "by 
a  strap;"  "Robbert  Wautersen  van  Rotterdam"  was  ordered 
banished,  while  the  chief  witness,  John  Finlasson,  was  to  leave 

8  Breve  og  Dokumenter,  1683-1689,  from  a  copy  by  O.  Pauli,  the  company's 
secretary  in  Copenhagen.  This  rather  quaint  account  of  the  rovings  of  a  buc- 
caneering expedition  in  the  South  Seas  is  really  the  Danish  version  in  a  nutshell 
of  the  famous  voyage  described  at  length  in  John  Exquemelin's  history  of  the 
buccaneers.  In  the  London  edition  of  that  work,  which  was  published  in  1685, 
was  included  under  a  separate  title  "The  Dangerous  Voyage  and  Bold  Attempts 
of  Capt.  Bartholomew  Sharp  and  others,  written  by  Mr.  Basil  Ringrose,  who 
was  all  along  present."  One  of  the  nine  "captains"  of  whom  that  writer  makes 
mention  was  Bartholomew  Sharp,  who  was  sent  to  England  with  some  of  his 
fellows,  at  the  instance  of  the  Spanish  ambassador  in  London,  where  they  were 
to  be  tried  for  piracy.  After  having  secured  his  acquittal  with  the  others  on 
the  plea  that  the  Spaniards  had  fired  the  first  shot.  Captain  Sharp  returned  to 
the  West  Indies,  eventually  settling  down  in  St.  Thomas,  where  he  succeeded 
in  making  the  governor's  existence  miserable.  In  John  Lorentz's  term  of  oflBce, 
sixteen  years  after  his  South  Sea  exploit,  after  sickness  had  deprived  him  of  the 
use  of  his  hands,  he  was  still  able,  through  the  indiscriminate  use  of  an  active 
and  violent  tongue,  to  earn  a  sentence  of  imprisonment  for  life  from  an  indig- 
nant governor  and  council.  Lorentz  to  Directors  (24  June,  1698).  C.  B., 
1690-171S. 


50  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

the  island  within  a  fortnight.  The  order  was  signed  by  Bag- 
gaert  and  one  Jochum  Delicaet,  a  wily  Dutchman  who  will 
come  in  for  attention  latcr.^  Before  Governor  Stapleton  could 
get  a  chance  to  secure  the  delivery  of  the  sloop  to  him,  Nicholas 
Esmit  was  replaced  by  his  brother  Adolph,  who  had  become  the 
leader  of  a  faction  of  the  more  unruly  planters.^"  Adolph  was 
shifty,  shrewd,  vain,  and  at  times  boastful,  and  an  exceedingly 
exasperating  neighbor  to  deal  with. 

It  is  in  the  period  when  the  Esmit  brothers  were  responsible 
for  the  government  of  St.  Thomas,  that  the  island  gained  its 
reputation  as  a  resort  for  pirates.  For  that  reason  their  relations 
with  pirates,  or  with  persons  suspected  of  being  such,  deserve  to 
be  examined  with  some  minuteness.  On  October  7,  1782, 
Governor  Stapleton  sent  Thomas  Biss,  his  deputy  on  Tortola, 
to  "the  Honorable  Governor  Esmit  iti  St.  Thomas  Island,"  for 
to  have  written  "of  St.  Thomas  Island"  would  have  been  an 
official  recognition  of  the  usurpation.  On  the  demand  of  Biss 
for  the  restoration  of  a  sloop,  which  he  maintained  had  been 
seized  from  its  lawful  owner,  as  well  as  on  the  request  for  the  de- 
livery of  seven  white  servants  who  had  run  away  from  Mont- 
serrat,  Adolph  Esmit  gave  contradictory  and  evasive  answers. 
When  the  English  official  demanded  the  runaway  servants, 
Esmit  had  replied  that  this  was  a  free  port  ^^  and  that  anyone 
asking  for  protection  was  entitled  to  it.  "  Sir,"  was  the  reply  of 
Biss,  "if  your  port  is  free,  why  did  you  seize  the  sloop.'*  If  some 
rogues  have  freedom  here,  why  not  all.''"  ^^ 

Later,  in  a  communication  to  Biss,  Esmit  offered  to  restore  the 
sloop  (which  he  had  already  sold  at  auction  for  twenty-five 
pieces  of  eight)  on  the  presentation  of  a  certificate  from  Gover- 

^  A.E.,  .  .  .  1682-85,  "Lit.  A."  and  "Lit.  B."  appended  to  A.  Esmit's  letter 
to  the  king  (1  Sept.,  1683).  Delicaet's  first  name  was  frequently  spelled  Jo- 
achim. 

1"  On  3  August,  1682,  Nicholas  had  discharged  a  debt  of  3,000  rdl.  to  his 
brother,  described  in  the  document  as  "young  of  years  and  faithful,"  by  deeding 
him  his  share  of  a  plantation  3,000  feet  long  and  stocked  with  37  slaves, 
houses,  indigo,  "works,"  etc.  The  deposing  of  Nicholas  took  place  in  the 
autumn.     (B.  &  D..  1683-89.) 

11  This  appears  to  be  the  first  reference  to  St.  Thomas  as  a  free  port. 

"  Cal.  Col..  1681-85.  No.  777  (11  Nov.,  1682). 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  51 

nor  Stapleton  showing  that  he  had  authority  to  receive  it,  and 
on  payment  of  certain  charges.  ^^  In  a  moderately  toned  letter  of 
December  12,  addressed  to  "Capt.  Adolphus  Eastmitt,"  Staple- 
ton  reiterated  his  demand  for  restitution  of  sloop  and  runaways 
"now  that  I  understand  that  you  have  the  power  in  yr  hand." 
Esmit's  reply  did  not  entirely  suit  the  English  governor  who 
wrote,  "It  doesn't  show  much  inclination  to  live  in  peace,  to 
say  that  some  [of  the  seven  servants]  have  gone  to  Leeward  and 
one  is  in  the  [Danish]  king's  service,  which  is  all  one  with  saying 
their  money  in  part  is  employed  in  the  king's  service  soe  is  the 
boat  in  which  they  were  transported  and  ye  sloop  and  goods 
too." 

But  the  governor  wanted  his  neighbors  to  understand  that 
his  patience  had  limits.  "You  may  be  confident,"  he  added, 
"that  the  detention  of  sloop  goods  and  servants  will  not  be 
forgotten.  It  were  no  hard  matter  for  me  to  let  you  otherwise 
know  it  but  my  inclination  is  otherwise."  Esmit  declined  to  be 
bluffed,  however.  In  his  reply,  dated  January  8,  1683,  he  re- 
fused to  assume  responsibility  for  the  acts  of  his  brother  or  to 
trouble  himself  further  concerning  the  whole  matter,  saucily 
adding  that  "I  know  you  serve  his  Mayts  (Majesty)  of  Engen- 
lant  whom  I  have  had  the  Honner  to  Serve  as  Capt:  whose 
Commission  I  have  [and]  alsoo  another  from  his  Rojall  Heighnis: 
and  att  present  I  Sarve  my  Master  the  Souerin  King  of  Denne- 
marck  and  thus  I  conclude."  ^^ 

Meantime  Governor  Stapleton  had  incorporated  his  griev- 
ances into  a  vigorous  letter  which  he  had  sent  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade  and  Plantation  on  November  11,  1682.^^  They  suffered 
alike,  he  explained,  from  Dutch  and  Danes,  from  fugitive  serv- 
ants, black  and  white,  and  from  seamen  and  other  debtors,  who 
had  run  away  to  these  islands  and  were  never  restored,  on  the 
ground  that  the  freedom  of  their  port  protects  all,  and  he  de- 
spaired as  to  how  to  proceed  except  by  the  law  of  the  Turks  and 
Algerines.  The  complaint  was  promptly  conveyed  to  the 
Danish  envoy  at  London,  Christian  Lente,  by  the  Earl  of 

13  A.  Esmit  to  Mr.  Diss  (20  Nov.,  1682).    A.  E.,  1682-89. 

"  A.  E.,  1682-89. 

"  Cal.  Col,  1681-85,  No.  777. 


52  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Sunderland,  with  a  request  for  the  restoration  of  the  sloop  and 
servants.^®  Within  a  fortnight  the  Danish  king  had  written  a 
vigorous  letter  to  Esmit  rebuking  him  and  ordering  him  to 
restore  ship  and  fugitive  servants  forthwith,  on  pain  of  summary 
punishment  of  death.  Further  complaint  of  violence  would 
certainly  bring  this  punishment  upon  him.'^ 

It  could  assuredly  not  have  missed  the  observation  of  the 
de  facto  governor  that  serious  trouble  was  in  the  wind;  and  so 
long  as  he  had  secured  no  commission,  his  position  was  bound  to 
be  exceedingly  precarious.  The  directors  of  the  company  in 
Copenhagen  had  early  learned  of  Nicholas  Esmit's  doings  at 
St.  Thomas,  and  decided  to  have  him  replaced  at  the  earliest 
opportunity  by  a  more  likely  incumbent.  In  March  1682 
George  Iversen  who  had  recuperated  from  his  severe  expe- 
rience again  sought  his  former  post.  In  this  and  in  his  plans  for 
strengthening  the  colony  by  another  consignment  of  convicts 
Iversen  was  supported  by  Jens  Juel  and  Albert  Gyldensparre 
who  with  Edward  Hoist,  assumed  the  direction  of  the  company's 
affairs  in  1682,  on  the  resignation  of  Hans  Nansen  and  Herman 
Meyer.  ^^  The  governor-elect  received  his  commission  Septem- 
ber 26,  1682,  his  final  instructions  on  October  28,  and  left 
Elsinore  on  November  10,  just  when  Stapleton  was  formulating 
his  charges  against  Adolph  Esmit,  But  Iversen  was  never  to 
reach  his  destination,  for  after  he  had  passed  the  Azores,  he  and 
those  in  authority  with  him  fell  victims  to  a  mutiny  instigated 
by  their  convict  cargo.  ^^ 

As  the  news  of  this  latest  misfortune  was  reaching  the  direc- 
tors at  Copenhagen,  Adolph  Esmit  was  sending  his  recently 
married  English  wife  Charity  to  Denmark  to  plead  his  case  and 
procure  him  a  commission. "°   He  sent  in  numerous  documents 

16  Ccd.  Col.,  1681-85.  No.  993  (Mar.  8,  1683). 

"  Ibid.,  No.  1003  (Mar.  17,  1683).  Another  copy  of  the  same  docu- 
ment has  been  calendared  by  mistake  under  date  of  Mar.  17,  1684  (No. 
1597). 

•^  Manager  MS.,  44, 

"  Krarup,  Iversen,  43  et  seq.  Most  of  the  mutineers  were  caught  and  horribly 
put  to  death  in  Copenhagen.  CJ.  Haring,  Buccaneers,  237,  where  "Everson" 
is  confused  with  Milan. 

29  A.  E.,  1682-89  (May  1,  1683). 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1G90)  5S 

intended  to  prove  his  brother's  treachery  and  justify  his  own 
actions.  ^^  Charity  Esmit  was  a  shrewd  woman,  of  wide  ac- 
quaintance in  official,  if  not  indeed  in  royal  circles.  She  was  an 
adept  at  intriguing,  and  lost  no  time  in  pulling  all  available 
wires  to  keep  her  husband  in  his  place.--  Her  insistence  was 
rewarded  when  the  king  and  the  directors  decided  early  in 
July  that  the  low  estate  of  the  company  demanded  that  for  the 
present  the  incumbent  be  confirmed  in  his  office,  and  issued  the 
commission  on  July  17. 

Before  Charity  could  bring  her  husband  the  much  desired 
commission,  matters  had  rapidly  approached  a  crisis  in  St. 
Thomas.  In  response  to  requests  from  West  Indian  governors 
for  men  of  war  to  protect  their  interests,  the  English  king  had 
sent  H.  M.  S.  Ruby  under  Capt.  Richard  May  to  the  Leeward 
Islands  early  in  1683.  In  his  search  for  a  French  pirate  ship. 
La  Trompeuse,  captained  by  the  notorious  Jean  Hamlin,  he 
visited  St.  Thomas  early  in  July,^^  but  failed  to  find  the  ship, 
although  Sir  Thomas  Lynch  had  reported  the  presence  of  La 
Trompeuse  in  a  letter  to  the  Lord  President  of  the  Council, 
written  on  May  6.^^  But  the  English  were  not  to  be  balked  so 
easily  of  their  prey.  At  three  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  July  30, 
Capt.  Charles  Carlile  put  into  St.  Thomas  harbor  with  H.  M.  S. 
Francis,  a  ship  sent  by  the  king  early  in  the  year  with  ammuni- 
tion and  supplies  for  the  new  forts  at  St.  Christopher,  Nevis, 
Montserrat,  and  Antigua.  Carlile  had  with  him  a  letter  of 
recommendation  from  Sir  William  Stapleton.  The  object  of  the 
search.  La  Trompeuse,  a  ship  of  thirty-two  guns  and  six  boats 
(patararoes)  was  lying  at  anchor  within,  and  (according  to 
Capt.  Carlile)  the  Francis  was  greeted  by  some  shots  from 
either  the  pirate  or  the  fort.    On  Tuesday,  July  31,  the  English 

2'  An  English  pirate,  George  Bond,  was  one  of  those  whose  depositions  were 
included.  Various  threats  made  by  Nicholas  Esmit  at  St.  Christopher  and  St. 
Eustatius  against  St.  Thomas  inhabitants  were  adduced.  A.  E.,  1682-S9 
(May  1.  1683). 

^^  One  of  Adolph  Esmit's  most  steadfast  friends  was  Steen  Andersen  Bille, 
vice  commandant  of  Copenhagen  in  1670,  appointed  to  the  war  college  in  1679, 
and  made  a  noble  in  that  year. 

"  A.  E.,  1682-89  (July  ^|\^.  1685). 

"  Cal.  Col.  1681-85.  No.  1065  (May  6,  1683). 


54  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

captain  sent  a  protest  to  the  governor  concerning  the  shooting, 
and  pUmned  to  burn  up  the  pirate  ship  that  night.  The  gover- 
nor's expUination  that  he  had  already  taken  her  into  custody 
and  sent  her  men  ashore  did  not  help  matters,  for  in  that  case 
he  was  responsible  for  the  firing  on  the  English  flag.  Esmit's 
efforts  to  cajole  Carlile  ashore  by  sending  him  a  present  and  an 
invitation  to  dine  were  too  transparent  to  succeed,  ('arlile  was 
in  no  mood  to  risk  a  delay  that  might  bring  in  the  pirate  ship's 
consort,  which  was  daily  expected,  so  he  sent  his  men  on  board 
her  that  evening  (Tuesday)  and  fired  her.  In  the  conflagration, 
another  privateer  lying  near  at  hand  caught  fire  and  was  burned. ^^ 

In  vain  did  Esmit  fulminate  against  this  confessedly  high- 
handed measure  and  against  Carlile's  threat  to  summon  three 
more  frigates  to  his  assistance  if  Esmit  did  not  deliver  up  the 
pirate  Englishmen  who  were  ashore.  Esmit  admitted  the 
firing  of  a  shot  from  the  castle  but  maintained  that  his  purpose 
was  merely  to  secure  due  salute.  Since  he  was  acqused  of  undue 
intimacy  with  pirates,  he  sent  over  in  irons  the  man  who  fired 
the  shot.    The  rest,  he  explained,  had  fled.-^ 

Esmit's  first  care  was  to  notify  the  French  governor  of  St. 
Croix,  for  the  French  might  be  expected  to  put  in  a  claim  for  the 
restitution  of  property  belonging  to  one  of  their  subjects, ^'^ 
although  in  his  claim  to  Carlile  Esmit  argued  that  the  frigate 
belonged  to  the  King  of  Denmark.  Stapleton  had  now  secured 
the  means  by  which  he  could  back  up  his  words  with  powder 
and  ball,  and  was  prepared  to  press  his  advantage.  On  Au- 
gust 15  he  demanded  that  Esmit  deliver  up  Jean  Hamlin,  whom 
the  St.  Thomas  governor  had  evidently  befriended.  "Have  a 
care,"  he  wrote,  "I  shall  come  from  the  Leeward  Islands  with 
an  armed  force,  blow  you  up  as  quickly  as  the  Trompeuse,  and 
pound  any  pirate  that  you  may  have  fitted  out.  If  you  have  a 
spark  of  honesty  in  you  restore  me  the  sloop  and  runaway  serv- 

"Cal.  Col..  1681-86.  Nos.  1168,  1173,  1188,  1190;  A.  E..  1682-89  (Aug.  1, 
1683). 

M  Ibid..  No.  1173.    Esmit  to  Stapleton  (Aug.  1,  1683). 

''^  Ibid.,  No.  1381.  The  Chevalier  of  St.  Laurens,  French  governor 
of  Martinique,  sent  a  protest  to  Governor  Stapleton  Nov.  13,  1683,  main- 
taining not  without  reason  that  his  men  should  have  spared  the  ships  and 
punished  the  pirates. 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  55 

ants  that  I  have  already  claimed."  ^^  In  a  letter  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade  written  on  the  same  day  Stapleton  expressed  himself  with 
equal  vigor  and  at  greater  length.  He  was  sending  Carlile  out 
after  Cooke  and  Bond,  two  other  English  pirates  who  had  been 
befriended  by  the  Danish  governor.  "There  is  more  need  of 
such  [i.  e.,  good  ships]  in  the  Leeward  Islands  than  in  any  other 
government,"  he  wrote,  "with  their  mixture  of  Spanish,  French, 
Danes,  Dutch,  and  Indians."  ^^  Stapleton's  wounded  feelings 
received  some  balm  when  a  copy  reached  him  of  Christian  V's 
order  to  Esmit's  brother  Nicholas  to  deliver  to  the  English  island 
of  Montserrat  the  sloop  and  goods  seized,  and  likewise  to  restore 
the  seven  runaway  servants. ^'^  He  may  also  have  extracted  com- 
fort from  the  success  of  his  men  in  breaking  up  the  "castle"  that 
Esmit  had  caused  to  be  built  on  St.  John,  and  in  despoiling  of 
their  live  stock  the  grazing  islets  near  St.  Thomas  harbor.^^ 

Esmit  was  nothing  daunted  by  Stapleton's  threats.  He 
seized  English  sloops  when  he  could  lay  hands  on  them  and  sold 
Jean  Hamlin  a  new  sloop,  perhaps  one  of  those  seized  from  the 
English.  Hamlin  went  back  to  his  old  trade  ^^  in  company  with  a 
Captain  Morgan,  a  pirate  and  a  namesake  of  that  other  Morgan 
who  was  trying  in  the  capacity  of  lieutenant  governor  of  Jamaica 
to  suppress  piracy  in  Caribbean  waters.  Captain  George  Bond, 
master  of  the  ship  Summer  Island  of  London,  had  bought  a 
Dutch  vessel  at  St.  Thomas,  fitted  her  out  there,  turned  pirate, 
and  sent  some  of  his  captured  booty  back  to  St.  Thomas  for  safe 
keeping.  ^^ 

Madame  Esmit's  return  from  Copenhagen  in  November  1683 
with  the  coveted  commission  was  a  triumph  of  which  neither  she 

"  Cal.  Col..  1681-85,  No.  1189  (Aug.  15,  1683). 

^^  Ibid.,  No.  1188.  The  Indians  were  on  the  rampage  in  the  Windward  Islands 
at  this  time. 

'°  Adolph  Esmit's  commission  was  dated  July  17,  1683.  The  order  for  the 
release  of  the  sloop  was  signed  Oct.  4,  1683.    Cal.  Col.,  1681-85.  No.  2087. 

"  A.  E.,  1682-89  (Aug.  26,  1683).    "Lit.  D." 

'2  Cal.  Col.  1681-85,  No.  1223.  Stapleton  to  Lords  of  Trade  (Aug.  30, 1683). 
Before  long  Hamlin  is  again  heard  of  as  a  captain  of  La  Nouvelle  Trompeuse, 
which  Stapleton  asserted  was  fitted  and  protected  by  the  godly  New  England 
independents.    Ibid.,  No.  2042  (Jan.  7,  1685). 

"  Ibid.,  Nos.  1471-1474,  1636. 


56  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

nor  her  husband  was  slow  to  take  advantage.  DiflSculty  of 
communication  between  new  and  old  world  meant  that  the 
offences  and  grievances  of  the  summer,  which  had  been  accu- 
mulating in  London  and  Copenhagen,  became  the  topic  of  dip- 
lomatic negotiation  in  the  winter  following.  The  commission 
arrived  none  too  soon,  for  malcontents  within  the  colony  were 
already  plotting  Adolph  Esniit's  overthrow.  Now  that  he  was 
governor  in  his  own  right,  he  could  proceed  against  his  local 
enemies  with  a  vigor  born  of  authority.  The  first  to  become 
a  target  for  the  governor's  wrath  was  the  leader  of  the  plot,  Otto 
Eden,  who  was  condemned  to  death  in  the  month  following 
Madame's  retum.^^  His  two  chief  accomplices  got  off  with  fines, 
and  banishment  to  their  plantations  for  nine  months.^''  Esmit 
showed  very  much  the  same  instability  of  character  in  dealing 
with  the  inhabitants,  that  he  showed  in  his  relations  with  his 
neighbors  on  other  islands.  The  return  of  Madame  Esmit 
could  not  but  further  embitter  the  life  of  the  conscientious,  if 
irascible,  Stapleton.  "Never  was  like  impudence  on  the  earth 
as  of  Esmit  and  his  wife,"  he  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  Feb- 
ruary 13,  1684.  "She  gives  out  that  she  is  the  relict  of  an 
English  baron." 

Had  Governor  Iversen  lived  to  arrive  safely  at  his  post  early 
in  1683  when  he  was  expected,  the  company  might  have  been 
spared  much  expense  and  annoyance,  and  the  colony  a  harrowing 
experience.  For  Esmit  was  no  more  inclined  to  give  up  his 
habits  than  Stapleton  was  to  let  him  cultivate  them  in  peace. 
In  April  1684  Sir  William  issued  an  order  to  Col.  Thomas  Hill, 
authorizing  him  to  secure  any  persons  that  he  might  find  in  the 
Virgin  Islands,  especially  Danes,  and  bring  them  to  Nevis. ^® 
Before  long  Esmit 's  secretary,  Martin  Borel,  with  three  negroes 
was  captured  and  detained  in  arrest  at  Nevis.  When  Esmit 
threatened  to  send  the  secretary's  seven  children  over  into 
Stapleton's  safekeeping  in  case  their  mother  who  was  danger- 
ously ill,  should  die,^^  the  secretary  was  returned. 

»<  A.  E..  1682-89  (Nov.  20,  and  Dec.  1C83). 

^*  Ibid.  (Jan.  26, 1684).   They  were  Jochum  Delicaet  and  Jan  Borris. 

«  Cal.  Col..  1681-85,  1947,  III  (April  3,  1684). 

"  Ibid.,  1947,  II  (June  11,  1684);  A.  E.  (June  16,  1684). 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  57 

About  two  months  before  Madame  Esmit's  return,  and  too 
early  to  permit  the  news  of  it  to  reach  Copenhagen  before  she 
had  made  oflf  with  her  husband's  precious  commission,  Stapleton 
had  sent  in  two  letters  with  his  latest  grievances  against  his 
recalcitrant  neighbor.  ^^  The  news  transmitted  by  Stapleton 
concerning  Jean  Hamlin  proved  the  last  straw,  and  on  Novem- 
ber 14,  1683  the  king  issued  an  Order  in  Council  authorizing 
Governor  Stapleton  to  seize  the  governor  of  St.  Thomas  and  to 
hinder  the  further  harboring  of  pirates  in  that  place.^^  The 
Danish  envoy  was  notified  of  the  action  taken,  and  the  sending 
of  the  order  was  delayed  until  he  could  communicate  with  the 
government  at  Copenhagen.^*^  In  February,  1684,  the  Earl 
of  Sunderland,  Secretary  of  State,  was  informed  by  Christian 
Lente,  the  Danish  envoy,  that  the  King  of  Denmark  had  ordered 
the  arrest  of  the  governor  of  St.  Thomas.*^ 

Affairs  were  by  this  time  moving  rather  too  swiftly  for  the 
comfort  of  the  directors  et  Copenliagen.  On  account  of  Iversen's 
death,  they  had  been  forced  against  their  will  to  confirm  the 
usurper  and  harborer  of  pirates  in  his  office  until  they  could  se- 
cure a  new  incumbent.  But  the  patience  of  the  English  govern- 
ment was  evidently  exhausted,  and  it  was  in  no  mood  to  listen 
to  Esmit's  counter  complaints.  So  in  a  shareholders'  meeting 
held  on  March  10,  the  directors  of  the  Danish  company  were 
asked  to  choose  a  new  governor. 

Two  available  candidates  presented  themselves,  "auditor" 
Balthasar  Lachmann  and  Gabriel  Milan.  The  latter  was  selected 
because  of  his  knowledge  of  languages  and  of  his  business  ability 
to  fill  the  vacant  place. ^^  The  recommendation,  dated  March  14, 
was  signed  by  the  executive  committee  of  the  directors,  con- 
sisting of  Albert  Gyldensparre,  a  brother  of  the  disgraced  Count 
Griff enf eld,  Abraham  Wiist,  later  to  become  a  member  of  the 
Board  of  Trade,  and  Edward  Hoist.  The  terms  on  which  the 
office  was  to  be  bestowed  were  presently  agreed  upon,  and  on 

'8  Cal.  Col.,  1681-85,  No.  1188  (Aug.  15)  and  1222  (Aug.  30,  1683). 

^9  Ibid..  No.  1382. 

"  Krarup,  Milan,  3. 

«  Cal.  Col.,  1681-86,  No.  1547  (Feb.  19). 

*^  Krarup,  Milan,  3. 


58  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

May  7,  1684,  the  king  issued  an  order  deposing  Adolph  Esmit 

and  naming  Gabriel  Milan  as  governor  of  St.  Thomas  in  his 
stead.'^^ 

To  take  the  new  governor  and  his  retinue  over  to  the  West 
Indies,  the  king  set  aside  the  warship,  Fortuna,  armed  with  forty 
guns  and  provided  with  a  crew  of  eighty  men,  and  placed  in 
command  Captain  George  Meyer,  a  German-speaking  officer 
who  had  been  in  the  Danish  service  for  five  years.  Besides  his 
own  family,  consisting  of  a  wife,  a  grown  son,  Felix,  and  four 
children,  Milan  brought  with  him  a  governess,  three  maids, 
three  lackeys,  a  laborer,  and  a  Tartar.  ^"^  As  merchant  at  the 
St.  Thomas  factory  and  next  in  authority  to  the  governor,  the 
directors  sent  along  Niels  Lassen,  and  as  "assistant"  in  the 
company's  oflBce  (a  clerical  place)  John  Lorentz,  a  young  man 
from  Flensborg  in  Schleswig  who  had  contracted  to  serve  the 
company  for  four  years. 

Lavish  provision  was  made  for  the  governor's  comfort. 
Various  kinds  of  foreign  wines  were  taken  on  board,  and  place 
was  even  found  for  six  or  seven  dogs.  The  king  had  furnished 
him  with  6,000  rdl.  cash  for  his  immediate  needs  and  given  him 
part  of  his  salary  in  advance.  Certainly  no  charge  of  niggard- 
liness could  be  laid  against  the  Company,  the  entire  original 
stock  of  which  amounted  to  not  more  than  44,866  rdl.  (64,300 
sldl.).  Captain  Meyer  was  entrusted  with  a  secret  order  direct- 
ing that  in  case  of  Milan's  death  Niels  Lassen  should  succeed 
to  the  governorship,  and  that  in  case  of  the  death  of  the  latter. 
Lieutenant  Christopher  Heins  of  St.  Thomas  should  take 
charge.  ^"^  The  Fortuna  remained  long  enough  to  receive  a  copy 
of  Charles  II's  orders  to  Stapleton  to  assist  the  new  governor  in 
case  Esmit  should  resist.^'' 

The  man  who  was  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  re- 
deeming the  good  name  of  his  country  in  the  far-off  Caribbean 
had  led  an  eventful  life.  Milan  came  of  a  reputable  Jewish 
family    which    had   connections    in    Portugal,    Flanders,    and 

"  Christian  V.  to  A.  Esmit.    A.  E.,  1682-89. 

**  Krarup,  Milan,  5. 

*Uhid.,Q. 

«  Cal.  Col,  1681-85.  No.  1676  (May  13). 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  59 

Hamburg.  His  family  was  related  by  marriage  to  the  well- 
known  Portuguese- Jewish  houses  of  da  Costa  and  de  Castro. 
He  had,  according  to  his  own  account,  begun  his  career  as  a 


soldier,  and  had  served  under  Cardinal  Mazarin  in  France. 
In  1667  he  appears  in  the  role  of  an  Amsterdam  merchant;  he 
was  concerned  with  financing  a  foreign  journey  undertaken  by 
Prince  George  of  Denmark;  in  1668  he  was  made  Danish  factor, 
and  in  1670  factor- general,  in  Amsterdam, 

In  this  capacity  he  composed  reports  on  political  and  com- 
mercial matters,  a  circumstance  that  brought  him  into  con- 
fidential relations  with  various  important  personages  at  the 
Danish  court,  among  whom  the  Peter  Schumacher  (Count 
Griffenfeld)  before  mentioned  was  his  chief  stay  until  the  latter 's 
fall  in  1676.  Among  his  linguistic  acquisitions  he  counted 
Spanish,  French,  Portuguese,  German,  and  Dutch. 

Milan  had  tried  in  vain  to  get  an  appointment  to  the  Board 
of  Trade  on  the  ground  that  he  knew  the  tricks  of  traders  and 
money-changers,  and  he  had  accumulated  a  list  of  claims  against 
his  royal  master  for  services  rendered  in  the  Netherlands — from 
espionage  to  loans  of  money — which  he  had  small  chance  of 
collecting  in  cash.  His  prospects  of  gettmg  into  the  employ  of 
the  state  were  improved  when  on  January  18,  1682,  he  secured 
a  certificate  showing  that  he  had  discussed  with  a  Hamburg 
Lutheran  minister  the  relative  merits  of  Catholicism  and 
Protestantism,  had  thereby  become  convinced  of  the  truth  of 
the  Augsburg  Confession,  and  had  partaken  of  the  Holy  Com- 
munion. In  depending  upon  the  favor  of  princes  he  had  been 
forced,  even  before  his  appointment  as  governor,  to  drink 
deep  from  the  cup  of  misfortune.    However  praiseworthy  the 


60  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

King's  selection  of  this  fifty-three  years  old  soldier  of  fortune  for 
service  in  the  company  might  have  been  from  motives  of  human- 
ity, his  choice  could  scarcely  have  been  looked  upon  by  hard- 
headed  business  men  with  anything  but  misgivings. '*'' 

The  Foriuna  arrived  at  St.  Thomas  on  October  13,  1684,  after 
a  voyage  of  about  nine  weeks. ^^  At  Nevis  Milan  called  on  Octo- 
ber 6  to  pay  his  respects  to  Governor  Stapleton  and  to  receive 
the  latter 's  "instructions."  Sir  William  seems  to  have  availed 
himself  of  the  opportunity  to  accompany  Milan  and  to  witness 
Adolph  Esmit's  final  disgrace.  Esmit  handed  over  the  reins  of 
office  without  delay  or  resistance.  He  also  handed  over  a 
treasury  so  empty  that  when  the  English  were  ready  to  depart, 
after  having  been  entertained  for  ten  days,  the  money  needed 
for  the  purchase  of  parting  gifts  for  the  English  dignitaries  had 
to  be  borrowed  by  the  government  from  a  planter.  What  w^as 
worst  of  all,  Esmit  handed  over  to  Milan  an  island  that  had 
become  an  outlaw  among  its  more  reputable  neighbors.  This 
was  shown  clearly  enough  two  months  before  the  latter's  ar- 
rival, when,  on  May  22,  a  Spanish  captain,  Antonio  Martino, 
landed  and  carried  fifty-six  slaves  off  to  Hispaniola  or  Haiti. 
Lieutenant  Heins  had  been  sent  over  with  two  planters  to  de- 
mand the  return  of  the  loot,  but  without  success."*^ 

That  Esmit  had  been  prepared  for  the  present  contingency 
there  could  be  no  doubt.  The  gold,  silver,  and  other  property 
that  he  was  able  to  scrape  together  had  been  sent  to  the  Dutch 
island  of  St.  Eustatius,  whence  they  were  to  be  shipped  to 
Flushing.  Although  Milan  had  been  instructed  only  to  secure 
the  persons  of  Esmit  and  his  family  and  to  have  them  sent  to 
Copenhagen,  he  took  it  upon  himself  to  try  to  secure  the  latter's 
property  as  well,  by  sending  Niels  Lassen  to  Governor  Hout- 
coper  of  St.  Eustatius  with  an  alleged  copy  of  his  instructions  and 
a  demand  for  the  delivery  of  the  goods.  But  neither  this  nor 
subsequent  attempts  availed  the  crafty  governor.    Instead  of 

*'  In  Personalhistorisk  Tidskrift,  3  R.  2  B.  (Kjobenhavn.  1893)  102  et  seq. 
F.  Krarup  has  given  an  admirable  and  exhaustive  account  of  Milan's  early  life, 
which  has  been  followed  in  the  preceding  paragraphs. 

« Ibid..  6. 

"  Ibid..  7. 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  61 

seeking  redress  through  diplomatic  channels,  as  his  masters  ex- 
pected him  to  do,  he  authorized  Captain  Delicaet  to  take  the 
company's  ship  Charlotte  Amalia,  find  the  skipper  who  had 
transported  the  goods  and  make  his  ship  lawful  prize.^''  It  was 
to  avoid  just  this  sort  of  complication  that  Esmit  had  been  dis- 
placed. But  Milan  was  an  exponent  of  direct  action,  he  sought 
advice  from  none,  and  the  council  dared  not  oppose  his  will. 

Instead  of  sending  his  deposed  predecessor  back  to  Copen- 
hagen to  answer  for  his  stewardship  over  the  company's  affairs, 
and  to  act  as  defendant  in  a  suit  brought  by  his  brother  Nicholas, 
he  clapped  him  into  confinement,  first  keeping  him  at  the  fort  as 
his  guest,  but  later  putting  him  in  a  prison  cell.^^  Madame 
Esmit  had  rightly  decided  that  she  could  be  more  useful  in 
Copenhagen  than  in  St.  Thomas,  and  had  started  on  her  journey 
before  Milan  arrived.  By  this  time  matters  had  grown  rather 
beyond  her  power  of  control,  despite  all  her  influential  friends 
and  her  genius  for  intrigue;  so  she  confined  herself  to  taking 
measures  to  save  what  she  could  of  the  family  property.  She 
returned  to  St.  Thomas  in  December  to  share  the  hardships  of 
prison  life  with  her  husband. 

The  story  of  how  Governor  Milan,  his  sick  body  racked  with 
fever  almost  from  the  first,  restlessly  suspicious  and  ofttimes 
with  reason  of  his  fellow  men,  jealous  of  his  oflBcial  power  and 
position,  administered  the  affairs  of  St.  Thomas  during  his 
sixteen  months'  incumbency  may  be  dealt  with  rather  briefly. 
In  Captain  Meyer's  attempt  to  provide  the  Fortuna  with  a  good 
return  cargo  the  governor  took  but  an  indifferent  interest,  and 
as  to  the  Esmits'  returning  on  the  Fortuna,  he  would  have  none 
of  it.  Just  why  he  should  deliberately  keep  with  him  persons 
who  could  not  but  be  a  source  of  trouble  as  long  as  they  were 
near,  is  diflBcult  to  explain  on  other  grounds  than  cupidity. 
Milan  had  been  unable  to  lay  his  hands  on  Esmit's  gains.  In  his 
relations  with  his  council,  he  showed  his  arbitrariness  and  wil- 
fulness. In  place  of  Lieutenant  He  ins,  who  happened  to  be 
absent  on  the  company's  business  when  Milan  arrived,  the 

^  Persondhistorisk  Tidskrift,  3  R.  2  B.,  9.  The  skipper's  name  was  Jochum 
Samuelsen. 

"  Esmit  to  Gyldensparre  (September  23,  1686).    A.  E..  1682-89. 


62  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

governor  promptly  appointed  his  son,  Felix.^-  Instead  of  select- 
ing permanent  councilors  from  among  the  planters  as  he  had 
been  instructed  to  do  under  certain  specified  conditions,  he 
put  in  now  one,  now  another,  until  fourteen  planters  had  taken 
part  in  the  government  with  him.^^ 

With  the  other  planters  Milan  was  equally  whimsical.  For 
trifling  misdemeanors  he  instituted  elaborate  investigations  and 
meted  out  extravagant  fines  and  punishments  where  a  wiser 
man  would  have  overlooked  the  whole  matter/^  Offending 
negroes  were  made  to  feel  the  pressure  of  the  governor's  heavy 
hand.  A  runaway  who  might  have  been  mercifully  beheaded 
was  impaled  alive  on  a  sharpened  stick  to  die  in  horrible  agony .^^ 
Another  negro,  arrested  on  a  similar  charge,  had  his  foot  cut  ofiF, 
after  which  he  was  confiscated  to  the  governor's  use  and  put 
to  work  in  his  kitchen. 

When  in  the  spring  following  the  departure  of  the  Fortuna 
(on  March  31,  1685),  Milan  got  wind  of  what  he  at  once  sus- 
pected to  be  a  nefarious  plot  against  his  life,  he  vented  his  fury 
upon  the  unfortunate  persons  with  swift  and  fiendish  vengeance.^^ 
In  the  midst  of  charges  and  counter-charges,  one  fact  stood  out 
with  a  clearness  that  was  unmistakable.  Milan's  stewardship  of 
his  own  plantation  property  was  above  reproach;  seventy 
negroes  remained  on  the  plantation  even  after  twenty-five  had 
been  returned  to  an  Englishman  from  whom  they  had  been 
forcibly  seized.''^    Here  prosperity  was  rife. 

In  Copenhagen  Captain  Meyer's  arrival  was  naturally 
awaited  with  a  good  deal  of  interest,  even  anxiety.  The  cap- 
tain's report  when  he  arrived  on  June  10,  1685,  without  Adolph 
Esmit,  and  even  without  a  word  from  Milan,  gave  the  directors 
and  shareholders  food  for  thought.  Although  they  had  only  the 
captain's  unsupported  word,  the  small  cargo  and  Milan's 
silence  could  not  but  rouse  their  fears  that  something  was 

62  Krarup,  Milan,  9. 

".  Ibid..  10. 

^^  Ibid.,  12,  23,  26,  36. 

"  Ibid.,  22,  23. 

^  Ibid.,  23-26. 

''  Ibid.,  38. 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  63 

seriously  wrong  at  St.  Thomas.  A  meeting  of  the  Company's 
shareholders  was  held  within  two  days,  and  it  was  decided  that 
the  situation  was  serious  enough  to  justify  sending  a  memorial 
to  the  king  asking  once  more  for  the  loan  of  the  Fortuna,  and 
for  the  sending  thence  of  a  commissioner  with  power  to  settle  all 
the  difficulties.  They  suggested  an  attorney  or  fiscal  in  the  navy 
department,  Michael  (Mikkel)  Mikkelsen.^^  The  king  could  do 
nothing  but  fall  in  with  the  company's  recommendations. 

Commissioner  Mikkelsen,  armed  with  full  power,  left  Copen- 
hagen on  the  Fortuna  October  15,  1685,  touched  at  Nevis  on 
February  19  to  get  the  latest  St.  Thomas  advices,  and  arrived  at 
his  destination  on  February  24,  1686.  The  governor's  son, 
Ferdinand,  had  already  sent  his  father  a  warning  from  Copen- 
hagen that  it  was  planned  to  send  out  a  new  governor,  namely. 
Captain  Meyer,  whom  the  governor  had  blamed  for  most  of  his 
misfortunes,  even  his  illness.  Milan,  whose  nerves  had  scarcely 
recovered  from  the  shock  of  the  "conspiracy,"  called  the  plant- 
ers together  in  the  "German"  (Dutch  Reformed?)  church. 
There  he  informed  them  of  this  last  "conspiracy,"  namely,  the 
attempt  to  place  this  "rascal"  Mikkelsen  in  the  governor's  seat 
"when  he  ought  to  be  hanged  to  the  highest  tree."^^  He  coun- 
selled resistance,  exhorted  their  aid,  and  by  cajolings  and 
threats  secured  their  signatures  to  a  document  by  which  they 
pledged  themselves  to  leave  the  land  before  they  would  see  their 
governor  leave  them. 

But  if  he  proposed  to  give  battle,  he  must  needs  secure  the 
sinews  of  war.  He  chose  a  method  consistent  with  his  nature. 
On  February  17,  1686,  just  as  the  royal  commissioner  was  ap- 
proaching the  West  Indian  waters,  the  governor  authorized 
Captain  Daniel  Moy  to  take  the  company's  ship,  Charlotte 
Amalia,  and  cruise  upon  the  Spaniards  wherever  they  might  be 
found.  With  a  ship  scarcely  seaworthy,  provided  with  a  crew 
of  thirty  men.  Captain  Moy  put  to  sea  to  make  war  upon  the 
kingdom  of  Spain.  The  Charlotte  Amalia  had  no  difficulty  in 
finding  a  Spanish  ship  on  the  Porto  Rico  coast,  but  the  latter 
vessel  had  the  temerity  to  answer  Captain  Moy's  fire,  wounding 

^8  Manager  MS.,  49,  50. 
63  Krarup,  Milan,  27. 


64  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

one  man,  killing  another,  and  forcing  the  valiant  captain  to 
beat  a  hasty  retreat  to  St.  Thomas.  It  was  withal  an  in- 
glorious ending  to  a  sorry  enterprise,  and  not  calculated  to  re- 
deem the  good  name  of  the  island  .^° 

The  commissioners  had  arrived  in  the  harbor  before  the 
news  of  the  "reprisal"  fiasco  could  reach  the  governor,  and 
before  his  "valet,"  Moses  Caille,  could  return  from  the  French 
islands,  whence  he  had  been  sent  by  the  desperate  governor  in 
search  of  help.^^  Sitting  in  his  private  room  and  surrounded  by 
all  manner  of  firearms,  the  governor  drew  the  parley  out  for 
three  days  before  he  finally  surrendered  to  the  king's  repre- 
sentiitive.  Mikkelsen's  intimation  that  Milan's  attitude  ren- 
dered him  liable  to  the  charge  of  rebellion,  combined  with  the 
fact  that  the  men  on  whom  he  could  depend  were  rapidly  dimin- 
ishing in  number,  brought  the  governor  to  his  knees.  A  guard 
consisting  of  twelve  men  from  the  Fortuna  and  twelve  planters, 
all  under  the  command  of  Christopher  Heins,  was  placed  at  the 
fort.  With  his  removal  to  the  ship  the  reign  of  Gabriel  Milan 
came  to  a  sudden  end.  Adolph  Esmit  and  his  wife,  Charity, 
likewise  the  company's  merchant,  Niels  Lassen,  who  had  been  in 
prison  since  April  30,  were  taken  out  of  their  dungeons  and  put 
on  board  ship.  The  scene  of  interest,  as  far  as  the  company  is 
concerned,  was  soon  to  shift  to  Copenhagen.  Nicholas  Esmit  had 
already  lost  his  reason  while  in  a  Copenhagen  prison  waiting  for 
a  chance  to  clear  himself  and  to  bring  action  against  his  brother. 
The  two  successors  of  Nicholas  were  now  to  be  given  a  chance  to 
defend  their  official  actions  in  the  Danish  courts  and  before  the 
directors  of  the  company. 

Commissioner  Mikkelsen  was  employed  from  March  until 
July  with  collecting  evidence  from  the  planters  concerning 
Milan's  conduct.  A  few  extracts  from  a  letter  written  by  the 
official  reporter,  Andrew  Brock,  to  director  Albert  Gylden- 
sparre  on  June  30,  1686,  just  before  the  Fortuna  sailed,  will  give 
an  idea  of  the  proceedings.  "I  wish  for  my  part  that  your 
Excellency  could  have  been  here  a  single  day  and  heard  what 

"■■o  Krarup,  Milan,  29. 

"  Caille's  mission  appears  to  have  borne  no  fruit  beyond  arousing  the  Span* 
iarda. 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  65 

thundering  there  has  been  in  the  commission,  with  howling, 
shouting,  and  screaming,  one  against  the  other,  and  I  had  to 
write  it  into  the  protocol  just  as  fast  [as  they  spoke]  .  .  .  but 
God  be  thanked  it  is  over,  and  former  Lieutenant  Christopher 
Heins  was  yesterday  made  governor  and  vice  commandant 
here.  May  God  in  heaven  aid  him  to  carry  on  his  government 
better  than  his  predecessors,  which  I  expect  him  to  do,  as  he  has 
shown  himself  only  as  an  honest  and  upright  man.  .  ,  . "  ^^ 

M^lan  himself  dictated  a  letter  to  the  directors  in  justification 
of  his  conduct  in  which  he  vented  his  wrath  on  those  inhabitants 
and  employees  who  had  attested  to  his  zeal  and  faithfulness,  but 
were  now  shouting,  Crucify  him,  crucify  him !  The  letters  of  the 
two  prisoners,  Esmit  and  Lassen,  which  were  sent  over  at  the 
same  time,  bore  out  on  the  whole  the  testimony  of  the  planters, 
whose  sympathies  were  on  the  side  of  those  two  victims  of 
Milan's  wrath.^^ 

Mikkelsen  left  St.  Thomas  with  his  rather  uncongenial  com- 
pany on  July  5,  and  did  not  arrive  in  Copenhagen  until  Octo- 
ber 12,  1686.  Besides  the  two  governors  with  their  families 
and  negro  servants,  the  list  of  passengers  included  Niels  Lassen, 
Gerhart  Philipsen,  and  John  Lorentz,  whose  testimony  was 
desired  in  the  suits.  A  commission  was  appointed  within  a 
week  to  try  the  case  against  Milan,  but  delays  in  getting  the 
tangled  evidence  straightened  prevented  a  decision  being 
reached  before  November  17,  1687.  An  appeal  to  the  Supreme 
Court  brought  further  delays,  but  finally  the  case  was  opened 
on  February  14,  1689.  The  judges  rendered  their  individual 
opinions  on  March  14,  and  judgment  was  finally  pronounced  on 
March  21.  The  sentence  was  not  a  surprise  to  those  who  had 
followed  the  case.  After  a  fair,  impartial  trial  Gabriel  Milan 
was  found  guilty  and  condemned  to  lose  his  property,  honor,  and 
life,  and  his  head  and  hand  were  to  be  put  upon  a  stake.^"*  A 
royal  pardon  saved  him  from  the  last  grim  disgrace,^^  and  at 

«  B.  &  D..  1683-89. 

"  Esmit  to  Directors;  Lassen  to  same  (March  13,  1686).    A.  E.,  1682-89. 
^*  Krarup,  Milan,  47. 

^^  Queen  Charlotte  Amalia  had  earlier  befriended  Madame  Milan,  and  was 
one  of  the  "chief  participants"  in  the  company.    She  had  helped  to  mitigate 


66  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

dawn  on  March  26,  1689,  he  was  beheaded  on  the  New  Square 
(Nytorv)  in  Copenhagen. 

Adolph  Esmit's  long  imprisonment  both  on  St.  Thomas  and 
in  Copenhagen  in  1686  and  1687  had  given  him  grounds  for  ap- 
pearing as  the  injured  party,  and  for  demanding  some  form  of 
restitution.  While  the  Milan  trial  was  dragging  slowly  on,  the 
former  governor  and  his  wife  seem  to  have  been  kept  in  prison 
in  Copenhagen.  From  their  arrival  on  October  12,  1686,  until 
March,  1687,  when  Nicholas'  case  against  his  brother  was 
finally  ready  for  trial,  they  remained  in  confinement.^^  Here,  as 
in  the  case  of  Milan,  a  commission  was  appointed,®^  and  al- 
though a  number  of  petty  irregularities  and  cases  of  tampering 
with  accounts  were  found,  Adolph  Esmit  was  on  November  2, 


1687,  given  a  verdict  of  not  guilty.  On  the  same  day,  the  di- 
rectors of  the  company  actually  named  him  governor  of  St. 
Thomas,®^  and  a  few  days  later  a  fleet  of  three  ships,  the  Young 
Tobias,  the  Red  Cock  (Den  Rode  Hane)  and  the  Maria  left 
Copenhagen  for  the  West  Indies.  Accompanymg  Adolph 
Esmit,  and  in  command  of  the  fleet,  was  vice-admiral  Iver 
Hoppe  who  seems  to  have  had  secret  orders  to  bring  Esmit  back 
with  him  to  Denmark  in  case  he  proved  intractable.  The  latter 
was  evidently  being  given  his  last  chance,  but  at  best  it  is 
difficult  to  see  how  the  directors  could  have  hoped  that  a  spell  of 
confinement  could  make  the  leopard  change  his  spots.    A  report 

Commissioner  Mikkelsen's  instructions,  and  may  have  used  her  good  oflBces 
here. 

''"' Adolph's  "brothers-in-law"  Steen  Andersen  Bille  and  Jiirgen  Jiirgensen 
gave  bonds  for  his  appearance.    A.  E..  1682-89  (March  25,  1687). 

^^  Jens  Juel,  Mathias  Moth,  Muhle  and  Hoyer. 

**  One  condition  was  that  he  should  invest  2,000  rcW.  within  one  year  after 
he  took  possession  at  St.  Thomas. 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  67 

of  the  Swedish  ambassador  at  Copenhagen  (Anders  Leyenclo) 
dated  November  11,  1687,  offers  an  explanation  for  the  strange 
conduct  of  the  directors: 

"Three  ships  are  now  lying  at  anchor  here  and  entirely  ready 
to  sail  out  of  the  harbor  with  the  first  wind.  The  first  of  these 
carries  thirty,  the  second  twelve,  and  the  third  six  pieces,  which 
[ships]  those  in  charge  are  to  take  over  to  St.  Thomas  in  the 
West  Indies,  and  there  install  Governor  Adolph  Smitt  [Esmit] 
who  was  brought  here  from  thence  as  a  prisoner.  He  has  now 
been  entirely  acquitted  of  the  serious  charges  made  against  him, 
but  Milan  [has  been]  condemned  to  lose  his  life,  although  the 
judgment  has  not  yet  been  carried  out.  And  inasmuch  as  said 
Smidt  [Esmit]  has  informed  the  king  of  a  scheme  concerning  a 
Spanish  galleon,  which  is  said  to  have  been  very  heavily  laden 
with  silver  and  stranded  not  far  from  St.  Thomas  some  forty 
years  ago.  Vice-admiral  Hopp[e]  is  accompanying  him  with  some 
divers  and  a  lot  of  machines  and  implements  with  the  intention 
of  finding  the  silver.  With  what  success  it  may  be  possible  to 
report  by  the  close  of  next  May,  especially  since  January  and 
February,  the  months  when  the  sea  is  most  calm,  are  to  be  used 
for  that  purpose.  Not  only  his  Majesty,  but  other  private 
persons,  have  advanced  as  much  as  20,000  rdl.  to  promote  this 
fishing  scheme  in  the  hope  of  securing  a  large  return."  ^^ 

In  the  February  following,  after  the  two  smaller  ships  had 
arrived,^^  vice-governor  Heins  in  a  letter  to  the  directors  ex- 
plained the  circumstances  concerning  the  treasure  ship.  It  lay 
on  the  north  coast  of  "Spaniola,"  he  wrote;  twenty-six  ships  and 
sloops  were  gathered  about  the  wreck  until  a  royal  English  ship 
of  fifty-six  pieces  came  there  and  drove  them  all  away.  "We 
have  received  news  from  the  English  themselves  that  their 
captain  has  employed  one  hundred  and  fifty  divers,  and  I  think 
he  had  made  a  clean  sweep,  for  many  tons  of  gold  had  already 
been  taken  out."  ^^    The  incident  is  not  without  significance,  for 

^'  Danske  Samlinger,  II  R.  5  B.,  p.  175. 

'°  The  Young  Tobias  arrived  at  St.  Thomas  on  January  29, 1688,  and  the  Red 
Cock  on  February  23.  The  Maria  with  Esmit  and  Hoppe  arrived  a  month 
later  (March  24). 

"  C.  Heins  to  directors  (February  24,  1688).    B.  &  D.,  1683-89. 


68  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

it  indicated  the  king's  willingness  to  jeopardize  the  interests  of 
the  colony  by  an  impossible  appointee  for  the  chance  of  securing 
precious  metal  from  a  galleon  wrecked  on  a  Spanish  coast. 

After  his  arrival  on  March  24,  1688,  in  the  leading-strings  of 
vice-admiral  Hoppe,  it  took  Adolph  Esmit  just  three  months  to 
convince  all  concerned  of  his  utter  incapacity.  On  June  22,  his 
quarters  were  moved  from  the  fort  to  the  ship,  where  they  re- 
mained until  he  had  finished  his  last  voyage  to  Denmark.  Be- 
fore the  Maria  s  departure,  the  vice-admiral  called  the  in- 
habitants together  (July  7)  and  told  them  that  he  wished  to 
know  if  Esmit's  statement  that  he  held  the  affection  of  all  on 
the  island  was  true.  "If  you  want  Adolph  Esmit  to  become 
governor,  speak  now  while  there  is  yet  time,"  the  vice-admiral 
said.  To  this  the  planters  all  responded  as  with  one  voice, 
"No!  if  that  should  happen,  we  should  all  leave  the  land!" 
When  asked  concerning  vice-governor  Heins,  they  replied  that 


they  asked  for  no  better  governor.^'-  This  time  Charity's  pulling 
of  wires  could  not  avail,  but  she  pulled  at  them  with  her  wonted 
vigor  to  the  last  as  the  directors  learned  from  an  intercepted 
letter  to  her  husband."^    Thus  ended  nearly  a  decade  of  weary 

"  B.  &  D.,  1683-89.  Esmit's  diary  (July  7,  1688).  This  was  finished  in 
another  hand,  apparently  Lorentz's. 

^'  See  Appendix  E,  p.  303.  The  case  against  Adolph  Esmit  was  resumed  by 
the  company  on  his  return,  but  apparently  without  result,  for  the  ship  and 
goods  he  had  sent  to  Flushing  in  1684  were  confiscated  before  he  could  get  hold 
of  them,  so  he  had  nothing  to  be  seized.  Early  in  1689  he  offered  the  Swedish 
ambassador  in  Copenhagen  his  services  in  seizing  the  island  of  St.  Thomas  for 
Sweden  without  loss  of  life.  Nothing  came  of  it,  and  on  January  25,  1690,  the 
case  against  him  was  finally  dropped,  and  he  was  allowed  to  go  whither  he  would. 
He  seems  to  have  left  Denmark  for  Courland,  after  which  all  trace  of  him  is  lost. 


THE  CRITICAL  PERIOD  (1680-1690)  69 

administrative  turmoil.  During  this  time  three  governors  had 
been  tried  and  found  utterly  wanting.  Of  dividends  there  had 
been  no  thought;  the  stockholders  could  count  themselves 
fortunate  that  the  island  was  still  under  Danish  sovereignty. 

It  became  the  business  of  Christopher  Heins  to  carry  out  the 
work  with  which  Adolph  Esmit  had  been  charged.  Esmit  had 
brought  with  him  a  lengthy  series  of  instructions,  the  carrying 
out  of  which  came  to  be  left  in  the  steadier  hands  of  his 
successor,  who  served  the  company  faithfully  and  well  until 
his  death  on  October  2,  1689.  He  was  ably  seconded  by  John 
Lorentz,  a  young  man  who  had  begun  his  career  in  St.  Thomas 
as  assistant  in  the  company's  office,  had  been  in  Copenhagen  at 
the  Milan  and  Esmit  trials,  and  had  returned  with  Adolph 
Esmit  in  1688  with  a  commission  as  bookkeeper  and  assistant 
for  the  company.  The  young  man  was  engaged  for  four 
years  at  a  salary  of  14  rdl.  per  month.  Heins'  administration  '^ 
was  a  quiet  one  if  contrasted  with  the  turbulent  times  when  the 
Esmits  and  Milan  held  the  fort.  There  was  nothing  for  the 
Company  to  do  but  mark  time  until  conditions  might  invite 
renewed  action.  As  a  result  of  a  mandate  issued  in  Esmit's 
last  brief  term  offering  eight  years'  exemption  from  taxes  to 
intending  settlers  from  other  islands,  a  few  French  Huguenot 
and  Dutch  planters  moved  to  St.  Thomas  with  their  negroes. 
Louis  XIV's  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1685  was  car- 
ried out  by  zealous  Jesuits  for  whom  distance  did  not  dim  the 
sense  of  duty. 

Some  slight  progress  in  planting  was  made  during  these 
troubled  years.  Cotton,  sugar,  tobacco,  and  indigo  were  sold 
by  the  planters  to  the  Company.  Trade  with  the  home  country 
being  irregular,  considerable  petty  trade  was  carried  on  with 
the  lesser  islands,  with  the  French  on  St.  Croix  and  St.  Kitts, 
with  the  Dutch  on  Saba,  St.  Eustatius  and  Curasao.  Besides 
planting,  some  of  the  inhabitants,  as  Captain  Delicaet,  made  a 
living  by  fishing  turtle,  which  were  particularly  numerous  in  the 

Vest.  Reg.,  1671-99  (January  25,  1690);  Danske  Saml.,  II  R.  5  B.,  p.  297 
(March  1,  1689);  H.  Pflug,  den  danske  Pillegrim.  p.  1174. 

''*  Heins'  council  after  Esmit's  departure  consisted  of  Henry  Irgens,  Capt. 
Delicaet,  John  de  Windt,  and  John  Lorentz. 


70  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

vicinity  of  Crab  Island.  The  company  had  begun  before  Heins' 
time  to  go  into  the  phmting  business,  and  managed  to  secure 
eighty  slaves  from  one  of  the  Guinea  cargoes  brought  to  America 
by  Pauli,  the  secretary  of  the  Company."^ 

A  most  significant  effort  to  start  the  island  on  the  road  toward 
prosperity  had  been  made  in  1685,  when  the  Elector  of  Bran- 
denburg entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  King  of  Denmark,  by 
which  a  company  organized  under  his  protection  and  patronage 
was  to  be  permitted  to  establish  a  factory  and  a  plantation  at 
St.  Thomas  under  certain  conditions.  Occupation  had  been 
begun  in  1686,  and  hopes  were  entertained  that  the  Branden- 
burg occupation  might  help  put  new  life  into  the  poor,  distracted 
little  colony.  The  accession  of  John  Lorentz  to  the  post  of  act- 
ing governor  in  1696  was  the  beginning  of  an  official  career  of 
notable  efficiency  which  ended  with  the  death  of  Lorentz  in  1702. 
Although  not  governor  during  the  entire  interval,  lie  never  re- 
laxed his  interest  in  the  Company's  welfare.  The  connection  of 
John  Lorentz  with  the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company 
as  its  acting  head  brings  to  an  end  what  may  properly  be  called 
its  most  critical  period. 

'^  The  contract  was  made  October  26,  1686,  and  the  slaves  were  delivered  by 
Captain  Cordt  (Cort)  May  14,  1687.    €.  H.  (May  26,  1087.) 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   BRANDENBURGERS   AT   ST,    THOMAS 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  second  war  of  Louis  XIV 
against  the  Dutch,  which  was  ended  by  the  treaties  of  Nimeguen 
(1678-1679),  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  and  the  Kmg  of 
Denmark-Norway  were  both  allied  with  the  Protestant  Nether- 
lands against  France  and  Sweden.  Brandenburg,  like  the  other 
German  states,  had  not  yet  recovered  from  the  horrors  of  the 
Thirty  Years'  War,  and  was  distinctly  to  be  reckoned  among  the 
weaker  European  states.  That  it  was  able  to  play  even  a  small 
part  in  European  diplomacy  was  due  in  a  considerable  degree  to 
the  energetic  and  capable  government  of  Frederick  William 
of  Hohenzollern,  the  Great  Elector,  who  was  Duke  of  Prussia 
as  well  as  Elector  of  Brandenburg.  Sweden's  Baltic  ambi- 
tions, and  particularly  her  possession  of  Western  Pomerania 
on  the  south  shores  of  that  sea,  made  her  a  natural  rival  of 
Brandenburg-Prussia.  The  fact  that  Sweden  was  the  common 
enemy  of  Denmark  and  Brandenburg  would  of  itself  tend  to 
drive  the  two  states  into  an  alliance. 

Early  in  the  reign  of  Frederick  William,  Brandenburg  had 
attempted,  through  negotiations  first  with  Denmark,  and  later 
with  Austria  and  Spain,  to  form  a  company  and  establish  fac- 
tories in  East  Indian  lands,  but  without  success.^  During  the 
negotiations  in  connection  with  the  peace  of  Nimeguen,  she 
had  attempted  to  secure  French  support  in  her  efforts  to  estab- 
lish a  trade  in  Guinea  that  would  survive  the  opposition  of  the 
Dutch  and  English  companies.  Her  ambassador  in  Paris, 
Meinders,  was  instructed  to  try  to  secure  a  permanent  factory 
on  the  Guinea  coast.  In  a  letter  from  Benjamin  Raule,  at  that 
time  director-in-chief  for  naval  affairs  {Oberdirektor  in  Seesachen) 
he  was  urgently  requested  to  "labor  energetically  to  bring 

^  R.  Schlick,  Brandenburg-Preuasens  Kolonial  Politik  .  .  .  I,  8  e<  seq.,  48  et 
eeq.  The  attempt  was  made  to  buy  the  Danish  factory  of  Dansborg  in  1647. 
Ibid.,  19. 

[71] 


72  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

about  the  sanction  [of  France]  to  lands,"  and  be  willing  to  make 
considerable  sacrifices  by  way  of  reciprocal  trade  privileges. 
The  French,  however,  did  not  consider  Brandenburg  trade  of 
sufficient  importance  to  be  worth  the  trouble  of  a  treaty.^ 

The  first  proposal  to  establish  a  Brandenburg  African  com- 
pany appears  to  have  been  made  by  Benjamin  Raule  in  Decem- 
ber, 1679.  It  was  to  this  Dutchman,  more  than  to  any  other 
one  man,  that  the  interest  of  Brandenburg  in  Guinea  and  the 
West  Indies  during  the  last  two  decades  of  the  seventeenth 
century  is  due.  Raule  was  born  at  Flushing  (Vlissingen)  in 
Zeeland,  and  had  become,  before  the  outbreak  of  war  with 
France,  a  shipowner  on  a  large  scale  {Orossreeder),  and  a  coun- 
cilor in  the  nearby  town  of  Middelburg.  In  the  naval  war  of 
1672  he  was  practically  ruined,  and  in  the  war  that  followed 
Sweden's  invasion  of  the  Mark  of  Brandenburg  he  sought  to  re- 
coup his  fortunes  by  serving  the  Elector  as  a  privateer.  On  the 
conclusion  of  peace  the  Elector  made  him  director-in-chief  for 
naval  affairs,  and  in  1681  he  became  director-general  of  marine 
with  the  rank  of  colonel.  A  man  of  restless  activity  and  bold 
imagination,  he  was  brimful  of  schemes  for  promoting  the 
commerce  of  Brandenburg-Prussia.  At  one  time  it  was  an  East 
India  Company,  at  another  an  Iceland  company,  and  now  it  was 
a  company  for  trading  with  the  Guinea  and  Angola  coasts  in 
"wax,  gold,  ivory,  grain,  blacks,  and  whatever  the  coast  pro- 
duces." ^  In  June,  1677,  before  the  French  had  concluded  their 
treaty  with  the  Dutch,  he  had  offered  to  lead  a  privateering 
expedition  against  the  French  and  another  against  Spain,  the 
latter  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  equivalent  in  ships  for  the 
subsidies  promised  by  Spain  to  Brandenburg  in  a  treaty  made 
in  1674.  That,  he  argued,  would  cause  not  only  the  Spaniards, 
but  the  entire  world  to  open  their  eyes  in  astonishment  at  the 
Elector's  sea  power,  and  would  lead  French,  Swedes,  and  Dutch 
to  try  to  make  commercial  treaties  with  him.'* 

^  Schiick,  I,  13.5,  136.  Raule  had  proposed  engaging  in  the  Guinea  trade 
and  having  the  Elector  participate  with  him  when  he  was  first  called  to  Berlin 
in  1676.    Ibid.,  137. 

'  Ibid.,  II,  89-94. 

*  Ibid.,  I,  98.  99,  112. 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  73 

Frederick  William  I  fell  in  readily  enough  with  Raule's  plan. 
The  Peace  of  Nimeguen  prevented  any  attempt  against  the 
French,  but  the  rest  of  Raule's  program  was  actually  attempted 
in  1680,  when  two  expeditions  were  sent  out,  one  to  Spanish- 
American  waters,  and  the  other  to  the  Guinea  coast.  As  the 
America-bound  fleet  of  six  ships  of  war  and  one  "Brenner," 
(fireship.'^)  sailed  by  Copenhagen  and  through  the  Sound  in 
August,  1680,  the  curious  inhabitants  never  dreamed  that  they 
were  gazing  at  the  embryo  of  an  imperial  German  navy  that  was 
destined  to  become  in  two  centuries  the  dominant  naval  factor 
in  the  Baltic  sea.^  After  sending  back  two  vessels  with  a  Spanish 
prize  captured  near  Ostend,  the  remaining  four  vessels  proceeded 
westward. 

"About  20th  December  last,"  wrote  Sir  Henry  Morgan, 
deputy  governor  of  Jamaica,  to  his  master  early  in  1681,  "ar- 
rived here  four  small  frigates,  between  sixteen  and  thirty  guns, 
under  the  command  of  four  Flushingers,  Captain  Cornelius 
Reers,  Admiral,  belonging  to  the  Duke  (sic)  of  Brandenburg, 
having  letters  of  reprisal  against  the  Spaniard."  ^  The  failure 
of  the  fleet  to  accomplish  more  than  the  capture  of  a  few  small 
prizes  was  ascribed  by  the  Swedish  ambassador  at  Copenhagen, 
in  a  letter  written  to  his  government  four  years  after  the  event,^ 
to  the  fact  "that  the  Elector  had  no  harbor  in  America,  and 
that  therefore  the  fleet  was  forced  to  return  with  its  mission  un- 
performed." This  letter  was  written  at  the  time  when  the 
Danish  company  was  at  its  lowest  ebb,  and  while  the  negotia- 
tions that  ended  in  the  Brandenburgers  securing  a  factory  site 
at  St.  Thomas  were  in  progress.  The  Guinea  expedition  from 
Brandenburg  landed  in  1680  at  Cape  Three  Points  and  on 
May  16,  1681,  the  Elector's  representatives  made  a  treaty  with 
three  of  the  native  chiefs.^    This  was  followed  by  the  establish- 

^  The  fleet  was  equipped  with  165  guns,  and  had  a  crew  of  519  sailors  and 
180  soldiers.    Schiick,  I,  114  et  seq. 

6  Cal.  Col,  1681-85,  No.  13  (January  27,  1681). 

'  Danske  Saml.,  II  R.  5  B.,  p.  145.      Report  of  Leyenclo,  October  16,  1685. 
The  letter  mentions  the  report  that  Denmark  would  likely  cede  Crab  Island  or 
St.  John  to  the  Elector. 

8  Schuck,  I,  313,  and  II,  199  (No.  51a).  The  text  of  the  treaty  is  quoted  in 
full  in  Vol.  II. 


74  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ment  in  December,  1682,  of  the  first  Brandenburg  factory,  just 
east  of  the  Dutch  station  at  El  Mina,  near  the  former  Branden- 
burg landing  place;  they  named  their  station  "Den  Grossen 
Friedrichsberg."  * 

In  February,  1684,  they  occupied  Accada,  just  to  the  east  of 
their  first  factory,  and  in  January,  1685,  a  place  called  Tacca- 
rary.  They  lost  the  latter  to  the  Dutch,  the  leading  traders  on 
this  part  of  the  coast,  in  1687,  and  in  its  place  the  Brandenbur- 
gers  took  up  a  station  at  Tacrama  (or  Tacerma),  not  far  from 
Cape  Three  Points,  which  they  named  Fort  Sophie  Louise. 

In  planning  to  secure  a  West  Indian  factory  where  they  could 
dispose  of  the  human  part  of  their  Guinea  cargoes,  the  Branden- 
burgers  were  following  the  lead  of  the  EngUsh,  Dutch,  French, 
Swedes,  Danes,  and  Courlanders.  Despite  threats  and  acts  of 
\nolence  by  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  against  the  Bran- 
denburg factors  Raule  proceeded  with  his  Guinea  plans,  which 
he  promoted  with  the  help  of  disaffected  shareholders  of  the 
Dutch  company.  Some  extracts  from  Raule's  letters  to  the 
Elector  will  show  what  was  transpiring.  "John  Pedy  writes  me 
from  Rotterdam,"  he  remarks  in  1681  (August  16?)  "that  the 
Messrs.  Coymans  and  Van  Belle  from  Holland,  who  are  two  of 
the  leading  contractors  with  the  Dutch  West  India  Company 
and  deliver  to  it  six  thousand  slaves  annually,  have  informed 
him  on  the  quiet  that  they  would  be  glad  to  consider  entering 
into  a  contract  with  me  instead  of  with  the  company,  provided 
it  would  be  possible  to  arrange  matters  with  the  Danish  crown, 
so  that  either  we  could  buy  their  place  St.  Thomas  or  secure  full 
and  free  permission  to  bring  slaves  to  the  island."  Pedy's 
suggestion  prompted  Raule  to  propose  bringing  the  matter 
before  the  Danish  court.  "Pedy  and  I  and  our  company  would 
be  able,  I  believe,"  Raule  wrote,  "with  the  help  of  the  said  Van 
Belle  and  Coymans  to  bring  together  40,000  florins,  of  which  we 
would  present  half  to  the  Danes  on  condition  that  half  of  the 
returns  [from  the  capital  invested]  should  go  to  Copenhagen 
[apparently  in  return  for  the  use  of  St.  Thomas],  and  the  other 
half  to  Konigsberg.     I  believe  that  if  it  were  properly  inau- 

•  Schiick,  I,  314  et  seq.  This  factory  is  referred  to  by  Lucas  (ii,  68)  and  others 
as  Fredericksburg. 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  75 

gurated  we  would  be  able  to  put  the  scheme  through.  And  the 
[Dutch]  West  India  Company  would  thereby  be  entirely  ruined. 
And  we  should  then  be  able  to  send  twenty-five  ships  out  from 
this  land  each  year  and  develop  a  very  large  trade,  indeed  bring 
much  fine  silver  to  you  and  marked  advantage  to  your  subjects. 
But  everything  must  be  done  under  the  authority  of  your 
Electoral  Highness  and  the  King.  That  would  promote  friend- 
ship between  you  and  him.  I  should  very  much  like  to  hear 
the  opinion  of  your  Electoral  Highness  upon  the  matter."  ^° 

Four  years  later,  the  negotiations  with  Denmark  were  taken 
up  in  earnest.  To  Raule  and  those  interested  with  him  it  was 
becoming  clearer  and  clearer  that  a  permanent  station  in  the 
West  Indies  was  necessary  to  make  the  Guinea  trade  profitable. 
"Every  one  knows,"  wrote  Raule  to  the  Elector  on  October  26, 
1685,  "that  the  slave  trade  is  the  source  of  the  wealth  which  the 
Spaniards  bring  out  of  the  West  Indies,  and  that  whoever  knows 
how  to  furnish  them  slaves,  will  share  their  wealth.  Who  can 
say  by  how  many  millions  of  hard  cash  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company  has  enriched  itself  in  this  slave  trade!"  ^^ 

Raule  had  tried  in  vain  during  the  previous  year  to  buy  or 
lease  the  French  islands  of  St.  Vincent  and  St.  Croix, ^^  and  he 
was  now  ready  to  take  up  negotiations  with  Denmark.  Inas- 
much as  two  of  the  recently  appointed  governors  of  the  Com- 
pany at  St.  Thomas  were  at  that  time  in  custody,  and  the  last 
appointed,  Gabriel  Milan,  was  about  to  be  displaced,  the  Danish 
company  was  likely  to  favor  anything  that  would  promise  a 
regular  income  for  the  shareholders.^^  Inquiries  were  in  fact 
begun  in  March,  1684,  when  Raule  and  von  Knyphausen,  repre- 
senting the  Berlin  and  East  Friesland  shareholders  in  the  new 
company,  were  deputed  to  sound  the  Danish  court  and  see 
whether  it  would  permit  the  establishment  on  St.  Thomas  of  a 
few  "lodges"  and  negro  stations  (Logen  and  Negereien)  on  the 

^^  Schuck,  1, 148. 

"  Ibid.,  I,  192. 

12  Ibid.,  I.  192. 

1^  Schiick's  statement  (I,  193)  that  no  news  had  come  out  of  St.  Thomas  for 
three  years  will  not  hold,  though  its  trade  certainly  "lag  damals  beinahe  vollig 
darnieder." 


76  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

condition  of  p.aying  to  the  Danish  company  two  slaves  out  of 
each  hundred  brought  in. 

In  1685,  when  Raule  betook  himself  to  Copenhagen  with 
instructions  from  the  Elector,  negotiations  moved  rapidly  for- 
ward. He  was  to  try  to  purchase  or  lease  St.  Thomas,  or  at 
least  make  it  accessible  to  Brandenburg  ships,  because,  as  his 
instructions  said,  without  the  slave  trade  to  America  the 
African  company  cannot  make  any  headway  (nicht  emergiren 
kann).^'^  Jens  Juel,  the  chief  director  of  the  Danish  com- 
pany, opposed  the  Brandenburg  plan  from  the  first,^^  so  Raule 
had  to  work  through  such  other  men  of  influence  as  chancellor 
(Storkansler)  Frederick  Ahlefeldt,  Count  Ulrik  Frederick  Gyl- 
denlove,  councilors  Conrad  Bierman  and  Conrad  Reventlow.^'' 
In  an  audience  granted  on  October  13,  1685,  Raule  learned  that 
the  king  favored  a  union  of  the  two  companies. ^^  Shortly 
thereafter,  Raule  and  Gyldensparre,  a  director  with  Juel  in 
the  Danish  company,  conferred  at  Hadersleben  in  Schleswig, 
and  prepared  a  scheme  of  union  ^^  based  upon  the  king's  ex- 
pressed desire.  It  was  proposed  that  the  Danes  should  retain 
their  stations  in  Guinea  (Cape  Coast)  and  the  West  Indies 
(Christiansfort  on  St.  Thomas),  and  the  Brandenburgers  like- 
wise their  Guinea  stations  of  Great  Fredericksburg  {Gross- 
Friedrichsberg)  and  Accada;  that  both  groups  should  share  the 
garrisoning  of  these  stations  on  equal  terms.  Cape  Coast  was 
to  be  the  African  headquarters.  A  governor-general  elected  by 
both  companies  in  common  was  to  reside  in  Copenhagen,  and 
he  was  to  have  the  supreme  command  over  the  garrisons  in 
those  places;  an  officer  known  as  "chief  in  commercial  matters" 
was  to  be  selected  by  the  Elector;  Calvinists  and  Lutherans 
were  to  have  free  exercitium  religionis  on  St.  Thomas,  and 
Catholics  and  Jews  were  to  be  tolerated  and  allowed  to  hold 
private  services,  provided  they  permitted  no  scandala.     Two 

'^Schuck,  I,  193.    His  instructions  were  dated  September  25,  1685, 
^'-  Ibid..  I,  194,  note  185. 

"  Ibid.,  I,  194,  note  183.    Bierman  was  created  Count  von  Ehrenschild  in 
1681. 
"  Ibid..  I,  194. 
"  Ibid.,  194,  195. 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  77 

chambers,  the  one  to  be  in  Copenhagen  and  the  other  in 
Emden,  each  composed  of  three  shareholders,  and  the  whole  to 
be  presided  over  by  Raule,  were  to  constitute  the  governing 
board.  In  case  of  war  the  colonies  should  be  considered  as  neu- 
tral territory.  Private  individuals  were  to  be  entirely  excluded 
from  the  colonial  trade. 

The  Elector  refused  to  sanction  this  scheme  of  union,  and 
after  much  trouble,  including  the  bestowal  of  "gifts"  by  Raule 
upon  influential  persons,  a  treaty  was  finally  concluded  on 
November  24,  1685,  which  in  effect  laid  down  the  terms  on 
which  the  Brandenburg  African  Company  should  be  allowed  to 
do  business  in  St.  Thomas. ^^  As  the  bulk  of  the  shareholders 
came  from  East  Friesland  and  Emden,  that  city  became  the 
business  headquarters  of  the  company.^^  Supplemental  agree- 
ments were  made  on  March  5  ^^  and  October  2,^^  1686.  The 
treaty  should  remain  in  force  for  thirty  years,  reckoning  from 
the  time  that  the  first  ship  with  men  and  materials  was  sent 
thither,-^  and  might  then  be  renewed  by  mutual  agreement. 
Sovereignty  over  St.  Thomas  and  the  surrounding  islands  was  to 
reside  in  the  King  of  Denmark.  The  Brandenburgers  were  to 
receive  a  plantation  ground  of  sufficient  size  to  employ  two  hun- 
dred negroes,  and  this  land  was  to  be  exempt  from  taxes  during 
the  first  three  years,  reckoning  from  the  time  that  the  first  ship 
with  building  materials  and  necessaries  arrived  in  St.  Thomas;  ^^ 
after  that  time  they  were  to  pay  five  pounds  of  tobacco  or  its 
equivalent  as  an  annual  tax  on  each  hundred  square  feet  of  land 
thus  occupied.  This  loosely  drawn  provision,  which  was  re- 
ferred to  in  the  opening  paragraphs  of  both  of  the  supplemental 
"declarations"  of  1686,  was  to  become  the  pivotal  point  in  the 

^^  SchiJck,  I,  197.  The  text  in  the  original  German  is  given  in  ibid.,  H,  257 
et  seq.  The  Great  Elector  ratified  the  treaty  on  December  19,  1685,  and  Chris- 
tian V  ratified  it  on  June  5,  1686. 

2"  Ibid.,  I,  174. 

*'  See  "Declaration  zu  dem  Vertrage  wegen  St.  Thomas  vom  2]^  November  1685" 
in  ibid.,  II,  278-281. 

^^  See  "Fernere  Declaration  ..."  in  ibid.,  II,  293-295. 

"  Ibid.,  II,  258  (H  3). 

^■'  Ibid.,  II,  258,  259  (Ifs  2,  5,  6).  Schuck  (I,  197)  seems  to  have  confused  3 
and  5  in  discussing  the  time  from  which  the  30  year  period  was  to  be  reckoned. 


78  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

vexatious  troubles  that  shortly  arose  between  the  representa- 
tives of  the  two  companies.-^ 

On  all  products  exported  from  St.  Thomas,  the  Brandenburg 
African  Company  was  to  pay  the  Danish  company  five  per 
cent,  in  kind  {in  natura);  ^  on  slaves  imported,  one  per  cent.,  on 
those  sold  or  shipped  out  of  the  land,  two  per  cent.-^  The  con- 
tract provided  further  that  all  goods  coming  in  or  going  out 
were  to  be  subject  to  a  weighing  fee  of  one  pound  of  sugar  or  its 
equivalent  for  each  one  hundred  pounds.-^  Provision  was  made 
for  the  settlement  of  disputes  in  which  subjects  of  both  states 
were  involved.^  To  the  Danes  the  greatest  promise  held  out  by 
the  treaty  was  contained  in  the  paragraphs  dealing  with  the 
plantation  which  they  expected  the  Brandenburgers  to  estab- 
lish, and  which,  with  poll  taxes,  weighing  fees,  export  and  im- 
port dues,  was  calculated  to  yield  a  moderate  return  upon  the 
Danish  company's  capital  stock.  To  the  Germans,  the  Guinea 
trade  was  the  main  consideration;  they  seem  from  the  first  not 
to  have  looked  upon  the  plantation  idea  as  anything  obligatory 
for  them.^" 

Raule's  dream  that  an  investment  of  150,000  Thaler  should 
be  able  to  yield  a  million  in  two  or  three  years  ^^  was  going  to  be 
rudely  shattered  when  the  application  of  the  treaty  was  to  put 
to  the  test  his  diplomatic  ability ;  and  the  stubborn  obstacle  that 
blocked  the  way  to  friendly  intercourse  was  to  be  the  provision 
which  demanded  or  did  not  demand  the  establishment  of  a 
plantation,  according  to  the  reader's  predilections.  What  the 
treaty  really  did  was  to  raise  up  on  St.  Thomas  a  rival  to  the 
Danish  company  which  still  might  deal  in  slaves  if  it  desired, 
and  which  already  owned  and  managed  a  couple  of  good-sized 
plantations.  So  long  as  the  respective  fields  of  the  two  com- 
panies were  not  strictly  limited  by  agreement,  there  would  be 

2*  For  the  Company's  viewpoint  see  the  directors'  instructions  to  A.  Esmit, 
November  9.  1687.    A.  E.,  1682-89. 
2«SchUck,  11.259(^7). 

27  Ibid.,  II.  260  (H  8). 

28  Ibid..  II,  260  (H  10). 

=9  Ibid..  II.  261  (H  15,  If  16,  If  17). 
'"  Ibid.,  I,  231. 
"/fcid.,  I,  195. 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  79 

trouble  about  in  proportion  to  the  vitality  developed  by  the 
two  companies.  A  second  and  serious  occasion  for  friction  lay 
in  the  provision  which  made  the  Brandenburg  company  respon- 
sible to  the  Danish  company  for  whatever  damage  might  result 
from  carrying  on  "a  dangerous  trade"  with  foreign  nations.^'^ 
This  was  to  protect  the  Danes  against  complications  from 
Brandenburg  encouragement  of  privateering.  Denmark  could  ill 
afford  being  dragged  into  trouble  with  Spain  through  circum- 
stances over  which  she  had  no  control. 

The  first  director  of  the  Brandenburg  factory  at  St.  Thomas 
was  one  Laporte  whose  knowledge  of  French  and  whose  business 
shrewdness  made  him  well  suited  to  his  task.  He  left  Emden  in 
August,  1686,  on  the  Marschall  Dorfling^^  which  Captain  John 
Catt  had  taken  out  from  Pillau  in  Prussia  and  passed  Elsinore 
early  in  June.^^  Captain  Catt  arrived  in  St.  Thomas  via  Guinea 
on  November  23.  The  Falcon  dropped  anchor  on  the  24th.^^ 
Meanwhile  the  Peace,  Captain  Jacob  Lambrecht,  was  sent  out 
with  four  other  vessels, — all  of  them  with  Danish  passes — to 
the  Guinea  coast  for  slaves.  So  confident  was  Raule  of  success 
that  he  had  sent  out  the  ships  without  consulting  the  share- 
holders.^^ 

Before  the  Falcon  had  left  St.  Thomas  with  its  cargo  of  sugar, 
cotton,  cacao,  etc.,^^  the  vice-governor,  Christopher  Heins,  had 
had  a  disagreement  with  M.  Laporte  regarding  the  payment  of 
export  and  import  duties  and  the  use  of  the  Danish  company's 
scales  for  weighing  the  goods  shipped  in  or  out  by  the  Branden- 
burgers.^^    Strict  insistence  by  the  Danes  on  the  latter  point 

»2  Schuck,  n,  266  (H  35). 

''  Also  referred  to  as  the  "  Feldmarsckall  Derflinger,"  Schuck,  I,  206;  Laporte's 
name  is  variously  given  as  La  Porte,  Delaporte. 

^*  Oresundioldboger  for  1686. 

"  Heins  to  directors,  January  4,  1687.    B.  &  D.,  1683-89. 

»« Schuck,  I,  206. 

*''  The  cargo  as  reported  by  the  vice-governor,  Heins,  was  as  follows:  64,581 
lbs.  sugar,  7,250  lbs.  cotton,  1,430  lbs.  cacao,  1,024  lbs.  tobacco,  55  lbs.  confituren 
(sweetmeats?),  21  lbs.  Caret  (seaturtle),  20  lbs.  " Bastar-Canel"  (a  sort  of  spice 
resembling  cinnamon),  566  pieces  of  pockwood,  and  220  tons  of  other  wood. 
Heins  to  directors.  May  26,  1687.    C.  H..  1685-89. 

^^Ibid. 


80  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

gave  them  a  very  definite  idea  of  what  their  neighbors  in  St. 
Thomas  were  doing.  The  Brandenburgers  seem  never  to  have 
entertained  seriously  the  idea  of  actually  establishing  a  bona 
fide  plantation.  Neither  Laportc  nor  Moses  Caille,  who  acted 
as  deputy  director  on  Laporte's  visit  to  Berlin  in  1688,  were 
willing  to  admit  the  soundness  of  the  Danish  interpretation. 
On  the  pretext  that  they  must  await  instructions  from  home 
before  taking  up  plantation  ground,  they  kept  the  Danish 
officials  in  suspense  until  their  impatience  was  turned  into  a 
suspicion  that  the  Brandenburgers  were  looking  for  a  chance  to 
seize  the  entire  island.  The  vigor  with  which  the  Brandenburg 
authorities  pushed  their  business  in  procuring  slaves  and  dis- 
posing of  them  on  St.  Thomas  and  the  surrounding  islands  (as 
St.  Eustatius)  aroused  the  fears  of  the  Danes  who  were  receiving 
next  to  no  assistance  from  the  Company.  The  fact  that  the 
planters  became  indebted  to  the  Brandenburg  company  led  the 
Danes  to  fear  that  in  case  of  trouble  the  planters  might  side 
with  the  foreign  company. "^^ 

The  persistent  annoyances  to  which  the  Brandenburgers  were 
subjected  led  them  to  attempt  the  occupation  or  purchase  of 
neighboring  islands.  They  tried  to  secure  Crab  Island,  but  the 
Danes  laid  vigorous  claim  to  it,  and  the  Spaniards  sent  ships 
around  at  intervals  to  drive  off  such  settlers  as  they  might  find 
there.'*"  The  Brandenburgers  finally  did  take  possession  of  St. 
Peter,  an  appropriately  named  rocky  islet  just  northwest  of 
St.  John,  but  it  was  ill  adapted  to  their  purposes. ^^  Except  for 
the  refusal  of  the  English  to  give  up  their  claims  to  the  island, 
they  might  have  secured  Tobago,  near  Trinidad,  from  the 
Duke  of  Courland.  The  negotiations  were  begun  early  in  1687, 
but  the  duke's  rather  shady  title  and  the  opposition  of  the 
Dutch  made  it  impracticable  to  push  the  matter  to  a  conclusion 
at  that  time."*^ 

The  death  of  vice-governor  Heins  in  October,  1689,  and  the 
election  of  John  Lorentz  to  take  his  place,  did  not  improve  the 

"  Hems  to  Directors.  (September  2,  1687).     C.  H.,  1685-89  (?) 
«  Schiick,  I,  233. 

<»  Heins  to  Directors  (August  20,  1689).    B.  &  D..  1683-89. 
*■  ScbUck,  I,  207. 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  81 

position  of  the  Brandenburgers  nor  the  relations  between  the 
two  companies.  Within  a  fortnight  after  his  election  Lorentz 
issued  an  order  forbidding  the  Brandenburgers  to  bring  any 
privateers  or  prizes  into  St.  Thomas  harbor."*^  This  was  in 
strict  accordance  with  paragraph  35  of  the  treaty,  ^*  and  with 
Denmark's  neutral  position  in  the  European  struggle  (War  of  the 
Augsburg  League  or  "King  William's  War")  which  was  just 
beginning;  hence  it  could  not  reasonably  be  objected  to;  but 
when  on  November  7  he  issued  a  mandate  forbidding  the  Danish 
inliabitants  from  buying  any  wares  from  the  Brandenburgers' 
magazine  that  could  be  found  in  stock  at  the  Danish  company's 
warehouse,  and  further  forbade  the  payment  of  debts  to  the 
Brandenburgers  until  the  debts  to  the  Company  had  been 
satisfied,  there  was  reason  for  the  Brandenburgers  to  feel  appre- 
hensive.^^ The  most  trifling  complaint  against  the  rival  com- 
pany became  the  subject  of  solemn  investigation  by  the  zealous 
governor.'*^  Laporte  naturally  looked  towards  the  planters  for 
moral  support.  They  had  two  representatives  in  the  governor's 
council  and  would  expect  to  benefit  from  the  presence  of  two 
rival  companies  on  the  island.  The  result  was  that  government 
and  colony  were  soon  divided  into  two  rival  camps,  each  affect- 
ing to  suspect  the  worst  of  the  other. 

In  Copenhagen  the  administrative  tangles  of  the  Company 
had  been  partly  solved  when  Milan  had  been  decapitated  in 
March,  1689.  From  the  West  Indies  the  shareholders  had  re- 
ceived great  numbers  of  complaints  and  countercharges,  but  no 
dividends  on  their  shares.  The  directors  were  consequently 
ready  by  this  time  to  relieve  the  Company  from  further  expense 
and  were  eager  to  consider  any  proposal  that  could  assure  it  a 
moderate  return  on  its  investment  from  this  time  on.  On 
July  27,  1689,  a  life  lease  was  granted  to  Nicholas  Jansen  Arff, 
by  which  he  secured  the  right  to  use  Christiansborg,  the  Danish 

*^  Lorentz  s  Journal  (October  19,  1689). 

"  Schuck,  II,  267. 

*^  Lorentz' s  Journal  (November  7,  1689);  P.  B.  0.,  1683-1728  (November  7, 
1689). 

^  C.  B.,  1690-1713.  See  especially  Lorentz's  letters  to  the  directors  in  1696 
and  1697. 


82  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

"castle"  on  the  Guinea  coast,  and  to  carry  on  the  slave  trade 
with  the  West  Indies,  on  the  payment  to  the  Company  of  a 
two  per  cent,  duty.^^  This  was  followed  on  February  13,  1690, 
by  a  contract  with  a  reputable  and  venturesome  Bergen  mer- 
chant. Councilor  of  Commerce  {Commerce-Raad)  George 
Thormohlen  of  Mohlenpriis,  who  leased  St.  Thomas  from  the 
Company  for  a  period  of  ten  years.  He  was  to  pay  4,630  sldl. 
each  year,  which  was  just  four  per  cent,  of  the  115,750  sldl. 
capital  entered  on  the  books  of  the  Company. ^^  By  these  two 
contracts  the  management  of  both  the  Guinea  and  West  India 
ends  of  the  Company's  business  went  into  the  hands  of  private 
proprietors.  The  result  of  this  experiment  will  be  discussed  in 
a  later  chapter. 

Before  the  news  of  these  changes  could  be  received  at  St. 
Thomas,  and  before  Lorentz  had  received  a  request  from  Thor- 
mohlen to  remain  at  his  post  until  further  orders,  the  vice- 
governor  was  preparing  to  bring  the  matter  of  the  contested 
land  rental  to  a  definite  settlement  in  the  Company's  favor,  if 
necessary,  by  force.  He  was  proceeding  according  to  secret 
instructions  from  the  directors  in  Copenhagen.''^  The  rental 
which  was  calculated  upon  the  current  price  of  tobacco  was 
estimated  at  20,000  rdl.  annually,  that  is,  more  than  six  times 
the  rental  fixed  in  the  Thormohlen  contract.^  If  strictly  en- 
forced it  would  spell  ruin,  which  was  apparently  precisely  what 
was  intended. 

The  efforts  of  Danish  statesmen  were  at  this  time  applied 
toward  keeping  Denmark  from  becoming  involved  in  the 
European  war.  A  defensive  alliance  between  Denmark  and 
Sweden  was  negotiated  February,  1690,  and  a  treaty  of  com- 
merce and  navigation  for  the  mutual  protection  of  their  trade 

"  Vest.  Reg.,  1670-99  (July  27, 1689).  The  slave  trade  had  been  carried  on  in 
the  few  years  immediately  preceding  by  ships  sailing  from  Gliickstadt.  A  Por- 
tuguese (?)  Jew,  Moses  Joshua  Henriqucs,  was  appointed  factor  in  Gliickstadt 
for  ships  sailing  to  Guinea  on  April  27,  1686.  Arff's  ships  were  to  sail  from 
Copenhagen.    Rothe,  Rescripter,  II. 

*^  C.  B..  1690-1713.    Thormohlen  himself  wrote  his  name  Thor  Mbhlen. 

*^  Lorentz  s  Journ.  (November  24,  1690);  directors  to  Lorentz  (December  22, 
1691);  C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

^Ibid.  (December  5,  1691). 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  83 

was  concluded  in  the  following  year.^^  In  the  same  year  (1691) 
Denmark  made  a  secret  treaty  with  France  in  which  she  agreed 
to  maintain  neutrality  during  the  war.^-  Because  of  Denmark's 
suspected  leaning  toward  France  early  in  the  war  Raule  had 
counseled  the  new  Elector,  Frederick  III,  who  had  succeeded 
his  father  at  the  latter's  death  in  1688,  to  make  reprisals  upon 
Danish  commerce  through  Zeeland  privateers,  a  proposal  which 
it  was  found  impracticable  to  carry  out.^'^  With  these  and  other 
European  complications  threatening,  the  Brandenburg  African 
Company  could  scarcely  be  expected  to  show  a  flourishing 
state  of  prosperity.  Between  their  Dutch  neighbors  on  the 
Guinea  coast  and  jealous  Danish  officials  at  St.  Thomas  the 
prospects  were  far  from  alluring.  In  a  report  sent  out  from 
Emden  on  August  22,  1690,  by  the  two  Brandenburg  ad- 
miralty colleges  and  Raule,*^*  three  causes  were  mentioned  as 
having  impeded  the  prosperity  of  the  Company,  namely:  the 
persecutions  of  the  Dutch  West  India  Company, ^^  the 
scant  sums  of  money  flowing  into  the  marine  department 
treasury,  and  the  difficulties  caused  by  their  Danish  hosts  at 
St.  Thomas.^6 

On  St.  Thomas,  an  atmosphere  of  suspicion  pervaded  every- 
thing. On  the  last  day  of  October  Lorentz  declined  an  invita- 
tion to  a  banquet  given  by  director-general  Laporte,  for  he  felt 
that  it  was  to  be  merely  a  meeting  of  Laporte's  adherents  among 
the  planters, — his  "creatures."  Among  those  suspected  of  dis- 
loyalty to  the  Danish  company  were  two  members  of  the  gov- 

"  D.  R.  H.,  IV,  660,  661.  This  treaty  (with  additions  made  in  March,  1693) 
is  notable  as  being  the  first  instance  of  an  armed  neutrality  for  the  protection 
of  neutral  commerce. 

S2  IMd. 

5'  Schuck,  I,  230. 

^*  Raule  was  discredited  for  a  time  following  the  Great  Elector's  death,  but 
by  1690  he  had  regained  some  of  his  former  influence.  The  troubled  career  of 
Raule  and  the  internal  strife  that  marked  the  government  of  the  Brandenburg 
company  fall  outside  of  the  scope  of  the  present  study. 

^^  The  seizure  by  the  Dutch  of  the  two  Guinea  factories  of  Accada  and  Tac- 
carary  was  the  subject  of  negotiations  from  1690  to  1694,  when  the  arbitrating 
board  awarded  the  Brandenburg  company  a  substantial  sum  in  damages. 
Schiick,  I,  218  et  seq. 

«  Ibid..  I,  231. 


84  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ernor's  council,  Captain  Delicaet  "^^  and  Lawrence  Westerbaen, 
the  latter  a  refugee  from  St.  Eustatius.  Every  remark  of  these 
men  that  might  possibly  be  unfavorably  construed  was  carefully 
noted  by  Lorentz  in  his  diary.  At  a  meeting  of  the  council 
called  by  the  governor  with  a  view  to  ascertaining  how  these 
men  stood,  Captain  Delicaet  was  quoted  as  having  declared: 
"It  is  a  difficult  matter,  for  we  have  to  do,  not  with  common 
people,  but  with  lords  and  princes."  The  governor  informed 
him  significantly  that  he  would  know  well  enough  what  was 
proper  to  do  when  the  time  for  the  payment  approached. 
Among  the  planters  the  governor  worked  cautiously,  drawing 
the  loyal  ones  among  them  still  more  closely  to  his  side.  He 
was  fully  determined  to  be  prepared  "in  case  any  should  be 
inclined  to  rebellion."  ^^ 

The  time  limit  for  the  payment  of  the  tax  according  to  Lor- 
entz's  calculations  was  November  23;  so  on  the  24th  the  latter 
called  the  council  together  again  and  had  an  itemized  bill 
prepared  for  20,000  rdl.  46}^  styvers.  This  bill  together 
with  a  letter  was  taken  by  the  two  professedly  loyal  coun- 
cilors ^^  to  Laporte  on  November  25.  Two  days  later  the 
director-general  came  before  the  council  to  read  his  reply  in 
which  he  stated  his  reasons  for  refusing  payment.  The  main 
argument  advanced  was  that  he  had  no  orders  from  his  chiefs  to 
make  any  such  payment.^  After  Laporte's  departure  the  coun- 
cil decided,  in  view  of  the  expected  arrival  on  any  day  of  three 
Brandenburg  ships,*'^  to  institute  judicial  condemnatory  pro- 
ceedings after  three  days'  elapse.  Finally,  on  December  2 
(O.  S.),  1690,  came  the  day  of  reckoning,  when  the  vice-governor 
and  his  council  marched  over  to  the  Brandenburg  warehouse, 

'^  Captain  Delicaet,  scenting  trouble,  had  left  on  the  day  of  the  banquet.  "  Als 

hat  er  sick  Reversiren  mussen  innerhalb  H  Tage  wiedcrumb  einzustellen;  Weile 
cs  seine  Gewolinheit  war,  wann  etwas  icichtiges  solte  vorgenomen  verden  da  er  sick 
in  mitlerweile  an  seite  hielte."    Lorentz  s  Journal  (October  13,  1690). 

58  Ibid.  (November  14  and  17,  1690). 

*'  Thomas  Berentsen  and  the  secretary  Joachim  von  Holten.  Ibid.  (Novem- 
ber 25,  1690). 

"^^  Ibid.  (November  27,  1690). 

"'  Raule  had  sent  3  ships  {Chur princess.  Salamander,  and  Drache)  to  Guinea, 
and  2  {Ckurprinz  and  Fuchs)  to  St.  Thomas.    Schiick,  I,  231  (note  53). 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  85 

with  the  Company's  smith  to  break  the  lock,  and  a  committee 
of  inhabitants,  mainly  planters,  to  appraise  the  condemned 
goods.®-  On  Laporte's  refusal  to  accede  to  the  council's  formal 
demand  to  open  the  magazine  and  after  vigorous  protests  and 
appeals  by  the  Brandenburgers  the  doors  were  forcibly  opened 
and  the  appraisal  begun.  Lorentz  carefully  notes  in  his  journal 
Laporte's  remark  to  Delicaet  and  Berentsen  that  "if  they  (the 
Brandenburgers)  were  as  strong  in  the  land  as  we  (the  Danes) 
we  should  not  have  done  what  we  did."  He  quotes  this  as  an 
evidence  of  their  "good(!)  intentions"  and  of  "what  they  had 
up  their  sleeves."  ®^  By  Christmas  Eve,  two  of  the  Brandenburg 
warehouses  had  practically  been  emptied  of  all  their  sugar  and 
cotton.®^  The  value  was  estimated  by  the  director-general  at 
24,652  pieces-of-eight,  remarkable  precision,  considering  that 
he  had  refused  to  send  a  representative  to  participate  in  the 
weighing.^^ 

The  seizure  was  not  carried  out  without  a  certain  danger  to 
the  colony.  Meetings  were  held  on  the  quiet  at  the  houses  of 
various  planters,  and  were  attended  by  the  Brandenburg  offi- 
cials. At  some  of  these  gatherings  anti-Company  indignation 
found  vent.  Thomas  Berentsen,  one  of  Lorentz's  most  trusted 
councilors,  who  tried  to  investigate  one  of  these  meetings,  found 
Laporte  and  all  the  Brandenburg  employees  there  as  well  as  an 
English  captain  from  St.  Kitts,  one  "Callehan"  and  several 
planters.  Laporte  himself  forced  Berentsen  out  through  the 
door,  uttered  sundry  threats  against  the  Danes  and  accused 
him  of  being  one  of  the  demons  of  the  Brandenburgers.®^  The 
proposal  to  seize  the  Brandenburg  houses  and  slaves  was  con- 
sidered by  the  vice-governor  and  council,  but  was  finally  dropped 
as  inexpedient.®'^ 

Three  Brandenburg  ships,  the  frigates  Electoral  Prince  and 
Salamander,   and  a  snow  arrived   in  St.  Thomas  harbor  on 

'^  Francis  (Frans)  Martens,  Lucas  Volckers,  Adrian  (Ariaen)  Sorgeloos,  and 
Jacob  Elias.    Lorentz's  Journal  (December  2,  1690). 
"  Ibid. 

«*  Ibid.  (December  24,  1690). 

^^  Ibid.  (December  2/12.  and  December  8/18,  1690);  Schiick,  I,  232. 
*"  Lorentz's  Journal  (December  19,  1690). 
"  Ibid.  (December  30,  1690). 


86  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

March  7,  having  on  board  about  four  hundred  men,  and  pro- 
vided with  a  commission  to  seize  French  ships. ^^  The  arrival  of 
the  three  vessels  set  numerous  rumors  afloat  concerning  their 
intentions;  but  their  passports  had  been  issued  on  August  18 
preceding,  over  three  months  before  the  seizure  of  the  sugar  and 
cotton,  hence  any  action  they  might  have  taken  would  have 
been  entirely  upon  the  authority  of  the  captains  and  the  St. 
Thomas  officials  of  their  company.  As  it  was,  Laporte  confined 
himself  to  repeating  his  request  for  restitution  of  the  confiscated 
goods  and  to  making  an  offer  of  forty  marines  to  supplement  the 
weak  garrison  at  the  fort,  both  of  which  overtures  were  firmly 
but  politely  declined  by  Lorentz.  The  latter  even  sent  in  a 
further  claim  of  his  own  for  the  balance  of  the  rental,  his  esti- 
mate falling  considerably  short  of  that  of  the  director-general.*® 
The  vessels  left  in  a  little  over  a  month  with  only  a  part  of  the 
expected  cargoes. ^° 

Meanwhile  a  Brandenburg  bark  had  left  St.  Thomas  on 
January  8  to  carry  the  news  of  the  Danish  company's  violence 
to  Emden  and  Berlin.^^  With  that  the  scene  of  interest  shifts 
from  St.  Thomas  to  Copenhagen,  whither  by  June  the  Branden- 
burg envoy  Falaiseau  had  betaken  himself  to  demand  on  behalf 
of  his  master  the  recall  of  Lorentz  and  the  punishment  of  the 
guilty  parties."^  Christian  V  hastened  to  send  a  letter  to  Lorentz 
(June  20)  asking  for  an  explanation  and  for  the  necessary  docu- 
ments. When  in  September  the  news  came  that  Loreutz  had 
seized  the  Electoral  Princess  and  her  cargo  of  slaves  new  force 
was  added  to  the  former  complaint,  and  to  persons  outside  of 
official  circles  it  began  to  look  as  if  the  Esmit-Milan  drama  was 
to  be  acted  over  again  in  a  revised  version  with  Laporte  in 
Stapleton's  role. 

The  distance  and  the  slowness  of  communication  between  the 
home  government  and  the  West  Indian  factories  were  bound  to 

''^  Lorentz' s  Journal  (March  7,  1691);  Cal.  Col..  1689-92,  No.  1382  (Aprils, 
1691).     A  snow  is  a  two-masted,  square  rigged  vessel. 

«» Ihid.  (March  10  and  17.  1691);  Host  (p.  34)  says  sixty. 

'"  Ibid.  (April  10,  1691).  Cf.  Schiick  (I,  232),  who  asserts  that  they  had  to 
return  empty. 

"  Ibid.  (January  8,  1691). 

"  Schiick.  I,  232. 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  87 

delay  final  action  many  months.  The  problem  for  the  Danish 
government  was  no  easy  one,  for  it  was  forced  oflBcially  to  dis- 
avow the  violence  of  its  representative  who  had  been  guilty  of 
nothing  worse  than  carrying  out  the  orders  of  the  Company's 
directors. ^^  The  loosely  drawn  provisions  in  the  treaty  of  1685 
were  the  main  obstacles  to  satisfactory  settlement.  As  the 
Elector's  envoy  Falaiseau  and  his  colleague  expressed  it,  "if 
M.  Raule  had  drawn  up  a  clearer  contract,  he  would  have  spared 
us  considerable  trouble,  but  it  is  all  over  now."  ^^  The  exigencies 
of  the  war  had  nevertheless  forced  the  two  states  to  consider  a 
closer  alliance,  so  a  temporary  settlement  of  the  St.  Thomas 
diflSculties  was  hastily  concluded  on  April  11/21,  and  ratified  by 
Christian  V  on  April  23  (O.  S.),  1692.  A  supplementary  agree- 
ment of  June  10/20  fixed  the  mode  in  which  payment  should  be 
carried  out.^^  It  was  arranged  that  the  seized  goods,  the  value 
of  which  was  fixed  at  16,000  rdl.,  should  be  restored  to  the 
Brandenburg  company  with  such  other  seizures  of  ships  or 
goods  as  might  have  been  made  thereafter;  and  that  for  the  next 
three  years  the  Brandenburg  African  Company  should  pay 
3,000  rdl.  annually  in  lieu  of  all  other  sums  due  or  claimed,  the 
sum  to  be  paid  yearly  to  the  Danish  company  through  the  Ham- 
burg bank. 

The  difficulties  with  the  Danish  authorities  at  St.  Thomas  had 
led  the  Brandenburg  government  to  make  renewed  efforts  to 
secure  an  independent  foothold  in  the  West  Indies.  Again  they 
tried  to  take  possession  of  Crab  Island,  but  when  the  Branden- 
burg party  arrived  there  on  December  19,  1692,  they  found  the 
Danes  already  on  the  ground  and   their  Dannehrog  banner 

'2  The  close  association  between  government  and  commercial  enterprise  in 
Denmark  at  this  time  is  indicated  in  a  statement  by  Hugh  Greg,  secretary  of  the 
English  legation  in  Copenhagen,  made  in  a  letter  to  George  Stepney,  secretary 
of  the  Berlin  legation,  that  "all  the  ministers  here  are  merchants."  Danske 
Samlinger,  1  R.  IV,  212.  The  directors'  orders  to  Lorentz  were  issued  April  9, 
1690.    Manager  MS.,  93. 

''*  Falaiseau  and  Worckum  to  Frederick  HI.  Schuck,  I,  233,  n.  63  (Febru- 
ary 6/16,  1692). 

^^  Ibid.,  n,  398  (No.  137a;  Inferima-Vergleich  mit  Ddnemark  wegen St.  Thomas); 
403  (No.  ISlh :  Ddnische  Ratifikation);  405  (No.  137c:  Neben  Rezess  zum  Interims- 
Vergleich). 


88  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

defiantly  waving  above  them.^^  John  Lorentz,  who  continued  in 
office  ad  interim  until  the  proprietor  Thormohlen  could  provide  a 
governor,  had  sent  a  captain  with  some  men  to  Crab  Island  a 
few  days  before  the  Brandenburg  bark  made  its  landing. 
Though  Laporte  spread  rumors  threatening  forcible  seizure  of 
the  island,  no  further  serious  efforts  were  made  in  that  direc- 
tionJ^  The  Tobago  negotiations  were  renewed  and  a  treaty 
made  with  Duke  Frederick  Casimir  who  had  only  recently  mar- 
ried the  Elector  Frederick's  sister,  Elizabeth  Sophie;  but  Eng- 
land still  refused  to  give  up  her  claims  to  the  island .^^  St. 
Eustatius  likewise  came  in  for  attempts.  The  French  had 
captured  it  from  the  Dutch  in  1689,  but  had  been  forced  in  1690 
to  surrender  it  to  the  English,^^  who  in  turn  delivered  it  up  to  the 
Dutch  in  1692.^  The  EngHsh  were  naturally  unwillmg  to  give 
up  an  island  originally  belonging  to  an  ally;  ^^  and  of  course  the 
Dutch  had  no  desire  to  surrender  their  most  valuable  slave 
trading  factory  in  the  Leeward  Islands. 

This  series  of  untoward  experiences  had  had  depressing  ef- 
fects upon  the  financial  state  of  the  Brandenburg  company. 
At  the  close  of  1691  it  was  practically  bankrupt,  so  the  Elector 
Frederick  decided  in  the  beginning  of  the  following  year  to  re- 
organize it  on  the  plan  of  the  Dutch  East  and  West  India 
Companies.^'^  This  was  the  aim  in  the  octroi  of  February  27,^^ 
and  in  the  "new  octroi"  granted  on  September  14/24,  1692.  The 
latter  gave  the  " Brandenburg- African-American  Company" 
the  right  not  only  to  conclude  alliances,  but  to  wage  defensive 
warfare,  to  make  peace,  and  to  privateer  against  the  ships  of  the 
Elector's  enemies  on  a  payment  of  ten  per  cent,  of  the  prize 
money  into  his  treasury .^^    In  a  report  on  the  state  of  the  com- 

'"  Schiick,  1, 233.   Dannebrog  is  the  popular  designation  for  the  flag  of  Denmark. 
"  Lorentz  to  directors  (June  6,  1693).    C.  B..  1690-1713. 
'8  Schuck,  I.  234. 

'9  Cal  Col.,  1689-92.  Nos.  65  (April  3.  1689).  1004  (August  3.  1690). 
8»  Ibid.,  No.  2010  (January  14,  1692). 

"Schuck,  I,  235.  Cf.  "Neues  Oktroi  .  .  ,"  of  September  14/24,  1692  (1[4), 
in  Schuck,  II,  417. 

82  Ibid..  I,  236  et  seq.,  II.  385  et  .seq.  (No.  135a),  393  et  aeq.  (No.  135b). 
8'  Ibid.,  II,  385  et  seq. 
"  Ibid..  II,  416  et  seq. 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  89 

pany  issued  in  August,  1692,  the  resources  were  found  to  be 
415,944  rdl.,  8  st.,  the  liabihties,  333,555  rdl.,  4  sL,  and  the  cash 
balance,  82,389  rdi,  4  st.^^  Strenuous  efforts  were  made  to 
fulfill  the  oft  disappointed  hopes  of  the  stockholders.  Six  ships 
were  sent  out  in  August,  five  in  December,  and  three  more  in 
1693  to  Guinea  and  the  West  Indies.  An  asiento  or  contract 
for  the  delivery  of  slaves  was  made  with  Spain  and  promised 
large  profits. ^^  But  the  efforts  of  the  Brandenburgers  exceeded 
their  available  means,  dissension  reappeared  in  the  ranks  of  the 
shareholders,  and  by  1694  the  Company  was  again  in  serious 
straits.  The  attempt  to  secure  the  island  of  Tor  tola  just  north- 
east from  St.  John  in  1695  was  frustrated  by  the  refusal  of  the 
English  government  to  guarantee  the  Brandenburgers  posses- 
sion or  to  sell  the  English  claims.^^ 

By  April,  1695,  the  three-year  provisional  treaty  with  Den- 
mark had  expired  and  9,000  rdl.  were  due  the  Danish  company, 
whose  proprietor  Thormohlen  was  to  be  credited  with  that 
amount.^^  But  the  latter  had  already  been  forced  after  a  brief 
and  bitter  experience  to  give  up  the  proprietorship.  His  ap- 
pointee, Francis  Delavigne,  had  proved  a  poor  substitute  for 
the  experienced  Lorentz  (who  replaced  him  November  22,  1694). 
Delavigne  repeated  Lorentz's  performance  by  seizing  9,320 
pieces-of-eight,  according  to  the  Brandenburg  estimate,  from 
the  latter  company,  apparently  a  forcible  collection  of  the 
rental  dues.^^  They  suffered  a  misfortune  for  which  there  was 
less  chance  of  redress,  when  a  French  privateer  named  Legendre 
{dit  "le  blond")  swooped  down  upon  the  Brandenburg  buildings 
on  the  night  of  November  4,  robbed  the  magazine  of  over 
24,000  rdl.^^  in  cash,  and  robbed  the  employees,  from  the  director- 
general  to  the  humblest,  of  everything  except  the  shirts  to  their 
backs.®^    The  injured  Brandenburgers  were  inclined  to  blame 

*'  Schiick,  II,  407  et  seq.     st.  =  stivers. 
8«  Ibid..  I,  240. 
"  Ibid.,  I,  244,  245. 
88/Wd.,  I,  245. 

89  Directors  to  Lorentz  (July  24,  1694).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 
'"  Schiick  (I,  251)  places  the  damage  at  24,573  pieces-of-eight. 
"  Lorentz  to  directors  (January  17,  1695)  C.  B..  1690-1713.    This  is  beyond  a 
doubt  the  incident  referred  to  by  Labat  in  his  Nouveaux  Voyages  aux  isles 


90  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Governor  Delavigne  for  failure  to  keep  proper  watch.  They 
contented  themselves  for  the  time,  however,  with  sending  out 
requests  through  Delavigne's  successor,  Lorentz,  to  the  neigh- 
boring French  governments,  asking  them  to  detain  the  pirate, 
should  he  land,  and  to  compel  him  to  give  "satisfaction"  for 
his  misdeeds. 

The  negotiations  at  Copenhagen  for  the  renewal  of  the  three- 
year  lease  took  place  early  in  1695  while  the  Elector  was  at- 
tempting to  obtain  full  title  to  Tortola.  Falaiseau  succeeded  in 
securing  an  extension  of  a  single  year,  for  which  the  Branden- 
burg company  had  to  agree  to  pay  4,000  rdl.  instead  of  3,000, 
and  to  furnish  surety  for  the  unpaid  9,000.  Meantime  the  two 
contracting  parties  were  to  attempt  to  come  to  an  agreement  on 
the  interpretation,  among  other  things,  of  the  paragraph  in  the 
1685  treaty  which  dealt  with  the  cultivation  of  the  plantation  on 
St.  Thomas.  The  Danish  company  reserved  the  right  to  take 
up  the  trade  itself,  as  well  as  to  permit  such  others  to  trade  in 
St.  Thomas  as  might  desire  to  do  so.^- 

In  November,  1695,  the  stubborn  question  was  taken  up 
afresh.  To  assist  Falaiseau  at  Copenhagen  the  Elector  had  de- 
puted Laporte  who  had  been  ordered  to  Berlin  from  St.  Thomas 
and  had  been  made  a  councilor  of  marine.^^  The  Danish  com- 
missioners were  Baron  Jens  Juel  who  had  been  director  of  the 
Company  since  1682,  and  Mathias  Moth,  secretary  in  the  for- 
eign office  and  also  director  of  the  Company.  These  were  the 
men  who  had  counseled  Lorentz 's  violent  action  and  had  sent 
him  back  as  governor  on  the  breakdown  of  the  Thormohlen  pro- 
prietorship in  1694,  in  the  face  of  the  fact  that  the  Elector  had 
but  two  years  before  insisted  on  his  recall  and  punishment. 
Their  conviction  that  the  Brandenburg  treaty  was  a  mistake 
had  no  doubt  been  much  strengthened  by  their  conferences  with 
Lorentz  in  Copenhagen  in  1693  and  1694.  Falaiseau  in  his 
d'Amerique  (a  la  Haye,  1724),  Vol.  II,  p.  91,  and  ascribed  to  the  year  1688. 
Labat's  garbled  story  has  reappeared  in  many  versions,  especially  in  guide  books 
and  works  of  travel. 

9-  Resolution  by  Christian  V  (April  9, 1695),  C.  B..  1690-1713;  Schilck,  I,  244, 
245. 

'^  Laporte's  place  as  factor  at  St.  Thomas  was  taken  by  Peter  {Pedro)  Van 
Belle  whom  Labat  (op.  cit.,  II,  286)  refers  to  as  "M.  Vambel." 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  91 

letters  to  the  Elector  Frederick  III  described  Juel  as  "a  ma- 
licious, selfish,  violent,  passionate,  vindictive  man,"  ^^  and  Moth 
as  "a  peevish,  obstinate,  and  passionate  man  who  was  governed 
only  by  caprice  and  with  whom  it  was  possible  to  have  dealings 
only  in  the  morning,  for  from  the  time  that  he  had  had  his  first 
glass  of  wine  at  luncheon,  he  was  not  to  be  reasoned  with  the 
rest  of  the  day."  ^'^  At  another  time  he  referred  to  Moth  as  "a 
ferocious  beast."  With  such  men  as  advisors  of  the  Danish 
king  the  prospects  for  the  success  of  the  Brandenburg  mission 
were  dai'k  indeed.  Falaiseau  felt  that  he  had  scored  a  victory 
when  he  succeeded  in  having  the  consideration  of  the  treaty 
laid  before  all  the  ministers,  and  not  before  Juel  and  Moth  alone. 
The  Danish  commissioners  were  not  particularly  modest  in  their 
demands.  Among  other  things  they  asked  a  yearly  rental  of 
10,000  rdl.  Frederick  III  tried  in  vain  to  settle  the  matter  with 
Christian  V  directly,  projects  and  counter-projects  were  dis- 
cussed and  cast  aside;  and  so  the  case  dragged  on  through  1696 
and  1697.  Meantime  the  Brandenburg  factors  were  buying  con- 
demned prizes  when  they  dared,  securing  good  cargoes  now  and 
then  from  Guinea,^^and  incidentally  managing  to  give  Governor 
Lorentz  considerable  anxiety.  No  doubt  Lorentz's  growing 
enthusiasm  for  the  resumption  of  the  slave  trade  by  the  Danish 
company  helped  to  confirm  the  directors  in  their  intention  to 
crowd  the  Brandenburgers  entirely  out  of  St.  Thomas. 

Unable  to  conclude  a  satisfactory  treaty  the  Elector  Freder- 
ick refused  to  expend  any  more  perfectly  good  money  on  the 
West  Indian  factory  but  left  the  merchant  and  his  few  assistants 
there  to  carry  on  what  business  they  could  as  best  they  might. 
His  successor.  King  Frederick  William  I,^^  showed  his  willingness 

^*"un  homme  malin  et  interease,  violent,  emporte,  vindicatif."  Falaiseau 
(Copenhagen)  to  Elector,  March  20/30,  1697  (quoted  in  SchUck,  I,  246). 

^^"un  homme  difficile,  enteste,  paasione,  qui  ne  se  gouverne  que  par  caprice  et 
avec  qui  outre  cela  on  ne  pent  traitter  que  le  matin,  parceque  d^s  quil  a  hue  un  verre 
de  vin  a  disne,  il  n'eat  pas  traitable  la  reste  de  la  journee."  Same  to  same,  Nov.  19/ 
29,  1695.    SchUck,  I,  246. 

^  Falaiseau  (Copenhagen)  to  the  African  company,  June  2,  1696,  SchUck,  I, 
246. 

^^  The  Elector  Frederick  III  had  been  crowned  as  Frederick  I,  king  in  Prussia, 
in  1701. 


92  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

to  dispose  of  the  African  company's  interests  in  1713,  as  the 
War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  was  nearing  its  close.®*  On  the 
return  to  Emden  of  the  St.  Thomas  factor,  Sivert  Hoesz,  in 
1714,  the  rumor  was  started  that  he  brought  with  him  over 
200,000  florins  in  cash  which  he  had  amassed  at  the  Company's 
expense.  He  declared  under  oath  that  he  brought  with  him 
only  9,800  thaler,  his  savings  during  twenty-one  years  of 
service.  Finally  in  1721  the  suit  against  him  was  settled  by  the 
payment  of  800  ducats.^^  In  1715,  when  the  thirty -year  privilege 
at  St.  Thomas  had  about  expired,  the  assets  of  the  Branden- 
burgers  on  the  island  were  estimated  at  23,843  pesos,  which  in- 
cluded houses,  negroes,  goods,  and  claims.  ^"^  Even  these  slender 
resources  it  proved  impossible  to  rescue,  for  the  Danish  claims 
against  the  Brandenburgers  for  rental  and  other  dues  amounted 
by  this  time  to  the  stately  sum  of  1,078,229  pieces-of-eight.  The 
Prussian  estimate  was  90,000  thaler,  while  the  Prussian  counter- 
claim for  accumulated  damages  was  only  264,959  thaler. ^^^  In 
1717  the  Dutch  West  India  Company  contracted  with  Branden- 
burg for  the  purchase  of  Gross-Friedrichsberg  for  6,000  ducats, 
and  in  1724  Emden  was  lost  from  Brandenburg  control  for  a 
generation  to  come.  Some  fruitless  negotiations  with  the 
Danish  court  in  1716-1718  brought  this  strange  episode  to  an 
inglorious  close.  ^'^- 

To  fix  the  responsibility  for  this  diplomatic  coup  of  the  Danish 
W^est  India  and  Guinea  Company  is  not  difficult.  It  lay  with 
two  directors  who  had  the  zealous  cooperation  of  the  governor 
of  the  colony,  and  the  work  was  practically  completed  before 
1700.  Jens  Juel  had  lived  long  enough  to  see  the  beginning  of 
the  Brandenburg  decline  in  the  West  Indies,  and  Mathias  Moth 
had  witnessed  the  fulfilment  of  one  of  his  most  cherished  ambi- 
tions in  the  abandonment  by  the  Brandenburgers  of  their  West 
Indian  factory.    The  Brandenburg  venture  at  St.  Thomas  had 

9»  SchUck,  I,  288,  passim. 

*"  Ibid.,  I,  295.    A  ducat  was  equal  to  5/6  pesos. 
'"o/feid.,  I,  301. 
w  Ibid..  I.  302. 

»»-  Ibid.,  I,  302  (note  66);  H.  A.  Perry,  "  The  Traditions  of  German  Coloniza- 
tion "  in  Macmillan's  Magazine,  vol.  62,  p.  118. 


THE  BRANDENBURGERS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  93 

been  mercifully  permitted  to  die  a  lingering  and  not  too  painful 
death,  while  the  Danish  colony  was  preparing  for  its  first  period 
of  prosperity,  which  was  to  result  from  Denmark's  neutral 
position  during  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession. 

Before  concluding  this  curious  chapter  in  West  Indian  history, 
a  quotation  from  the  close-fisted  but  practical  father  of  Fred- 
erick the  Great,  Frederick  William  I,  may  serve  to  reflect  the 
royal  feeling  regarding  the  Guinea- West  Indian  trade  in  prosaic 
but  unequivocal  terms:  ^^^ 

"The  resolution  which  we  have  previously  made  shall  remain 
as  it  was  [namely]  that  we  will  not  divert  any  more  of  our  means, 
either  in  goods  or  in  cash,  to  this  African  and  American  trading 
business,  and  from  now  on,  our  sole  design  must  be  directed 
toward  trying  to  see  in  what  other  ways  some  profit  might  be 
derived  by  us  from  the  Establishment  founded  in  Africa  and 
America  by  our  father  and  grandfather,  and  this  is  our  actual 
opinion,  hitherto  variously  expressed,  concerning  the  abandon- 
ment of  this  business,  namely,  that  we  should  not  indeed  give 
away  the  said  African  and  American  Commercium  or  let  it  go  to 
the  first  who  will  take  it,^°^  but  that  we  should  nevertheless  not 
use  any  money  on  it  and  cause  ourselves  expense  on  account  of 
it.  So  far  as  the  colony  on  St.  Thomas  is  concerned,  it  will  not 
be  easy  from  all  appearances  to  come  to  an  agreement  with  the 
Danes,  ...  As  time  goes  on,  it  will  be  advisable  eventually 
to  consider  how  the  effects  that  are  still  on  St.  Thomas  may  be 
saved  before  the  Danish  Company  unexpectedly  seizes  them 
and  claims  them  for  themselves.  That  we  should  equip  and 
send  two  or  three  ships  at  our  expense  to  the  Guinea  coast,  as 
our  director-general  at  Gross-Friederichsberg  suggests,  is  a 
plan  to  which  we  shall  never  accede." 

From  1717,  when  the  dissolution  of  the  Brandenburg  African 
Company  was  practically  complete,  until  the  Danish-Prussian 
troubles  over  Schleswig  and  Holstein  began  in  1848,  the  house  of 
HohenzoUern  remained  without  either  fleet  or  colonies.  The 
colonial  maritime  policy  of  Emperor  William  II,  himself  a 

'"  Frederick  William  I  to  von  Creutz,  von  Kraut,  Walter  and  Cramer,  dated 
on  battlefield  before  Stralsund,  September  8,  1715  (quoted  in  Schuck,  I,  301). 
^"^  ea  primo  occupanti  hingeben  .  .  . 


94  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

profound  admirer  of  the  Gre<at  Elector,  makes  the  study  of  the 
policy  of  his  distinguished  ancestor  a  subject  worthy  of  sober 
consideration.  The  dreams  of  Benjamin  Raule  and  the  Great 
Elector  Frederick  William  I,  have  come  to  a  belated  and  partial 
fulfilment  in  the  days  of  Bismarck  and  of  Emperor  William  II. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE    LEASING   OF   GUINEA   AND    ST.    THOMAS 

"The  shareholders  of  the  West  India  Company  on  St.  Thomas 
have  not  had  the  slightest  returns  from  the  capital  invested 
since  the  Company's  establishment  because  of  the  many  changes 
of  governors  and  their  wretched  administration;  so  they  have 
now  resolved  to  lease  the  island  of  St.  Thomas  to  a  merchant 
from  Bergen  named  Termolen  [Thormohlen],  for  4,000  rdl.  each 
year.  He  is  to  support  the  garrison,  which  is  very  small  and 
of  but  little  account.  .  .  .  The  arrangement  is  to  begin  this 
coming  June." 

In  these  words  did  the  Swedish  ambassador  in  Copenhagen, 
Leyenclo,  report  the  low  state  of  the  company  and  the  change 
to  the  proprietorship  of  Thormohlen  in  a  letter  dated  March  14, 
1690.^  In  the  year  preceding,  the  company's  factory  in  Guinea 
had  been  leased  to  Nicholas  Jansen  Arff  for  a  period  of  eight 
years. ^  In  describing  that  series  of  events  which  ended  in  the 
company's  reassuming  control  of  St.  Thomas  in  1694  and  of  the 
Guinea  station  in  1698,  some  repetition  will  be  risked  for  the 
sake  of  clarity.^ 

Arff  was  not  able  actually  to  take  over  the  Guinea  trade  until 
1690,  when  on  July  22  he  sent  three  ships  ^  out  of  the  Sound 
under  Captain  George  Meyer.  After  over  five  months  of  sailing 
and  the  loss  of  twenty-two  men  from  scurvy.  Captain  Meyer 
arrived  at  Christiansborg  on  December  31 ,  1690.  The  forts  were 
repaired  with  building  materials  brought  from  Denmark,  and 

'  Leyenclo  to  Charles  XI.    Danske  Samlinger,  2  R.  V.  314. 

^  Arff's  grant  was  dated  July  27,  1689,  and  appears  to  have  given  him  the 
Guinea  trade  for  life,  but  apparently  he  was  limited  by  some  supplementary 
understanding  to  the  eight-year  term.    Vest.  Reg.,  1671-99  (July  27,  1689). 

'  The  paragraph  on  the  ArflF  venture  is  based  entirely  on  Hartwig  Meyer's 
account,  incorporated  into  Manager  MS.,  pp.  82  et  seq. 

*  These  were  Kiobenhavns  Nye  Waaben  (Copenhagen's  New  Coat-of-arms) , 
Gyldenioves  Waaben,  and  the  galliot  Laurwigen.    Manager  MS.,  82. 

[95] 


96  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

in  March,  1691,  the  ships  returned  to  Copenhagen,  leaving  Meyer 
there  as  governor.  The  next  ship  arrived  in  July,  1692,  took  on 
as  much  of  gold  and  other  Guinea  products  as  it  could  secure, 
and  left  for  Denmark  in  September.  Why  none  of  these  ships 
took  on  slave  cargoes  for  the  West  Indian  market  does  not  ap- 
pear, for  the  slave  trade  was  the  lessee's  avowed  aim.  During 
the  governorship  of  Harding  Petersen  who  succeeded  Meyer  in 
1693,  the  fort  at  Christiansborg  was  seized  by  natives  of  the 
Quambu  tribe  and  the  inmates  were  either  maltreated  or 
killed.''  The  governor,  to  whose  negligence  the  capture  was 
ascribed  by  the  company,  managed  after  fearful  hardships  to  es- 
cape to  the  neighboring  Dutch  fort.  This  fort,  the  loss  of  which 
would  have  cost  Arff  the  sum  of  71,315  rdl.,^  was  "bought" 
l)ack  from  the  Quambu  chief  for  3,000  rdl.  worth  of  goods  in  the 
following  year  by  the  merchants  Hartwig  Meyer,  stationed  at 
Christiansborg,  and  John  Trane,  factor  on  board  one  of  the 
ships.^  Shortly  afterward,  during  the  governorship  of  Thomas 
Jacobson,  a  pirate  from  Prince's  Island  ^  attacked  the  castle  and 
captured  and  killed  many  of  its  defenders  including  Harding 
Petersen,  the  former  Danish  governor.  During  the  two  years 
just  preceding  the  expiration  of  Arflf's  contract  (1696  and  1697) 
only  two  of  his  ships  visited  the  coast,  and  these  went  mainly 
for  the  purpose  of  bringing  his  effects  at  the  fort  to  Europe 
before  he  gave  back  the  factory  to  the  company.  As  a  factor 
in  the  West  Indian  slave  trade  the  Arff  venture  appears  to  have 
been  negligible.  It  is  probable  that  a  few  slaves  were  sold  to 
foreign  companies  or  to  interloping  traders,^ 

*  Manager  MS.,  p.  84. 

^  By  the  loss  of  the  fort,  Fensman,  according  to  the  account  books,  lost  4,000 
rdl.  (in  goods?)  and  4,164  rdl.  in  gold. 

'  Two  ships  sent  out  from  GlUckstadt,  the  Chri.itianshorg  and  the  Gyldenloves 
Waahen,  had  arrived  in  December,  1693,  and  anchored  at  the  Dutch  fort  during 
the  negotiations.    Manager  MS.,  85. 

'  A  tiny  island  near  the  Portuguese  island  of  St.  Thomas  in  the  Guinea  gulf. 

'  On  August  2,  1695,  Moses  Joshua  Henriques,  a  Jew  from  GlUckstadt,  who 
had  petitioned  the  king  for  permission  to  trade  with  the  West  Indies  and  Guinea, 
asked  to  have  his  rights  transferred  to  one  Jacob  Cohen  and  his  fellow  investors. 
The  directors  to  whom  the  petition  was  referred  advised  against  a  project  that 
would  necessitate  outside  capital.    At  the  same  time  they  advised  the  revoking 


THE  LEASING  OF  GUINEA  AND  ST.  THOMAS  97 

With  such  a  list  of  misfortunes  at  his  back  there  was  nothing 
for  Arff  to  do  but  give  up  the  Guinea  trade.  This  business 
which  had  been  precarious  enough  in  time  of  peace  became 
quite  hopeless  as  an  object  of  individual  enterprise  during  a 
general  European  war.  It  was  in  the  last  two  years  of  Arff's 
contract  that  Governor  Lorentz  was  sending  glowing  reports  to 
Copenhagen  from  St.  Thomas  regarding  the  slave  cargoes  that 
the  Brandenburg  company  had  been  securing  from  its  Guinea 
factory.  The  directors  allowed  themselves  to  be  infected  by  the 
governor's  enthusiasm  to  the  extent  of  preparing  to  assume  the 
Guinea  trade  in  earnest  when  the  company  was  ready  to  take 
over  the  fort  or  "castle"  of  Christiansborg. 

During  this  period  the  Company's  attention  was  naturally 
mainly  directed  towards  what  was  hoped  would  be  the  dividend 
paying  factory  of  St.  Thomas.  With  Denmark  maintaining  a 
neutral  position  in  the  European  war,  St.  Thomas  should  nor- 
mally have  been  a  profitable  place  for  neutral  trade.  But  the 
island  had  had  too  many  weird  experiences  to  have  acquired  a 
dependable  commercial  character,  or  to  be  in  a  position  to 
reap  the  hoped  for  advantages  of  neutrality.  Privateering  at 
its  best  is  sadly  demoralizing  to  legitimate  commerce,  but  when 
local  governments,  as  that  of  the  French  at  Petit  Goave,  issued 
letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  to  owners  of  pirate  vessels,  then 
the  task  of  distinguishing  between  pirates  and  privateers  be- 
came well-nigh  impossible,  and  lawful  commerce  suffered  in 
proportion.  The  plan  of  leasing  St.  Thomas  for  a  term  of  years 
was  not  an  entirely  new  one.  In  a  letter  written  to  the  Com- 
pany in  1686  by  Commissioner  Mikkelsen  who  in  that  year  had 
brought  Governors  Milan  and  Esmit  back  to  Copenhagen  for 
trial,  the  commissioner  had  intimated  that  he  and  a  few  others 
might  be  willing  to  consider  paying  the  Company  "a  reasonable 
rental  (Recognissie)  or  interest  on  their  capital"  if  the  directors 
cared  "to  relinquish  their  present  position  and  privilege  for 
a   few  years  .  .  .  instead   of   making   a    new  contract   each 

of  Arff's  contract  on  the  ground  that  he  had  discontinued  the  trade.  The  latter 
advice  does  not  appear  to  have  been  followed.  King  to  Directors,  enclosing 
memorial  of  August  2  (August  5,  1695),  the  Directors  to  king  (September  23, 
1695).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 


98  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

year."  ^°  It  was  not,  however,  until  the  wealthy  Bergen  mer- 
chant George  Thormohlen  began  to  negotiate  with  the  Com- 
pany, that  the  proposal  to  lease  St.  Thomas  was  seriously 
considered. 

George  Thormohlen  was  a  man  whose  enterprise  and  business 
genius  gave  him  a  distinguished  name  in  commercial  circles  in 
the  north.  Although  apparently  less  sound  in  his  ideas  accord- 
ing to  present  standards,  he  bears  comparison  in  enterprise  and 
boldness  of  conception  with  his  distinguished  Scotch  contem- 
porary, William  Paterson.  About  the  time  that  the  Scotchman 
was  bringing  about  the  establishment  of  the  Bank  of  England, 
the  Scandinavian  was  seeking  permission  to  found  a  paper 
money  bank  in  Norway.  Failing  in  this  project  at  first,  he 
brought  the  idea  up  again  early  in  the  reign  of  Frederick  IV,  but 
in  a  modified  form,  providing  for  a  considerable  redemption 
fund  in  gold.  As  it  was  impossible  to  raise  the  required  sum  the 
scheme  finally  fell  through.^ ^  Thormohlen  seems  to  have  been 
of  North  German  origin,  but  had  lived  since  1670  in  Bergen, 
where  he  had  promoted  an  astonishing  variety  of  manufacturing 
and  commercial  ventures  including  works  and  factories  for  the 
production  of  salt,  soap,  woolen  products,  sailcloth,  spikes, 
copper  goods,  and  gunpowder.  He  was  a  prime  mover  in  the 
establishment  of  the  Bergen  Stock  Exchange  in  1684.  At  the 
time  that  he  embarked  on  the  West  Indian  enterprise  he  was  a 
vigorous  man  of  about  fifty,  with  a  score  of  active  and  eventful 
years  before  him.^^ 

The  contract  entered   into  between  Thormohlen  and   the 

"  Mikkel  Mikkelsen  to  Company  (December  8,  1686).  Cf.  Krarup,  Milan 
(II),  238.    B.  &  D.,  1683-89i?). 

"  In  1695  (April  24),  Thormohlen  presented  to  "the  commission  which  met 
in  the  palace  council  chamber"  (Kommissionen  i  Raadstuen  for  Slottet)  his 
proposals  for  establishing  a  paper  money  bank  in  the  district  of  Nordenfield  in 
Norway  and  submitted  to  a  searching  cross-examination.  On  December  6,  1697, 
U.  F.  Gyldenlove,  Stadtholder  in  Norway,  expressed  himself  as  entirely  opposed 
to  the  paper  money  idea.  Protocol  over  Kommissionen  i  Raadstuen  for  Slottet, 
2  B  (April  24,  1695);  ibid.,  4  B.  (December  6,  1697);  ibid.  (December  9,  1699); 
E.  Holm,  Danmark-Norges  Indre  Hist.,  II,  403. 

^^  For  a  brief  biographical  sketch,  see  C.  F.  Bricka,  Dansk  Biographisk  Lexi- 
kon,  V.  17,  p.  278. 


THE  LEASING  OF  GUINEA  AND  ST.  THOMAS  99 

Company  was  signed  February  13,  1690.  Thormohlen  con- 
tracted to  lease  the  island  of  St.  Thomas  and  the  surrounding  is- 
lands for  a  term  of  ten  years;  but  the  Company  was  to  have  the 
privilege  of  resuming  the  trade  at  the  end  of  three  years,  when 
he  likewise  might  abrogate  the  lease  (1112)  if  he  did  not  care  to 
continue  the  arrangement.  The  annual  rental  was  to  be  4,630 
sldl.  (3,086  rdl.  64  sk.),  which  was  four  per  cent,  of  an  estimated 
capitahzation  of  115,750  sldl.  (77,166  rdl.  64  sfc.)."  The  con- 
tract was  to  become  effective  on  June  11,  1690.  The  first  pay- 
ment was  to  become  due  on  that  date  if  he  took  possession 
of  the  land  by  that  time,  or  if  not,  then  immediately  after  re- 
ceipt of  the  news  that  he  had  taken  possession.  He  was  to  take 
charge  of  all  the  Company's  property,  including  fort,  planta- 
tions, negroes,  and  magazines,  which  he  was  to  deliver  back  in 
the  condition  or  number  that  he  found  them.  He  was  on  the 
whole  to  be  allowed  the  same  privileges  in  disposing  of  his  goods, 
entering  his  ships  and  the  like,  that  the  Company  had  enjoyed. 
If  he  took  any  of  the  surrounding  islands  into  possession  the 
Company  was  to  have  the  right  of  buying  them  from  him  at 
double  their  cost  to  him.  Failure  to  pay  the  rental  promptly 
would  make  the  contract  void.  It  was  understood  that  any 
dues  received  from  the  Brandenburg  company  should  be  applied 
to  Thormohlen's  account.  ^^ 

Thormohlen's  orders  to  vice-governor  Lorentz,  whom  he  re- 
quested to  continue  in  office  until  a  successor  could  be  named, 
did  not  reach  St.  Thomas  until  January  29,  1691,^^  and  the 
actual  transfer  of  authority  took  place  on  February  7,  just  after 
the  Candlemas  holiday.  In  the  contract  with  the  Company  the 
proprietor  had  agreed  to  maintain  as  many  soldiers  at  the  fort 
as  had  the  Company;  but  he  met  his  first  rebuff  when  he  at- 
tempted to  mduce  the  colonists  to  share  in  bearing  the  burden  of 
defence.  In  this,  as  in  his  efforts  to  raise  the  duties  on  out- 
going goods  from  five  to  six  per  cent.,  he  was  unable  to  secure 

"  C.  B.,  1690-1713.  See  Appendix  M.,  p.  332,  for  receipts  during  these 
years. 

!■«  Moth  to  Thormohlen  (August  15,  1693).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

'*  Lorentz  s  Journal  (January  29, 1G90  et  seq.).  The  departure  of  Thormohlen's 
ship  had  been  delayed  until  September  27,  1690.    Mariager  MS.,  94. 


100  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

the  support  of  the  directors  who  dechired  that  any  increase  in 
taxation  was  contrary  to  the  agreement  and  would  tend  to  drive 
the  planters  off  the  island. ^"^ 

It  was  becoming  painfully  evident  that  the  demands  of  the 
West  Indian  situation  had  grown  beyond  the  proprietor's 
ability  to  meet  them.  To  Thormohlen's  request  for  a  hundred 
officers  and  men  at  a  total  cost  in  wages  of  o,l  10  rdl.  the  directors 
replied  that  they  did  not  care  how  many  were  sent  over,  pro- 
vided he  paid  the  bills.  To  his  plea  that  "  the  greatest  part  of  the 
resources  belonging  to  me  and  my  modest  house  are  sunk  in  that 
lease"  the  directors  Juel  and  Moth  turned  an  unsympathetic 
ear.^'^  Their  interest  was  now  directed  towards  the  prospects  of 
being  able  to  satisfy  the  shareholders  with  the  proceeds  expected 
from  the  lessee-ship. 

Among  the  passengers  on  one  of  the  three  ships  sent  out  by 
Thormohlen  in  the  summer  of  169'2  was  the  latter's  new  ap- 
pointee to  this  governorship,  Francis  Delavigne,  who  arrived  on 
September  17.^^  Lorentz  had  no  taste  for  continuing  in  the 
service  under  the  new  management  and  handed  over  the  reins 
of  power  to  Delavigne  wntli  a  light  heart. ^^  He  described  his 
successor  as  "a  person  by  the  name  of  Franz  de  la  Wigne  who  is 
reported  to  have  been  born  in  Copenhagen,  and  whose  stepfather 
is  said  to  be  the  queen's  master  in  languages,  namely  Visconti."  ^ 
Again  an  untrained  hand  was  chosen  to  direct  the  affairs  of  this 
distant  colony  in  a  diflScult  time.  Whether  Delavigne's  zeal  for 
his  master  could  make  up  for  his  lack  of  experience  will  presently 
appear.  One  of  the  first  duties  that  fell  upon  his  shoulders  was 
the  painful  one  of  returning  to  the  Brandenburgers  the  16,000 
rdl.  worth  of  sugar  which  Lorentz  had  seized  during  the  previous 
year  and  which  was  already  on  board  ship  ready  to  be  taken 

'*  Thormohlen  to  government  and  people  of  St.  Thomas  (September  1, 1691), 
P.  B.  0.,  1683-1728;  Directors  to  Lorentz  (December  22,  1691),  Directors'  reso- 
lution (November  12,  1692),  C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

''Thormohlen  to  Directors  (November  28,  1691);  Directors  to  Thormohlen 
(December  5,  1691);  Thormohlen's  reply  (December  5,  1691),  C.  B..  1690-1713. 

"  Lorentz  to  Directors  (September  17,  1692),  ibid.  The  names  of  the  ships 
were  the  St.  Thomas,  Madame  Thormohlen,  and  Jcegeren  (the  Huntsman). 

"  Delavigne  papers  (November  2,5,  1692). 

■-»  Lorentz  to  Directors  (January  6,  1693),  C.  B..  1690-1713. 


THE  LEASING  OF  GUINEA  AND  ST.  THOMAS  101 

home.^^  The  governor's  chagrin  must  have  been  still  deeper 
when  he  received  a  copy  of  the  king's  order  of  September  3,  1692, 
directing  Thormohlen  to  pay  8,000  of  the  16,000  rdl. — in  case  he 
had  not  delivered  the  contested  goods  to  the  Brandenburgers  al- 
ready— to  Vice-admiral  Iver  Hoppe.  This  was  by  way  of  resti- 
tution for  a  seizure  made  by  the  Brandenburg  commissioners  at 
Emden  in  1689,-- — a  characteristic  seventeenth  century  mode  of 
"settling"  an  international  dispute.  But  the  king's  previous 
order  of  June  7,  1692,^^  had  already  been  received  and  executed. 
Delavigne  made  a  poor  start  when  he  tried  to  carry  out 
Thormohlen's  schemes  for  raising  the  taxes.  His  attempts 
to  curry  favor  with  the  Brandenburg  director-general  imme- 
diately after  his  arriv^al  made  him  an  object  of  suspicion 
to  John  Lorentz,  who  was  watching  his  every  move  with  an 
eagle  eye  and  reporting  his  observations  to  Juel  and  Moth  in 
Copenhagen.  Lorentz  was  a  man  worth  reckoning  with,  for  he 
retained  a  strong  hold  upon  many  of  the  planters  and  hold-over 
officials  (like  the  factor,  von  Holten  and  assistant,  Peter  Chris- 
tensen),  and  he  could  no  doubt  have  been  of  real  assistance  as 
an  adviser  on  matters  of  inter-island  trade.  Before  Lorentz  had 
returned  from  Copenhagen  in  the  autumn  of  1694  to  replace 
Dela\agne,  the  latter  had  imprisoned  and  put  von  Holten  in 
irons,  charging  him,  and  apparently  on  good  grounds,  with 
misappropriating  funds  and  juggling  accounts. ^^  Likewise  the 
assistant  Peter  Christensen,  as  a  result  of  the  irresponsible  talk 
of  a  negress, — "a  loose  heathenish  female," — had  been  chained 
to  a  block  in  a  cell  at  the  fort,  and  his  entire  estate  condemned 
"without  any  judgment,  summons  or  warning."  One  Engel 
Huysen  had  been  kept  for  months  "in  a  dark  room,  without 
air,  sun  or  moonshine"  because  of  alleged  rebellious  action.'-" 

-'  The  "vexation  and  chagrin"  which  this  caused  sent  the  governor  to  bed 
"with  a  deathly  illness"  for  seven  weeks,  according  to  his  own  account.  Dela- 
vigne to  Thormohlen  (November  25,  1692).    Delavigne  papers. 

-2  Christian  V  to  Iver  Hoppe  (September  3,  1692).     Vest.  Reg..  1670-1G99. 

2^  See  Neben-Rezess  zum  Interims-Vergleich,  June  IO/2O,  1692  (SchUck,  op.  cit., 
II,  405-407). 

^*  Von  Holten,  "  Liste  paa  hvis  jeg  kominer  till  kort  paa  Cassen"  (November  15, 
1694).     Delavigne  papers. 

«  Lorentz  to  Directors  (January  17,  1695),    C.  B.,  1690-171S. 


102  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Thomas  Berentsen,  an  influential  planter,  had  been  removed 
from  his  lieutenant's  post  and  his  place  on  the  council.-^ 

Delavigne's  relations  with  the  Brandenburgers  did  not  long 
retain  that  spirit  of  mutual  confidence  which  Thormohlen  and 
the  king  had  imposed  upon  him  as  one  of  his  first  duties.  On 
Thormr>hlen's  failure  to  secure  from  the  Brandenburg  company 
the  3,000  rdl.  with  which  he  expected  to  make  part  of  his  annual 
payment  for  the  lease,  Delavigne  had  seized  Brandenburg  goods 
to  the  amount  of  9,320  pieces-of-eight.'-'^  The  directors  seem  in 
fact  to  have  left  the  collection  of  the  rental  dues  from  the  Bran- 
denburgers to  Thormohlen,  who  naturally  disclaimed  all  respon- 
sibility for  the  whole  Brandenburg  matter.'-^  Acting  upon  his 
master's  orders  Delavigne  had  successfully  protested  against 
the  attempt  of  the  Brandenburgers  to  lay  claim  to  Crab  Island.^ 

While  the  governor  was  being  kept  thoroughly  occupied  with 
local  problems,  the  proprietor  Thormcihlen  was  having  troubles 
of  his  own  Math  the  implacable  directors  of  the  Company.  This 
difficulty  began  when  the  first  payment  became  due  in  1692. 
The  situation  had  even  then  begun  to  look  dark  to  Thormohlen. 
Brandenburg  had  negotiated  a  new  treaty  with  Denmark  pro- 
viding for  a  rental  very  much  lower  than  what  the  directors  had 
insisted  on  when  the  Thormohlen  lease  had  been  drawn  up,  and 
the  latter  had  not  even  been  consulted  in  the  matter.  The  king 
had  peremptorily  ordered  Thormohlen's  governor  to  deliver  up 
the  16,000  rdl.  worth  of  sugar  which  Lorentz  had  seized.  Al- 
though not  included,  according  to  Moth's  statement,  in  the  in- 
ventory of  the  property  taken  over  by  Thormohlen,  the  latter 
had  looked  upon  it  as  one  of  his  perquisites.^^ 

-*  Berentsen  to  Delavigne  (December  18, 1694);  Delavigne  to  Berentsen  (Feb- 
ruary 20,  1G95).    Delavigne  papers. 

^  Directors  to  Lorentz  (.July  28,  1G94).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

28  Moth  to  Thormohlen  (August  15,  1693);  Thormohlen  to  Juel  and  Moth 
(February  28,  1694).    Ibid. 

^  Delavigne  had  sent  Capt.  Peter  Iversen  to  Crab  Island  on  December  19, 
1694,  just  two  days  before  the  Brandenburg  director  had  sent  his  frigate,  the 
Lion,  there  with  orders  to  take  formal  possession.  See  above,  pp.  88,  90. 
Delavigne  papers,  Joum.  (December  17  et  seq.);  Lorentz  to  Directors  (January  6, 
1693),  C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

^^  Moth  to  Thormohlen  (June  25,  1692);  same  to  same  (July  15,  1693).  C.  B.. 
1690-1713. 


THE  LEASING  OF  GUINEA  AND  ST.  THOMAS  103 

By  the  end  of  the  second  year  of  the  contract,  the  directors 
began  to  breathe  forth  threats  as  to  what  the  lessee  might  expect 
if  he  failed  to  make  prompt  payment  of  his  arrears. ^^  Finally 
in  February,  1694,  Juel  and  Moth  went  to  the  length  of  making 
a  formal  demand  on  Thormohlen  through  a  royally  appointed 
notary  public,  for  categorical  answers  to  the  following  questions : 

(1)  whether  he  desired  to  abide  by  the  contract  any  longer,  and 

(2)  whether  he  would  make  immediate  payment  of  the  rental  for 
1693.  Failure  to  render  a  satisfactory  reply  on  these  points  was 
to  constitute  a  breach  of  contract.  In  his  reply  Thormohlen 
pointed  out  that  the  Brandenburgers  had  not  only  been  awarded 
16,000  rdl.  "of  my  effects,  which  according  to  the  inventory,  I 
should  have  and  hold  as  long  as  the  contract  lasted,"  but  that 
he  had  seen  nothing  of  the  3,000  rdl.  rental  dues,  in  vain  search 
of  which  he  had  made  a  diflBcult  journey.^^ 

In  March  Thormohlen  began  to  bring  suit  for  damages  against 
the  Company,  and  immediately  the  directors  nominated  John 
Lorentz  as  governor,  giving  him  the  title  of  "vice  commandant 
in  our  land  St.  Thomas  in  the  West  Indies."  The  king  confirmed 
the  latter  as  governor  on  March  24,  and  on  April  7  issued  an 
order  to  Delavigne  to  hand  over  to  Lorentz  the  command  en- 
trusted to  him  by  Thormohlen.^^  On  Lorentz's  arrival  in  St. 
Thomas  with  these  letters  the  connection  of  Thormohlen  with 
the  proprietorship  of  St.  Thomas  was  entirely  severed.  It  only 
remained  to  determine  the  extent  of  the  damage  caused  to 
Thormohlen  by  the  company,  or  the  reverse.  Before  the  court 
appointed  to  investigate  his  claims  ^^  Thormohlen  maintained 
that  the  damage  suffered  from  Brandenburgers,  or  from  Zee- 
landers  and  Hamburgers  masquerading  under  the  Brandenburg 
name,  brought  his  losses  up  to  76,000  rdl.,  not  counting  other 

31  Moth  to  Thormohlen  (July  1  and  15,  1693).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

'^  Juel  and  Moth  to  Thormohlen  (February  26,  1694);  Thormohlen's  reply 
(February  28,  1694).  Ibid. 

"  Report  of  Directors'  meeting  (March  19,  1694),  C.  B.,  1690-1713;  Christian 
V's  order  to  Lorentz  (March  24,  1694);  Christian  V's  order  to  Delavigne 
(April  7,  1694);  Vest.  Reg.,  1671-99. 

^^This  commission  consisted  of  "his  High  Excellency,"  Stadtholder  U.  F. 
Gyldenliive,  Reventlow,  J.  Juel,  von  Plessen,  Moth,  von  Jessen,  and  Harboe. 
Protokol  over  Kommissioneme  udi  Raadstuen  .  .  .  vol.  3  (July  24,  1694). 


104  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

inconveniences,  loss  of  credit,  and  the  like.  Out  of  98,875  rdl. 
expended,  he  had  received  only  39,341  rdl.  in  return,  making  a 
total  cash  loss  of  59,534  rdl.  The  court  admitted  that  he  had 
considerable  ground  for  complaint,  and  in  recommending  that 
the  king  extend  him  his  good  offices,  that  body  called  to  mind  his 
former  enterprises  in  various  Imes  and  held  that  he  might  render 
the  state  considerable  service  in  the  future  by  remaining  in 
business. ^^  Whether  Thormohlen  secured  any  further  satisfac- 
tion from  the  Company  is  doubtful.  Though  he  never  recovered 
from  the  shock  which  the  West  Indian  proprietorship  and  the 
accidents  of  war  ^®  gave  his  finances,  he  rose  during  the  reign  of 
Frederick  IV  (1699-1717)  to  membership  once  more  on  the 
Board  of  Trade  (1704-1708),  and  just  before  his  death  in  1708 
(December  25)  he  was  made  a  member  of  the  newly  established 
Board  of  Police  and  Trade.'^^  The  leasing  of  the  factories  in 
Guinea  and  the  West  Indies  had  brought  profit  neither  to  the 
lessees  nor  to  the  Company's  stockholders.  If  the  investors 
were  to  enjoy  any  appreciable  returns,  it  was  more  likely  to  come 
about  through  the  honest  efforts  of  their  own  trained  employees, 
loyally  supported  by  directors  who  were  willing  to  repose  con- 
fidence in  them.  One  great  European  war  was  nearing  its  close; 
another  was  to  begin  after  the  death  of  Charles  II  of  Spain  in 
1700.  In  the  lull  between  these  two  great  struggles  the  Danish 
West  India  and  Guinea  Company  was  to  go  through  a  period  of 
internal  readjustment  that  was  to  enable  it,  better  than  in  the 
past  war,  to  reap  the  advantages  of  Denmark-Norway's  neutral 
position  in  any  future  complications.  In  this  attempt  to  bring 
the  Company  into  line  with  the  commercial  demands  of  the  age, 
a  chief  part  was  played  by  the  oft-mentioned  John  Lorentz  who, 
beginning  afresh  in  1694,  gave  the  Company  nearly  eight  years 
of  continuous  and  capable  service. 

'*  Protokol  over  Kommissionerne  udi  Raadstuen   .   .   .   vol.  3  (July  24,  1694.) 
^^  He  stated  that  twelve  of  his  ships  had  been  seized  by  one  or  another  of  the 
warring  factions.     O.  Nielsen  {op.  cit.,  VI,   171),  mentions  a  petition  from 
N.  J.  Arff,  Thormohlen  and  W.  and  N.  Edinger,  presented  in  1G97  in  which  they 
claim  to  have  lost  500,000  rdl.  on  ships  seized  during  the  war. 

"  Arkiv-Mcddel.  1886-88,  163,  164.  The  Board  of  Trade  was  united  with 
the  Police  Board  by  a  royal  order  issued  on  March  23,  1708.  The  new  Board 
continued  in  existence  until  1731. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  JOHN  LORENTZ 

When  John  Lorentz  returned  to  St.  Thomas  to  replace  Dela- 
vigne  as  governor  in  November,  1694,  he  had  been  for  ten  years 
a  participant  in  the  troubled  history  of  the  company  and  its 
colony  as  above  related.  This  young  Flensborger,  according 
to  Pere  Labat,  had  traveled  in  France,  Spain  and  Italy,  and 
spoke  French  fluently.  He  first  came  over  as  assistant  in  the 
company's  office  with  the  irascible  Milan.  He  had  humbly 
done  the  governor's  bidding  and  bent  before  his  violent  wrath, 
and  he  managed  to  survive  Milan's  administration  and  to  do 
service  as  a  witness  against  him  in  Copenhagen.     When  Com- 

missioner  Mikkelsen  was  sent  to  St.  Thomas  to  give  Adolpli 
Esmit  a  trial  as  governor  and  as  loadstone  for  Spanish  treasure, 
Lorentz  returned  to  his  former  post  to  the  gratification  of  the 
company's  directors  whom  he  had  impressed  as  a  young  man 
of  promise.  After  Esmit's  return  to  Denmark  Lorentz  served 
under  vice-governor  Heins  as  the  company's  bookkeeper.  On 
Heins'  death  in  October,  1689,  two  deputies  from  each  of  the 
"nations"  on  the  island  (Danish,  Dutch,  French,  and  pos- 
sibly German)  elected  him  vice-governor  to  the  great  satisfac- 
tion of  the  inhabitants.  In  1691  he  induced  Madame  Heins  to 
remain  on  the  island  as  his  wife,  and  on  May  fifth  and  sixth  a 
brilliant  wedding  was  celebrated  in  the  town  of  Charlotte 
Amalia,  to  which  the  leading  planters,  Brandenburg  function- 
aries, and  French  and  English  captains  in  the  harbor  lent  dis- 
tinction by  their  presence.^ 

'  Lorentz  s  Journal  (March  31,  May  5,  etc.,  1691). 
[105] 


100  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

After  Thormulilen  had  leased  the  island  Lorentz  remained  in 
charge  until  Dela\ngne's  arrival  in  September,  1692.  Even  be- 
fore Lorentz  had  been  displaced,  tlie  directors  had  required  him 
to  keep  them  accurately  informed  as  to  the  state  of  Thormoh- 
len's  trade.  In  the  summer  of  1693  he  returned  to  Copenhagen 
to  give  the  directors  a  verbal  report  on  the  St.  Thomas  situa- 
tion. About  the  time  that  Lorentz  was  departing  for  Copen- 
hagen, Joachim  von  Holten  (who  was  later  to  become  the 
eighth  governor  of  St.  Tliomas)  wrote  a  letter  to  Thormtihlen 
filled  with  complaints  against  Delavigne  and  assuring  Thormoh- 
len  that  he  had  "lost  a  good  servant  (Sorgtr'dger)  in  John  Lor- 
entz." Whether  the  letter  was  written  with  or  without  the 
latter 's  knowledge  may  not  be  said,  but  it  was  certainly  in  line 
with  Lorentz's  personal  ambitions.  Captain  Peter  Iversen's 
arrival  in  Copenhagen  that  summer  with  but  a  small  cargo  for 
the  proprietor  Thormohlen  led  to  an  investigation  by  the  latter 
which  caused  him  to  issue  a  long  list  of  charges  against  Gov- 
ernor Delavigne,  and  to  order  one  George  Lorentzen  (or  Lau- 
rentsen),  whom  he  asserted  that  he  had  "trained  to  take 
charge  of  the  government,"  to  proceed  to  St.  Thomas,  place 
the  incumbent  under  arrest,  and  assume  the  vice-governor's 
position.'^  With  another  administrative  dispute  threatening 
at  St.  Thomas,  and  with  the  directors  preparing  to  bring  suit 
against  the  proprietor  at  Copenhagen,  it  was  surely  the  part  of 
the  discreet  office-seeker  to  be  on  hand  where  he  might  fish 
in  the  troubled  waters.  For  some  unexplained  reason  the  new 
appointee  never  took  office. 

Lorentz  assumed  charge  of  the  government  on  November  23, 
1694,  immediately  following  his  arrival.  He  had  come  over  by 
way  of  the  Dutch  island  of  Curasao  whence  he  had  sent  the 
directors  a  letter  telling  of  the  bad  conditions  reported  at  St. 
Thomas.''      Lorentz,  according  to  his  own  account,  had  come 

^  J.  von  Ilolten  to  Thormohlen  (May  25,  1693).    Delavigne  papers. 

'  Thormohlen's  examination  of  Captain  Iversen  and  "Irnst"  Rongel  (Sep- 
tember 20) ;  Thormohlen's  nine  charges  against  Delavigne  (September  25) ;  Thor- 
mcihlen's  order  to  George  Lorentsen  (September  25,  1693).  Ibid.  The  latter's 
name  was  also  spelled  Laurentsen. 

*  In  his  letter  of  January  17,  1695,  Lorentz  mentions  having  sent  a  letter 
from  Curasao  on  October  22.  1694.    C.  U..  1690-1713. 


THE  GOVERNERSHIP  OF  JOHN  LORENTZ  107 

not  a  whit  too  soon,  for  the  English  authorities  in  tlie  neighbor- 
ing islands  had  already  forbidden  their  people  from  trading 
with  St.  Thomas,  while  the  French  were  designing  to  remove 
Delavigne  from  his  fort  by  force  and  bring  him  to  the  general 
at  Martinique  because  of  alleged  high-handed  treatment  of  a 
French  ship  in  St.  Thomas  harbor.  Lorentz  found  two  of 
the  company's  three  plantations  ''  badly  run  down,  the  inhab- 
itants dissatisfied  with  the  government,  and  the  Brandenburgers 
still  smarting  under  the  robbery  perpetrated  by  the  "blond" 
Legendre  scarcely  three  weeks  before.  He  prepared  to  apply 
himself  immediately  to  the  task  of  rehabilitating  the  colony  as 
best  he  might  under  the  liberal  set  of  instructions  with  which 
the  directors  had  furnished  him.  These  instructions  deserve 
some  passing  notice.  With  respect  to  the  Brandenburgers 
(II  14)  he  was  to  abide  by  the  three-year  arrangement  made  on 
April  23,  1692,  after  which  he  should  proceed  according  to  the 
original  treaty  of  1685.  He  was  to  keep  on  good  terms  with  all 
foreign  "generals"  and  governors,  assert  the  company's  right 
to  St.  John,  Passage  (a  small  island  just  east  of  Porto  Rico), 
and  Crab  Islands,  resist  attacks  from  without,  and  prevent  re- 
bellion, whether  of  blacks  or  whites,  from  within. 

Governor  Lorentz  was  especially  urged,  by  way  of  keeping  on 
good  terms  with  his  neighbors  in  the  West  Indies,  to  have  noth- 
ing to  do  with  "sea-robbers,"  though  he  was  to  be  allowed  to 
buy  properly  condemned  prizes  when  they  might  be  offered 
for  sale.  In  his  relations  with  the  EngHsh,  who  were  becoming 
more  aggressive  as  the  war  went  on,  he  was  soon  to  have  a 
chance  to  show  his  mettle.  The  most  radical  departure  from 
the  previous  policy,  however,  came  as  a  result  of  an  offer  made 
by  Lorentz  himself  to  the  directors.  "Inasmuch  as  he  [Lo- 
rentz] had  undertaken  to  support  himself  and  all  the  company's 
employees  and  soldiers  on  the  income  from  the  company's 
plantations  and  the  poll  tax,"  so  ran  their  acceptance  of  his 
offer  (H  8),  "we  are  satisfied  on  behalf  of  the  company  to  accept 
for  it  such  surplus  as  may  be  left  over,  if  any  there  be,  leaving 
it  to  his  honesty  and  his  oath  to  see  that  the  company  may  re- 

^  These  were  known  as  the  "  New  Quarter  plantation,"  the  "  Sugar  plantation " 
and  "Krumbays  plantation." 


108  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ceive  what  is  due."''  In  other  words,  Lorentz  was  given  a  free 
hand  to  administer  the  Company's  affairs  in  the  West  Indies 
exactly  as  he  saw  fit.  The  concluding  paragraph  of  their  in- 
structions gives  a  still  better  idea  of  the  new  incumbent's  lati- 
tude of  action.  "He  may  do  whatever  he  finds  needful  for  the 
Company's  best  interests,  provided  he  immediately  notifies 
the  directors;  and  inasmuch  as  we  have  confidence  in  his  re- 
liability and  in  his  desire  to  promote  the  Company's  welfare  in 
all  things,  we  shall  not  hold  him  responsible  if  he  should  risk 
some  of  the  Company's  resources  and  (which  may  God  in  his 
mercy  prevent)  it  should  not  turn  fortunately  as  was  expected. 
And  we  shall  besides,  when  the  Company  gains  headway  and 
gets  upon  its  feet,  show  our  appreciation  for  his  faithful  service 
in  such  a  way  that  he  shall  see  that  he  is  not  dealing  with  un- 
grateful people.  Finally,"  they  concluded  by  way  of  a  parting 
benediction,  "we  will  wish  him  such  a  measure  of  success  that 
his  good  resolution  may  redound  to  the  service  of  his  Majesty, 
the  prosperity  and  growth  of  the  Company,  and  to  his  own 
honor  and  fame."  ^ 

The  success  or  failure  of  the  West  Indian  colony  was  put 
squarely  up  to  the  new  governor.  The  part  he  played  in  curb- 
ing the  efforts  of  the  Brandenburgers  and  helping  to  bring  about 
the  collapse  of  their  plans  for  commercial  expansion  has  been 
discussed  in  the  previous  chapter.  The  perfect  unity  that  had 
characterized  his  former  relations  with  directors  Juel  and  Moth 
continued  during  the  years  following  his  return.  In  March, 
1701,  he  was  able  to  report  to  his  masters  that  the  Branden- 
burgers were  carrying  on  little  or  no  trade,  having  for  a  long 
time  bought  nothing  from  outside  merchants  but  a  few  slaves  '^ 

*  The  original  resolutions  of  the  shareholders,  passed  at  their  meeting  of 
March  19,  was  signed  by  the  following  directors  and  shareholders:  Jens  Juel, 
P.  Bran[d]t,  M.  Moth.  W.  Worm,  A.  Gyldensparre,  N.  Krag,  R.  Meier,  W. 
Mule,  V.  Lerche  (Lerke),  F.  C.  Adelaer  (Adeler),  P.  Hiort,  P.  Lcmvig,  Nicol. 
Janson  (sic)  Arf[f],  C.  Braem,  J.  Wurgcr,  J.  Kroyer,  J.  Matisen  (for  "Hr  Cane. 
Raad  Adelaer"),  and  Frid.  and  Niels  MoUcr.  Resolutions  of  Directors 
(March  19,  1694).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

'  Directors'  instructions  to  Lorentz  (March  29,  1694).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

^  Lorentz  and  Van  Belle  had  together  bought  a  cargo  of  154  slaves  from  a 
Zeeland  slave  ship. 


THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  JOHN  LORENTZ       109 

and  some  "Campeachy"  wood.  On  the  island  they  had  no 
trade  except  a  little  in  cotton  when  they  made  an  occasional 
purchase  from  a  planter.  "On  the  whole,  they  are  quite 
civil,"  he  reported,  "and  are  waiting  for  a  new  treaty."*  John 
Lorentz  had  every  reason  to  be  pleased  with  such  a  quiescent 
situation  and  to  pray  for  its  long  continuance. 

The  most  numerous  nation  among  the  planters  of  St.  Thomas 
was  the  Dutch.  Inasmuch  as  the  number  of  prosperous  planters 
largely  determined  the  size  of  the  return  cargoes,  there  was 
considerable  competition  among  the  islands  to  secure  planters 
of  means  and  induce  them  to  settle  permanently.  Organized 
into  a  militia  corps  these  burghers  could  become  an  important 
factor  in  defence  against  outside  attack.  As  early  as  1688, 
when  Europe  was  on  the  verge  of  war,  Adolph  Esmit  had 
offered  eight  years'  exemption  from  taxes  to  intending  planters. 
In  the  years  1690  and  1691  a  number  of  Dutch  planters  had 
come  from  St.  Eustatius  and  Saba  to  avoid  confiscation  of  their 
property,  especially  their  negroes,  by  the  French  who  had  just 
taken  possession  of  the  island. ^°  During  the  course  of  the  war. 
Governor  Lorentz  took  measures  to  prevent  their  leaving.  As 
the  war  closed,  and  the  refugees  repeated  their  desire  to  go,  on 
the  ground  that  St.  Eustatius  was  a  more  healthful  place  to  live 
than  St.  Thomas  (which  was  admittedly  true)  he  intimated 
that  their  real  reason  was  the  expiration  of  the  eight  years' 
tax  exemption.  He  tried  to  induce  those  leaving  to  pay  the 
tax  for  four  of  the  eight  years  but  was  unable  to  prevent  five 
families  from  going,  although  one  planter,  Lucas  Beverhoudt, 
left  his  plantation  on  St.  Thomas  in  full  working  order,  to  the 
governor's  great  joy.  Just  how  many  others  eventually  re- 
turned does  not  appear. ^^ 

The  greatest  obstacle  to  Lorentz's  constructive  efforts  was 
privateering.     Although  Brandenburg  was  ostensibly  an  enemy 

9  Lorentz  to  Directors  (March  27,  1701).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

'"  Among  these  were  Adrian  Ronnels,  Lawrence  Westerbaen,  Adrian  Sorgeloos, 
and  John  le  Ducq  (Duq).  Delatigne  papers;  Lorentzs  Journal  (February  11, 
1691,  passim). 

"  Lorentz  to  Directors  (September  6,  1696),  C.  B.,  1690-1713;  same  to  same 
(January  22, 1698),  Gov.  C.  B.,  169J^-1700;  same  to  same  (June  20  and  24,  1698), 
C.  B..  1690-1713. 


no  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

of  France,  its  African  company's  factor  in  the  West  Indies 
bought  Spanish  and  Enghsh  prizes  captured  by  French  priva- 
teers whenever  opportunity  offered.^'  These  difficulties  reached 
their  height  in  169G  wlien  French  captains  liolding  commissions 
from  Governor  Du  Casse  of  Petit  Goave  swarmed  like  birds  of 
prey  around  the  mouth  of  St.  Thomas  harbor,  seizing  not  only 
enemies'  ships  but  vessels  belonging  to  St.  Thomas  inhabitants.^'^ 
To  Governor  Lorentz's  \4gorous  protests  against  these  acts  of 
violence  towards  a  friendly  power,  Du  Casse  gaily  replied  that 
those  complained  of  were  rascals,  and  advised  Lorentz  to  have 
them  hanged  when  they  came  to  St.  Thomas  again.  Further, 
Du  Casse  accused  Lorentz  of  selling  passports  to  Curasao 
skippers  at  10  rdl.  each.  According  to  Lorentz's  account,  the 
Petit  Goave  governor  bore  a  particular  grudge  against  the  St. 
Thomas  government  because  of  Delavigne's  failure  to  pay  him 
for  two  kegs  of  indigo  which  he  claimed  were  still  due  him,  and 
he  threatened  to  get  Lorentz  out  of  his  government  "  as  he  had 
Delavigne."  The  last  thrust  probably  did  not  disturb  Lorentz, 
who  knew  better  than  Du  Casse  why  Delavigne  had  been  re- 
moved. For  the  Count  of  Blenacq,  "general"  at  Martinique, 
the  governor  had  mainly  words  of  praise  for  the  good  order  he 
had  kept  among  his  privateers.^'* 

Although  Denmark  had  not  openly  sided  with  Louis  XIV,  her 
attitude  of  neutrality  was  looked  upon  as  an  indication  of  her 
friendliness.  For  the  Spaniards  who  had  joined  the  league 
against  Louis  XIV  and  Sweden  it  was  not  difficult  to  find  an 
excuse  for  attacking  St.  Thomas.  The  report  that  they  were 
planning  an  attack  upon  the  island  with  three  thousand  men  in 
the  summer  of  1696  spread  consternation  among  the  planters 
and  well-nigh  demoralized  the  population.     The  planters  took 

1- Lorentz  to  Directors,  (October  19,  1697);  same  to  same  (November  30, 
1696).  C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

'^  Governor  Lorentz  cites  several  instances.  Benjamin  Frank,  a  Jew,  but  a 
Danish  subject,  had  his  ship  detained  and  his  skipper  maltreated  and  robbed; 
John  do  Windt's  ship  was  seized  on  the  way  from  Curagao  to  St.  Thomas,  the 
cargo  was  confiscated  and  the  ship  only  released  on  deposit  of  5,080  rdl.  as 
surety;  two  inhabitants  who  had  a  bill  of  sale  from  the  Brandenburg  factor  had 
their  bark  seized.    Lorentz  to  Directors  (September  6,  1696).    C.  B.,  1690-171S. 

'*Ibid. 


THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  JOHN  LORENTZ  111 

measures  for  their  own  ptoteetion  by  sending  their  families  and 
movable  property  to  Curagao  ^^  and  some  of  the  Leeward  Islands 
("cte  ofver  Eilande").  The  report  that  the  Spaniards  had 
planned  to  get  the  negroes'  help  in  turning  St.  Thomas  over  to 
them  made  the  governor  take  measures  to  send  as  many  slaves 
as  possible  out  of  the  island,  especially  the  most  unruly  ones.^^ 
The  arrival  of  the  French  fleet  under  Pointis  in  West  Indian 
waters  made  the  Spaniards  retire  to  Havana,  so  by  November 
the  Danish  refugees  had  begun  to  return.^''  Lorentz  hastened  to 
advise  the  directors  of  the  company  to  procure  protection  for 
St.  Thomas  by  making  representations  at  Madrid, ^^  which  ad- 
vice they  promptly  followed. ^^  But  the  Spanish  plans  were 
only  postponed.  Fortunately  for  St.  Thomas  a  squadron  of  six 
French  men-of-war  met  the  Spanish  "Barlovento"  fleet  -"  when 
it  was  reported  to  be  on  its  way  to  attack  St.  Thomas,  probably 
early  in  1697.  The  battle  took  place  in  the  waters  between 
Porto  Rico  and  San  Domingo,  with  the  result  that  the  Spanish 
vice-admiral,  three  hundred  men,  and  fifty-four  guns  were 
captured  by  the  French  and  brought  into  Petit  Goave.^^ 

While  this  danger  was  thus  averted  by  the  opportune  ap- 
pearance of  a  French  squadron,  an  equally  serious  danger  was 
threatening  from  another  quarter.  The  Brandenburgers  on 
St.  Thomas  had  been  carrying  on  considerable  trade  with  the 
French  colony  at  Petit  Goave  by  collusion  with  the  local  French 
authorities  who  should  by  right  have  seized  the  Brandenburg 
vessels  as  belonging  to  an  enemy  of  their  king.  At  a  time  when 
France  and  England  were  getting  ready  to  grapple  for  naval 
supremacy  in  West  Indian  waters  it  behooved  Denmark  with 
her  little  colony  strictly  to  avoid  getting  into  the  melee. 

'*  Madame  Lorentz  was  among  the  refugees  to  Curagao. 

18  C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

"  Lorentz' s  Journal  (November,  1696,  passim). 

'» Lorentz  to  Directors  (Nov.  30,  1696).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 

"  Directors  to  Christian  V  (April  16,  1697).    Ibid. 

^^  The  "Armada  de  Barlovento"  was  a  small  fleet  that  the  Spaniards  had 
used  for  the  protection  of  their  mainland  and  for  catching  interlopers.  The 
visits  of  this  fleet  to  Crab  Island  prevented  its  permanent  occupation  by  either 
Danes  or  English.  The  fleet  at  this  time  consisted  of  five  ships  and  one  small 
snow.    CJ.  Haring,  Buccaneers,  109. 

»i  Lorentz  to  Directors  (March  17,  1697).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 


112  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

In  January,  1697,--  the  French  fleet  above  referred  to  left 
Brest  for  the  West  Indies  under  Jean-Bernard  Desjeans,  baron 
de  Pointis.  At  Petit  Goave,  Pointis  was  joined  by  a  fleet  of 
privateers  under  the  command  of  Governor  Du  Casse  and  de- 
parted in  March  for  Carthagena  on  the  coast  of  New  Granada. 
After  a  difficult  siege  the  citadel  was  captured,  and  booty  esti- 
mated to  be  worth  forty  million  crowns  (ecus)  was  loaded  on 
the  French  ships  and  promptly  started  for  home.  The  English 
vice-admiral  Nevell  had  meantime  come  to  the  West  Indies  in 
search  of  the  French,  who  were  assumed  to  have  gone  to  some 
part  of  the  Spanish  Main,  probably  to  Porto  Bcllo.-'  It  was 
important  to  prevent  the  captured  loot  from  reaching  Louis  XIV 
who  might  be  able  with  it  to  prolong  the  war  considerably.  As 
soon  as  a  Martinique  bark  had  brought  the  news  of  Nevell's 
presence  in  Caribbean  waters  to  Petit  Goave,  the  French  au- 
thorities compelled  a  Brandenburg  captain  in  the  latter  harbor, 
one  Arduin,  to  take  on  board  a  French  captain,  a  steersman,  and 
six  French  seamen  and  proceed  to  Carthagena  to  warn  Pointis 
and  Du  Casse  of  Nevell's  whereabouts.  The  French  fleet  ar- 
rived in  Brest  on  August  29  with  the  loss  of  but  a  single  ship. 

Admiral  Nevell  was  furious  when  he  heard  how  the  warning 
had  been  sent  and  fixed  the  blame  upon  the  Danish  authorities 
on  St.  Thomas,  who  were  after  all  responsible  for  the  govern- 
ment there.  He  wrote  to  the  surrounding  English  governments 
that  they  should  try  to  break  up  St.  Thomas's  trade  on  the  sea, 
and  three  privateers  from  Curagao  and  several  from  Jamaica 
"were  sent  out  to  cruise  on  this  island's  vessels,  to  prevent  the 
carrying  on  of  trade  \\ath  the  French  islands."  ^^  The  conclusion 
of  the  Peace  of  Ryswick  in  September,  1697,  helped  presently  to 
relieve  the  tension  between  St.  Thomas  and  her  neighbors. 

With  the  consummation  of  peace,  however,  piracy  took  the 
place  of  privateering.--^   During  the  course  of  the  war  it  had  been 

--  Chevalier,  in  his  Hi^foire  de  la  marine  fran^aise  (Paris,  1902),  p.  205,  mis- 
takenly places  the  date  at  June  7,  1696.  Guerin  {Histoire  maritime  de  France, 
Paris,  1862)  is  probably  more  nearly  accurate  in  placing  the  date  of  de  Pointis' 
departure  at  January  9,  1697  (IV,  69). 

"  Cat.  Col..  1696-97.  No.  824  (March  18,  1697). 

■*  Lorentz  to  Directors  (October  19,  1697).    C.  B..  1690-1713. 

"  Cal.  Col.,  1697-98,  No.  269  (March  1,  1698)  and  passim. 


THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  JOHN  LORENTZ  113 

deemed  necessary  only  to  determine  whether  a  prize  had  been 
legally  condemned  by  a  properly  constituted  admiralty  court 
before  it  was  offered  for  sale  in  a  neutral  port.  After  the  peace 
it  would  be  more  necessary  than  ever  for  skippers  to  present  a 
clean  "bill  of  health"  for  ships  brought  into  foreign  harbors. 
The  attitude  of  John  Lorentz  toward  strange  craft  suspected  of 
irregularities  is  well  illustrated  by  his  action  in  the  case  of  cer- 
tain "rovers  of  the  sea"  of  whom  the  most  notorious  is  Captain 
Kidd.  Captain  Kidd  has  passed  into  tradition  to  such  an  extent 
that  it  may  be  interesting  to  see  how  this  arch-pirate  of  legend 
impressed  people  of  his  own  time  who  had  had  unusual  facilities 
for  studying  men  of  his  alleged  profession  at  close  range.  Kidd 
appeared  before  St.  Thomas  harbor  on  April  6,  1699  (O.  S.?) 
having  lately  come  from  Madagascar  in  the  Quidah  Merchant, 
a  Genoese  vessel  of  four  hundred  tons,  thirty  guns,  and  eighty 
men,  and  having  been  refused  succor  by  the  English  at  An- 
guilla.^^  His  appearance  and  action  may  best  be  told  in  Gov- 
ernor Lorentz's  own  words  as  he  put  them  down  at  the  time  in 
his  carefully  kept  diary. ^^ 

"April  6. — ^Today,  Maundy  Thursday,  there  arrived  before 
the  harbor  an  English  ship  which  anchored  just  outside  of  can- 
non range.  Presently  the  captain  sent  his  sloop  [boat]  ashore 
with  a  person  on  board  who  came  to  ask  the  vice  commandant 
[i.  e.,  Lorentz]  whether  he  might  come  in  free  with  his  ship, 
which  his  men  had  compelled  him  to  seize  from  the  Moors  in  the 
East  Indies — he  could  produce  proof  that  he  had  been  com- 
pelled to  seize  it.  The  vice-commandant  answered  that  if  he 
could  produce  proof  in  writing  that  he  was  an  honest  man,  he 
might  enter,  which  message  he  sent  by  Lieut.  Claus  Hansen  and 
Peter  Smith  [a  well-to-do  merchant  who  had  been  associated 
with  the  Brandenburgers  in  the  slave-trade]  who,  however, 
were  not  satisfied  with  his  explanations,  for  he  [Kidd]  had  re- 

26  Ccd.  Col,  1699,  No.  404  (May  18);  cf.  Cal.  Col,  1689-92,  No.  136  (May  18, 
1689),  where  a  letter  from  council  of  Nevis  to  Blathwayt  has  been  dated  1689 
instead  of  1699. 

^'^  Lorentz  s  Journal  (April  6,  1699,  etc.).  Lorentz  spelled  the  captain's  name 
Cidd.  Maundy  Thursday:  the  day  preceding  Good  Friday,  Green  Thursday. 
The  translation  is  not  close,  though  reconstructed  from  very  full  notes. 


114  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

quested  the  vice-commandant  to  give  him  protection  from  the 
English  royal  ships,  should  they  seek  him  here  without  orders, 
from  which  the  vice-commandant  saw  that  he  was  a  pirate,  and 
therefore  deferred  his  answer  till  the  morrow. 

"April  7. — In  the  morning  the  vice-commandant  called  the 
council  together  to  consult  as  to  whether  or  not  the  said  sea- 
robber's  request  could  be  granted;  but  as  he  saw  that  it  would 
produce  considerable  friction  between  this  land  and  the  English 
if  the  pirate  were  admitted  and  not  delivered  up  on  their  re- 
quest, it  was  resolved  that  no  word,  beyond  yesterday's  mes- 
sage, should  be  sent  to  him. 

"A  man  came  ashore  .  .  .  with  a  written  request  that  Kidd 
receive  protection  on  land  until  he  could  send  a  bark  to  New 
England,  present  his  case  there,  and  prove  that  he  was  no  sea- 
robber,  inasmuch  as  the  governor  there,  Mylord  Bellamont,  was 
the  chief  owner  in  the  ship  in  which  he  sailed  out  of  England 
three  years  ago  to  cruise  on  the  Red  Sea  for  pirates.  But  his 
request  was  flatly  refused  him,  and  besides,  he  was  forbidden 
to  send  his  men  ashore  again  unless  they  came  into  the  harbor 
with  the  ship. 

"Long  Friday  was  celebrated  in  the  church  today. 

"April  8. — Today  the  pirates  lying  outside  the  harbor 
have  twice  sent  boats  ashore  at  the  harbor's  point.  The  vice- 
commandant  at  once  sent  his  men  there,  and  they  found  that 
seven  men  had  been  put  ashore  who  maintained  that  they  were 
passengers  ,  .  .  [and  proved  it].  Two  of  these  secured  permis- 
sion to  take  a  canoe  and  fetch  their  baggage,  but  when  they 
were  on  the  way  the  ship  spread  sails  and  left,  the  canoe  follow- 
ing. 

"  Watch  was  kept  in  the  harbor  that  night  by  Captain  Vinck's 
boat." 

Although  Captain  Kidd  was  forced  meekly  to  leave  the  harbor 
of  St.  Thomas  in  his  leaky  vessel,  and  ceases  thereupon  to  have 
any  personal  connection  with  St.  Thomas  history,  the  island 
authorities  were  presently  to  concern  themselves  with  part  of 
his  cargo, — his  "treasure."  On  leaving  St.  Thomas,  Kidd 
steered  for  San  Domingo,  but  instead  of  risking  putting  in  at 
Petit  Goave,  he  stopped  at  the  little  island  of  Mona,  just  off  the 


THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  JOHN  LORENTZ  115 

southeast  coast  of  Hispaniola,  and  apparently  he  anchored 
later  in  the  mouth  of  the  "River  Romano"  near  "Catherine" 
island  on  the  same  coast.^®  Here  he  was  met — or  followed — ^by 
traders  from  Curagao,  Antigua,  and  St.  Thomas,  to  whom  he 
disposed  of  a  large  part  of  his  cargo.  According  to  information 
given  by  the  St.  Thomas  trader,  Peter  Smith,  to  Nevis  oflScials, 
one  Henry  Bolton  of  Antigua  had  furnished  him  with  provisions, 
and  had  undertaken  to  act  as  his  agent  in  getting  rid  of  his 
cargo.  To  William  Burke, "^  an  Irish  trader  who  had  recently 
taken  a  cargo  of  slaves  from  Barbados  to  Carthagena,  and  who 
had  done  considerable  business  with  the  Dutch  at  Curasao  in 
his  time,  Kidd  sold  one  hundred  and  twenty  or  one  hundred  and 
thirty  bales  of  muslin, "°  and  finally,  when  he  had  disposed  of 
nearly  all  of  his  cargo,  he  bought  a  smaller  boat  (from  Bolton  .f') 
and  left  for  New  York.^^  There  he  was  to  attempt  to  prove  his 
innocence  before  Lord  Bellamont,  part  owner  of  the  ship  in 
which  he  had  left  England,  and  the  admiralty  judges. 

On  Friday,  May  27,  1699,  about  seven  weeks  after  Kidd's 
departure,  Burke  came  into  St.  Thomas  on  an  English  barken - 
tine,  approached  Governor  Lorentz,  and  asked  the  favor  of  a 
private  interview.  With  only  Madame  Lorentz  present  to  act 
as  interpreter,  Burke  stated  that  he  had  been  with  the  sea- 
robber  Captain  "Cidd"  and  that  if  the  governor  would  partic- 
ipate with  him,  a  large  profit  could  be  got  from  the  said  pirate. 
To  this  the  governor  vigorously  replied  that  he  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  pirates,  and  thereby  give  the  land  an  evil 
reputation.  But  if  Lorentz  was  unwilling  to  receive  the  stolen 
goods,  the  Brandenburg  factor,  Van  Belle,  had  no  such  scruples. 
That  very  night  the  searobbers'  goods  were  landed  and  stored 
in  the  Brandenburg  warehouse.  The  guard  had  informed  the 
governor  of  the  stir  in  the  harbor  during  the  night,  so  the  latter 
began  an  investigation  on  the  following  day  with  a  view  to 
finding  out  whether  Van  Belle  had  made  the  investment  on  his 
own  account  or  on  that  of  the  Brandenburg  company. 

28  Cat.  Col..  1699.  No.  616,  I  (July  7).  No.  680,  IX  (July  10). 

2'  Also  spelled  Bourck,  Burch,  Burcke. 

'«  Cal.  Col.,  1699,  No.  616,  I  (July  7). 

^'  Lands-Protokoller  for  St.  Thomas  .  .  .  1694-1711  (June  7,  1699). 


116  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

The  governor's  prompt  measures  alarmed  the  Brandenburg 
officials.  Their  bookkeeper,  Sivert  Hoesz,  as  well  as  Burke, 
came  to  parley  with  him  in  the  hope  of  reaching  an  agreement. 
On  Monday  the  governor  managed  to  seize  some  of  the  goods 
which  had  been  brought  into  the  house  of  an  inhabitant.^"  Lor- 
entz,  in  a  letter  written  July  4,  1699,  mentions  fifteen  small 
packages  and  sixty  sacks  of  saltpetre  as  having  been  seized  and 
placed  in  the  fort.^^  Perhaps  these  included  the  goods  referred 
to.  On  June  1  Burke  was  arrested,  to  be  released  on  June  7, 
when  the  suit  against  him  was  begun.  In  the  course  of  the 
hearing,  Burke  testified  that  besides  Van  Belle,  Messrs.  Beck 
and  Moyart  from  Curasao  and  some  gentlemen  on  Barbados 
had  a  share  in  the  cargo  in  question,''^  and  that  he  remembered 
having  paid  Kidd  12,000  pieces-of-eight.  A  [Brandenburg?] 
gunner  testified  that  he  had  recorded  delivery  of  158  packages, 
large  and  small,  into  the  Brandenburg  magazine.  The  court 
concluded  that  Van  Belle  must  have  been  cognizant  of  the 
origin  of  the  goods,  and  that  he  should  therefore  have  a  protest 
sent  to  him,  charging  him  with  action  prejudicial  to  the  island, 
that  Burke  should  pay  a  fine  of  300  pieces-of-cight  for  his  Iii- 
solentie,  and  deposit  5,000  pieces-of-eight  by  way  of  guarantee 
that  Kidd's  title  to  the  goods  was  a  legal  one. '^ 

In  his  letter  to  the  directors  describing  the  afl"air,  Lorentz 
mentions  their  having  fined  Van  Belle  5,000  rdl.,^^  which  helps 
to  confirm  a  suspicion  that  the  latter  was  forced  to  put  up  the 
deposit  for  Burke,  who  was  only  a  go-between.  The  governor 
refrained  from  seizing  those  goods  which  actually  reached  the 
Brandenburg  magazine.  They  were  eventually  put  on  board 
the  Brandenburg  ship,  the  Seven  Provinces,  which  Lorentz  re- 

"  Ixrrentz's  Journal  (May  27,  etc.,  1699). 

"  Lorentz  to  Directors  (July  4, 1699).  C.  B.,  1690-1713.  In  a  letter  of  April 
1.5,  1700,  Lorentz  informed  the  Directors  that  he  had  cau.scd  the  69  sacks  of 
saltpetre  and  12  bales  of  cotton  and  "Netteldug"  to  be  loaded  on  the  Christian 
V  on  the  company's  account. 

»^  Burke  case  (June  7,  1699).    Lands-ProL,  16H-1711. 

'^  Ihid.  The  court  was  composed  of  the  governor  and  John  (Johannes)  de 
Windt,  Thomas  Berentsen,  Claus  (Claes)  Hansen,  J.  Rasraussen  and  Abraham 
Matheusen,  who  signed  with  his  mark. 

^«  Lorentz  to  Directors  (June  19,  1699).    C.  B.,  1690-1713. 


THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  JOHN  LORENTZ  1 17 

ported  to  be  laden  with  "a  deal  of  searobbers'  goods,  of  pock- 
wood,  some  cotton  and  money,"  for  no  sugar  was  to  be  had,^" 
The  governor  and  council  considered  the  case  extremely  grave. 
The  governor's  instructions  had  expressly  prohibited  him  from 
having  dealings  with  pirates,  but  from  the  point  of  view  of  the 
colony  it  was  just  as  dangerous  for  the  Brandenburgers  to  engage 
in  such  traffic  as  for  the  Danes,  for  the  Company  would  be  held 
responsible  in  any  case.  Councilor  Claus  Hansen  was  sent  over 
on  the  Danish  ship  Gyldenlove,  Captain  Vinck,  which  left  St. 
Thomas  on  June  20,  1699,  provided  with  documents  to  prove 
where  the  responsibility  for  collusion  with  the  pirates  really 
lay.^^ 

The  problem  for  the  Danes  in  the  West  Indies  was  how  to 
convince  the  English  that  there  was  no  collusion  between  them 
and  the  pirates.  From  New  York,  the  Carolinas,  and  the 
Bahamas,  came  complaints  from  zealous  English  officials  like 
Edward  Randolph  against  the  encouragement  given  to  piracy 
and  to  evasion  of  the  acts  of  navigation. '^^  In  the  West  Indies, 
the  Danes  and  the  Dutch  were  held  largely  responsible  for  such 
wrong-doings,  although  it  was  the  attitude  of  the  planters  that 
made  smuggling  practically  impossible  to  repress.  The  English 
had  made  some  progress  in  discouraging  piracy  when  they 
succeeded  in  getting  Captain  Kidd  shipped  off  to  England  for 
trial.  Local  laws  did  not  permit  hanging,  and  conviction  by  local 
authorities  would  have  been  problematical.'"'  Another  victory 
for  the  forces  of  order  was  secured  when  Bolton  was  seized  and 
brought  to  England  for  trial. ^^ 

With  respect  to  Burke  they  were  less  lucky.  Threats  of 
Rear-admiral  Benbow,  who  appeared  at  St.  Thomas  in  October, 
1699,  with  a  ship  of  fifty -four  pieces  and  two  small  frigates  of 
twenty  or  twenty-two  guns  each,  could  not  make  the  governor 
give  up  Burke,  who  had  sought  refuge  with  the  Brandenburgers, 

"  Lorentz  to  Directors,  Gov.  C.  B..  16H-1700  (August  10,  1699). 
'»  iMrentz's  Journal  (June  20,  1G99). 

^^  Edward  Randolph  was  Collector  of  Customs  and  Deputy  Auditor  for  New 
England.     Beer,  op.  cit..  I,  222. 

«  See,  e.  g.  Cal.  Col.,  1701.  No.  180  (February  19). 

"  Cal.  Col.,  1G99,  No.  1034  (December  4);  ilrid.,  1701,  No.  26  (January  11). 


118  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

or  surrender  the  money  that  Burke  (or  Van  Belle)  had  deposited 
in  the  Company's  treasury/^  Instead,  Benbow  made  a  report  on 
the  island  and  its  harbor,  in  which  he  stated  that  it  "would  be  of 
great  use  to  our  EngUsh  nation  in  case  of  war  in  these  parts," 
that  it  could  be  easily  fortified,  whereas  at  present  it  was  but 
"a  receptacle  for  thieves."  ^^  The  stul)bornness  of  Lorentz, 
whose  main  concern  was  the  retention  of  the  five  thousand 
pieces-of-eight  and  the  seized  goods  for  the  Company,  led  the 
Earl  of  Bellamont,  the  English  governor  of  New  York,  to  con- 
tend that  Burke  had  bought  protection  from  the  Danish  gov- 
ernor with  the  proceeds  of  Kidd's  spoils. ^^  His  statement  that 
Burke  "will  not  be  parted  with"  turned  out  entirely  true,  for  in 
August,  1701,  that  pirates'  friend  was  reported  out  of  reach  of 
the  arm  of  English  law  in  the  French  part  of  St.  Kitts.^^  Lorentz 
was  able  to  assume  so  bold  a  front  because  he  knew  through  in- 
formation secured  by  Peter  Smith  on  Nevis  that  Admiral  Ben- 
bow  was  merely  putting  up  a  bluffing  game,  and  was  exceeding 
his  orders  in  the  hope  of  forcing  the  restitution  of  Kidd's  and 
Burke's  boat.^^ 

In  July,  1699,  another  Madagascar  pirate.  Tempest  Roger 
(or  Rogers)  a  former  acquaintance  of  Kidd's  from  those  regions, 
appeared  in  St.  Thomas  harbor  to  ask  leave  to  repair  his  ship, 
but  he  was  not  allowed  to  remain.'*^  But  pirates  did  not  always 
get  off  so  easily.  In  a  letter  written  in  April,  1700,  Lorentz 
mentions  having  meted  out  exemplary  punishment  to  four  out 
of  nine  pirates  "who  came  here  some  time  ago,"  leaving  the  fate 
of  the  remaining  five  in  the  hands  of  the  directors.'*^  Their  con- 
fiscated goods,  amounting  to  2,600  rdl.,  helped  to  justify  his 
zeal  for  the  interests  of  his  masters  and  make  the  performance 
of  duty  doubly  joyous. 

«  Lorentz  to  Directors  (November  9, 1699).  Gov.  C.  B..  16H-1700:  Cal.  Col.. 
1099.  No.  907  (October  28). 

«  Benbow  to  Vernon,  Cal.  Col.,  1699.  No.  907  (October  28). 

**  Bellamont  to  Lords  of  Trade,  ibid..  No.  890  (October  23,  1699). 

^5  Codrington  (Antigua)  to  Council  of  Trade,  ibid.,  1701,  No.  784  (August  25). 

«  Lorentz  to  Directors  (November  9,  1699).     Gov.  C.  B.,  169^-1700. 

"Same  to  same,  ibid.  (August  10,  1699);  Cal.  Col..  1699.  No.  880,  II  (Au- 
gust 17,  etc.);  ibid.,  1700,  No.  848  (October  18). 

«  Lorentz  to  Directors  (April  15,  1700).    C.  B..  1690-1713. 


THE  GOVERNORSHIP  OF  JOHN  LORENTZ  119 

The  willingness  of  the  Brandenburg  factor  to  encourage  un- 
lawful commerce  did  not  escape  the  English  Leeward  Islands 
governors.  In  September,  1698,  Van  Belle  attempted  to  send 
two  score  slaves  to  St.  Kitts  in  a  boat  flying  a  Danish  flag,  but 
a  Mr.  Mead,  the  English  commissioner  and  collector  of  customs 
at  Nevis,  seized  them,  apparently  on  the  basis  of  the  first  clause 
of  the  Act  of  Navigation,  which  provided  that  "no  goods  or 
commodities  whatsoever  shall  be  imported  into  or  exported  out 
of  any  of  his  Majesty's  plantations  except  in  English  or  Planta- 
tion shipping,  and  manned  as  specified  in  the  Act."  The  Coun- 
cil of  Trade  and  Plantations  were  not  disposed  to  intervene  in 
Van  Belle's  behalf,  since  they  had  "rather  much  reason  to  sus- 
pect him  well  versed  in  methods  of  interloping  and  trading  there 
illegally,  a  practice  very  prejudicial  to  [British]  service  and 
interests."  ^^ 

From  the  various  circumstances  above  related  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  governor's  position  at  St.  Thomas  was  not  a  sinecure. 
He  must  stand  ready  to  assert  the  claims  of  King  and  Company 
against  all  comers.  In  1698  the  governor  sent  an  expedition  to 
Crab  Island  to  protest  against  its  occupation  by  that  Scotch 
Darien  company  promoted  by  William  Paterson,  an  enterprise 
through  which  the  sponsors  hoped  to  revolutionize  Caribbean 
commerce.^"  The  conscientious  governor  must  discriminate 
between  legal  and  illegal  commerce,  he  must  permit  the  Bran- 
denburgers  a  certain  stipulated  freedom  in  trade  without  en- 
dangering Danish  sovereignty  on  the  island.  He  must  keep  on 
good  terms  with  the  planters,  prevent  uprisings  among  the 

«  Peter  VanbeUe  (Van  Belle)  to  king.  Cal.  Col..  1699,  No.  648,  I  (July  13); 
Council  of  Trade  and  Plantations  to  Earl  of  Jersey,  ibid..  No.  685  (July  27). 

^  Lorentz  to  Directors  (October  12,  1698),  Gov.  C.  B.,  169^-1700;  Cal.  Col., 
1699,  No.  866  (October  16):  Host,  op.  cit.,  40  et  seq.,  gives  Lorentz's  protest  to 
Captain  Robert  Pinkerton,  of  October  2,  1698,  and  extracts  from  Lieut.  Claus 
Hansen's  Journal  of  the  Danish  expedition  to  Crab  Island.  It  is  curious  to  note 
that  as  early  as  October  15/25,  1688,  four  "English  {sic)  merchants"  had  ap- 
plied to  the  Elector  of  Brandenburg  for  an  octroi  for  a  new  "American  Com- 
pany." The  names  given  by  Walter  (Schiick,  II,  528)  are  Heinrich  Bulen, 
Wilhelm  Pocock,  William  Paterson,  and  James  Schmitten.  The  only  one  of 
these  who  is  mentioned  in  the  act  of  Parliament  of  June  26,  1695,  incorpo- 
rating the  Darien  Company,  is  Paterson.     For  James  Smith  see  p.  189  above. 


120  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

negroes,  and  maintain  good  relations  with  the  neighboring 
governments.  He  must  see  to  it  that  the  Company's  planta- 
tions and  magazine  pay  a  surplus  above  their  expenses,  and 
particularly  that  homeward-bound  ships  of  the  Company  have 
a  good  cargo  that  will  enable  the  shareholders  to  secure  dividends 
on  their  investment.  That  even  as  capable  a  man  as  John 
Lorentz  should  be  successful  in  all  these  respects  was  quite  im- 
possible, but  that  he  should  be  able  to  hold  his  position  until 
his  death,  and  retain  possession  of  the  island  against  the  threats 
of  Spaniards  and  English,  is  something  for  which  he  deserves  no 
little  credit. 

Lorentz  was  always  alive  to  what  he  considered  the  Com- 
pany's best  interests.  His  prompt  report  of  John  Mathew 
Leers'  attempt  to  lease  the  island  in  1695  helped  to  nip  that 
proposal  in  the  bud,  for  he  wrote  that  the  rumor  had  "caused 
considerable  grumbUng  among  the  inliabitants,  who  had  all 
sworn  to  leave  the  land  if  it  were  leased  out  again."  "^  His  letters 
concerning  the  lucrativeness  of  the  slave  trade  led  the  share- 
holders of  the  Company  to  undertake  with  Jacob  Lerke  the 
sending  of  a  ship  to  Guinea  for  a  cargo  of  slaves,  and  eventually 
brought  the  Company  into  the  business  on  its  own  account.^^ 

On  June  10,  1702,  Governor  John  Lorentz  died  in  office,  the 
first  governor  save  one  to  obtain  that  distinction.^^  Of  the  six- 
teen years  that  had  elapsed  since  he  first  arrived  in  St.  Thomas 
as  an  humble  "assistant,"  he  had  served  the  Company  eleven 
years  as  its  governor.  Under  his  clear-headed  and  vigorous 
guidance,  the  Company  had  been  brought  from  bankruptcy  to 
solvency,  and  its  colony  had  become  firmly  established  in  the 
Caribbean. 

^'  Lorentz  to  Directors  (May  8,  1695),  C.  B.,  1690-171S.  The  Leers'  project 
was  supported  by  the  Brandenburgers,  who  expected  to  be  able  to  agree  with 
Leers  better  than  with  the  Danish  company.  Schiick  (I,  248,  249)  discusses  the 
matter,  but  is  unable  from  the  Brandenburg  documents  to  explain  why  it  was 
dropped. 

"  Ibid  (November  30,  1696).  Gov.  C.  B.,  1694~1700. 

"  Christopher  Reins.     See  above,  p.  80. 


CHAPTER  VI 

ST.  THOMAS  AND  ST.  JOHN  AS  PLANTATION  COLONIES  (1 688-1 73.S) 

If  the  importance  of  the  history  of  the  Danish  islands  in  the 
West  Indies  is  to  be  judged  by  the  extent  of  the  interests  in- 
volved, or  is  to  be  measured  by  the  actual  influence  of  the  is- 
lands upon  the  history  of  the  Caribbean  or  on  the  state  of  Den- 
mark-Norway, the  propriety  of  devoting  an  entire  volume  to 
them  might  well  be  questioned.  But  if  a  rather  detailed  study 
will  disclose  the  rise  of  a  fairly  typical  plantation  society,  if  it 
will  show  on  a  small  scale  the  sort  of  thing  that  took  place  in 
West  Indian  lands  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
on  a  large  scale,  such  as  the  rise  of  the  sugar  industry  and  the 
slave  trade,  the  effort  need  require  no  apology.  For  the  islands 
reflected  very  distinctly  the  economic  solidarity  of  the  West  In- 
dian community  at  a  time  when  it  was  looked  upon  as  one  of 
the  main  sources  of  the  world's  wealth. 

St.  Thomas  can  scarcely  be  said  to  have  assumed  its  place  as 
a  regular  plantation  colony  until  1688,  when  the  Company's 
accounts  first  began  to  be  kept  in  money  instead  of  sugar.  In 
that  year  the  first  census  was  taken,  and  although  not  a  scien- 
tific affair,  its  results  are  not  without  interest.^  This  report 
showed  that  there  were  90  plantations  surveyed,  and  a  total 
white  planting  population  to  record  of  just  148.  These  were 
distributed  among  eleven  nationalities  as  follows:  66  Dutch,  31 
English,  17  Danes  and  Norwegians,  17  French,  4  Irish,  4  Flem- 
ish, 3  Germans,  3  Swedes,  and  one  each  of  Scotch,  Brazilians, 
and  Portuguese.  Of  the  76  adults  listed,  56  are  entered  as  plant- 
ers, 5  as  carpenters,  2  as  planters  and  merchants,  and  one  each 
as  minister   (Lutheran),  schoolmaster,  fisher,  captain  on  the 

^  Land  Lister  for  St.  Thomas,  1688.  The  figures  given  in  Hiist,  op.  cit.,  id,  vary 
slightly  from  those  given  here.  The  report  was  signed  by  Franz  Martens,  who 
was  a  member  of  the  council  and  a  tavern  keeper,  Andreas  Brock,  who  acted 
as  secretary,  and  Sigmont  Liick. 

[121] 


122  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Company's  bark,  tavern  keeper,  overseer,  turner,  planter  and 
tailor,  and  planter  and  miller.  In  the  village  of  Charlotte 
Amalia,^  37  persons  were  enumerated,  of  whom  21  were  adults 
(12  men  and  9  women),  11  were  children,  one  was  an  indentured 
servant,  and  4  were  negroes.  Of  the  adults,  8  were  Dutch,  4 
were  Danish,  3  were  English;  there  was  one  each  of  French, 
Spanish,  and  "high  Gennan"  inhabitants,  while  the  nationality 
of  the  remaining  three  was  not  recorded.  The  trades  repre- 
sented in  the  village  and  the  number  in  each  were:  tailor,  2; 
innkeeper,  1;  seamstress,  1;  shoemaker,  1;  carpenter,  2;  black- 
smith, 1;  and  cotton  ginner,  1.  Among  the  21  adults  were  10 
Calvinists  (Reformed),  7  Lutherans  (distributed  among  high 
Germans,  Danes,  and  Dutch),  and  2  Catholics.  The  number  of 
white  men,  women,  and  children  in  the  island  totalled  317,  and 
the  negroes  422,  which  latter  figure  includes  one  Carib  Indian, 
three  squaws,  and  three  mulatto  women.  In  the  census  taken 
three  years  later  (1691),  just  when  Thormohlen's  proprietor- 
ship began,  the  information  seems  to  have  been  gathered  with 
greater  precision,  especially  with  regard  to  the  plantations. 
The  increase  from  317  whites  in  1688  to  399  in  1691  was  no 
doubt  partly  due  to  the  publication  of  the  edict  concerning  the 
eight  years'  exemption  from  taxes  offered  to  new  settlers, 
coupled  with  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  in  Europe.  The  num- 
ber of  negroes  had  risen  at  a  rather  more  rapid  rate,  they  num- 
bering 555,  of  whom  361  were  put  down  as  "capable,"  which 
meant  full-grown  negroes  capable  of  performing  their  full  quota 
of  work.^ 

It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  despite  the  voluminous  na- 
ture of  the  census  records,  they  are  not  such  as  to  permit  the 
investigator  to  claim  absolute  accuracy  for  the  figures  drawn 
from  them.  They  will,  on  the  whole,  give  a  reasonably  ac- 
curate idea  of  the  actual  state  of  affairs  in  many  respects;  but 
with  regard  to  the  number  of  slaves,  especially  in  the  second 
decade  of  the  next  century  and  after,  when  St.  Thomas  has  be- 

*  Charlotte  Amalia,  the  name  which  the  port  of  St.  Thomas  still  bears,  was 
mimed  in  honor  of  the  queen  of  Christian  V,  in  whose  time  the  town  was  founded. 
For  present-day  view  of  town,  see  photo  facing  p.  257. 

^  One  Indian  squaw  and  four  children  are  included  in  the  list  of  negroes. 


^: 


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ST.  THOMAS  AND  ST.  JOHN  AS  PLANTATION  COLONIES    123 

come  the  home  of  a  chiss  of  capitahst  planters,  the  figures 
quoted  will  invariably  be  lower  than  they  should  be.  Governor 
Bredal,  writing  to  the  directors  in  1718,  complained  that  the 
plantation  owners  did  not  fill  out  their  records  concerning  the 
poll  and  land  taxes  they  were  supposed  to  pay,  "  but  the  planters 
let  their  negroes  hide  themselves  for  the  time  being  in  the  forest, 
and  only  a  few  of  them  are  to  be  seen.'' 

By  1691,  the  number  of  plantations  had  increased  to  one 
hundred  and  one.  Only  twenty-eight  of  these  had  been  under 
cultivation  for  eight  years  or  more,  while  the  average  length  of 
time  that  each  of  the  plantations  had  been  cultivated  amounted 
to  just  four  years,  eleven  months.  The  newness  of  the  colony 
is  further  seen  by  the  fact  that  as  yet  only  five  plantations  were 
devoted  to  sugar  cane  even  in  part,  while  on  87  cotton  was  the 
chief  product.  Provisions  ("Cost"  or  "Kaast"),  which  in- 
cluded cassava,  millet  and  maize,  were  raised  on  nine-tenths  of 
the  plantations.  Eventually,  the  negroes  were  allotted  plots 
of  ground  on  which  they  raised  their  own  food  supply.  Indigo 
culture  had  been  begun.  In  1699  Peter  Smith  was  the  only 
person  who  planted  indigo,  though  others  had  tried  it  before 
him.^  In  their  instructions  issued  to  Adolph  Esmit  in  1687 
before  his  departure  for  St.  Thomas,  the  directors  named 
cotton,  indigo,  tobacco,  pockwood,  and  other  valuable  dye 
woods  as  the  chief  products  of  the  island. 

The  failure  of  the  inhabitants  to  plant  much  sugar  was  as- 
cribed to  their  having  taken  up  the  "fattest"  land  from  the 
start,  whereas  the  "poorer"  and  stonier  land  was  really  better 
suited  to  the  sugar  cane.  The  northern  and  more  fertile  slopes 
were  naturally  taken  up  later  than  the  southern  and  more  ac- 
cessible side.  The  hope  of  the  directors  that  rice  and  vine  cul- 
ture be  given  a  trial  seems  not  to  have  been  justified  by  ex- 
perience.^    In  1689  the  governor  and  council  proposed  that  a 

*  E.  Bredal  to  Directors  (March,  1718),  B.  &  D.,  1717-1720. 

''The  Company  had  indigo  "works"  as  early  as  1688.  Cf.  A.  E.  Esmit's 
Journal  (June  19, 1688);  Lorentz  to  Directors  (February  20, 1699),  C.  B.,  169 h 
1700. 

•^  Millet  ("Milien,"  or  "Millie,")  was  used  quite  commonly  for  food  for  the 
slaves;  "tobi"  and  cacao  were  also  mentioned  by  the  directors  as  worthy  of 
attention.     Directors'  instructions  to  Esmit  (November  9,  1687).     Heins  re- 


124  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

sugar  mill  should  be  put  up  on  Milan's  former  plantation,  and 
ventured  the  opinion  that  if  sugar  cane  should  prove  successful 
on  the  Company's  plantations,  it  would  prove  more  profitable 
than  cotton  or  tobacco/  The  main  reason  for  the  Company's 
having  hitherto  received  so  scant  returns  from  its  investment 
was  explained  by  the  fact  that  the  older  islands  yielded  more 
sugar  than  the  newly  settled.^  As  the  area  devoted  to  sugar 
increased,  the  culture  of  tobacco  decreased.  There  was  always 
a  good  market  for  the  latter  in  Denmark,  however,  and  to- 
bacco from  Porto  Rico,  Virginia,  and  other  regions  frequently 
found  a  place  in  the  Company's  homeward-bound  cargoes. 

Sugar  and  cotton  remained  the  leading  products  during  the 
period  under  discussion.  The  sugar  cane  was  cut  by  the  ne- 
groes with  a  sort  of  hatchet  called  kapmesser,  and  carried  by 
tliem  to  the  mill  or  "sugar  works"  with  which  the  greater  part 
of  the  plantations  after  1700  were  usually  provided.^  In  1696 
Governor  Lorentz  reported  seven  sugar  miUs  to  be  at  work  pro- 
ducing brown  sugar,  which  was  to  be  sent  to  Denmark  by  a 
ship  expected  from  Copenliagen.^"  By  1715,  the  number  of 
sugar  plantations  provided  with  mills  had  reached  thirty-two 
out  of  a  total  of  forty  plantations  devoted  solely  to  sugar.  ^^  The 
motive  power  was  furnished  mainly  by  windmills,  though  these 
came  gradually  to  be  supplemented  by  treadmills  turned  by 
mule-power.  Compared  with  modern  methods  the  waste  was 
of  course  tremendous.  At  least  ten  negroes  were  required  to 
keep  one  such  mill  running;  two,  who  were  called  "rollers," 
feeding  the  cane  stalks  between  the  upright  wooden  cylinders, 

ported  a  successful  trial  in  growing  ginger.  Heins  to  Directors  (January  2, 
1689).  B.  &  D.,  1683-89. 

''  Resolutions  of  governor  and  council  (February  19,  1689).  The  members 
of  the  council  were  Henry  Irgens,  Joachim  Delicaet,  John  de  Windt,  and  John 
Lorentz. 

«  Heins  to  Directors  (August  20,  1689).    B.  &  D.  1683-89. 

^  See  Appendix  H.,  p.  318. 

'"  Lorentz  to  Directors  (November  30,  1696),  C.  B.,  1690-17 H. 

"  Land  Lister  for  St.  Thomas,  1715.  For  description  of  an  eighteenth  century 
sugar  mill,  see  Oxholm,  De  danslce  vesiindiske  oers  Tilstand  .  .  .,  pp.  44  et  seq., 
and  J.  C.  Schmidt,  Blandede  Anmwrkninger  samlede  paa  og  over  Ejlandet  St. 
Kroix  .  .  .  {Samlereii,  1788.  2  B). 


ST.  THOMAS  AND  ST.  JOHN  AS  PLANTATION  COLONIES    125 

others  carrying  in  the  fresh  stalks  and  removing  the  crushed 
ones.  An  ax  always  lay  near  at  hand,  with  which  to  amputate 
the  arm  of  the  careless  negro  whose  hand  might  get  caught  by 
the  revolving  cylinders;  for  when  help  was  scarce,  even  three- 
quarters  of  a  negro  was  better  than  none. 

The  juice  of  the  cane  required  expert  handling,  and  negroes 
who  were  adept  at  boiling  sugar  brought  fancy  prices.  As  the 
juice  was  transferred  from  one  copper  kettle  to  another  and 
larger  one,  until  it  had  run  the  gamut  of  a  "battery"  of  three  or 
four  kettles,  the  foam  was  removed  and  used  for  the  distilla- 
tion of  rum.  The  crystallized  sugar  was  finally  "cured  "  in  the 
coolers  in  the  curing  house,  and  emptied  from  these  into  molds. 
The  molasses  which  was  drained  oflF  went  to  the  distillery  to 
help  make  rum.  With  great,  husky  blacks  cutting  cane  in  the 
fields,  with  negro  boys  leading  the  loaded  mules  or  asses  to  the 
mill,  with  still  others  to  carry  in  the  stalks  and  to  tend  to  the 
crushing,  boiling,  and  distilling,  the  scene  presented  during 
harvest  must  have  been  a  busy  and  noisy  one  indeed. 

The  cotton  plantations  were  smaller  and  more  numerous  than 
those  devoted  to  sugar.  They,  too,  were  usually  provided  with 
"works"  where  the  cotton  was  ginned.  The  proportion  of  the 
number  of  plantations  devoted  to  the  raising  of  cotton  as  com- 
pared with  the  entire  number  fell  from  eighty  per  cent,  in  1691 
to  forty-four  per  cent,  in  1715,  and  rose  again  to  fifty  per  cent, 
by  1733.  Of  the  total  number  of  plantations,  the  part  devoted 
to  sugar  rose  from  five  per  cent,  in  1691  to  thirty-five  per  cent, 
in  1720,  falling  back  to  twenty-four  per  cent,  in  1733.  The  de- 
cline shown  by  the  figures  for  1733  is  due  to  a  series  of  mis- 
fortunes, of  which  drought,  storms,  and  disasters  at  sea  formed 
a  part.^^ 

The  cotton  production  was  worth  perhaps  a  third  to  a  fourth 
as  much  as  the  sugar.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  the  exact 
ratio  or  the  exact  amount,  for  the  planters  frequently  refused  to 
sell  their  produce  to  the  Company,  and  the  factura  or  invoices  of 
the  cargoes  often  include  items  from  neighboring  islands. 

The  "boom"  period  in  early  St.  Thomas  history  was  the  first 
decade  and  a  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  substantially  the 
^^  See  Appendix  H.,  p.  318. 


U6  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

period  of  tlie  War  of  the  Sjjanish  Succession.  This  was  due  to  a 
variety  of  causes,  both  local  and  general.  John  Lorentz,  with 
Juel  and  Moth,  had  done  much  to  put  the  Brandenburg  African 
Company  out  of  the  running.  Quarrels  within  that  company's 
management  had  done  the  rest. 

The  revival  of  the  Danish  company's  slave  trade  had  bene- 
fited both  it  and  the  planters.  The  liberties  allowed  the  latter 
in  disposing  of  their  plantation  produce  had  helped  to  make 
them  capitalists.  This  prosperity  is  indicated  by  the  increase 
in  the  number  of  plantations  laid  out  just  after  the  opening  of 
the  new  century.  In  the  years  1692  to  1700  only  fourteen  new 
plantations  were  assigned  to  planters. ^^  These  plantations  had  a 
total  working  force  of  seventy-nine  slaves.  By  1705  an  addi- 
tional thirty-seven  new  plantations  had  been  laid  out,  with  a 
working  force  in  that  year  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  slaves. 
From  1691  to  1715,  the  total  number  of  plantations  had  risen 
from  one  hundred  and  one  to  one  hundred  and  sixty.  It  is  the 
increase  of  negroes,  both  relatively  and  absolutely,  that  gives 
the  most  striking  proof  of  the  rapid  development  of  St.  Thomas 
as  a  plantation  colony  during  these  years.  While  the  number  of 
white  men,  women,  and  children  increased  only  from  three 
hundred  and  eight-nine  to  five  hundred  and  forty-seven  (1 :1.4), 
the  number  of  negro  slaves  increased  from  five  hundred  and  fifty- 
five  to  three  thousand  and  forty-two  (1 :  5.5),  during  the  same  in- 
terval (1691-1715).  In  other  words,  the  number  of  slaves  had 
risen  nearly  four  times  as  fast  as  the  number  of  whites. 

John  Lorentz  had  laid  the  foundations  of  a  fiscal  system  by 
which  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony  bore  a  proper  share  of  the 
expenses  of  the  civil  government.  These  expenses  were  largely 
defrayed  by  a  poll  and  a  land  or  "ground"  tax.  The  poll  tax, 
which  appears  first  to  have  been  collected  in  the  year  1692-1693, 
amounted  to  23^  rdl.  for  each  planter  and  for  each  "capable" 
slave,  and  to  13^  rdl.  for  the  planter's  wife  and  for  each  of  his 
adult  children.    For  "manquerons,"  or  those  unable  to  do  a  full 

'^  Land  Lister  for  St.  Thomas.  The  names  of  the  planters  as  they  appear  in  the 
records  are:  David  Liron,  Reynier  Chiever,  Jean  Cramy,  Zent  van  Wundcrgem, 
Jan  Arnoiit,  Samson  Burin,  Mintje  de  Tooy,  JUrgen  Hansen,  Mathias  Terling, 
Jiirgen  Carstensen,  Joris  van  Overschelde,  Pieter  de  Windt. 


ST.  THOMAS  AND  ST.  JOHN  AS  PLANTATION  COLONIES     127 

day's  work,  and  for  minor  white  children,  the  planters  were  not 
required  to  pay  any  poll  tax.  The  land  tax  on  St.  Thomas  (and 
St.  John  after  its  occupation  and  the  expiration  of  the  eight 
years  of  exemption)  was  assessed  according  to  the  width  of  the 
plantation,  the  length  being  in  most  instances  fixed  at  three 
hundred  feet.^"*  For  each  one  hundred  feet  in  width,  the  planter 
paid  10  styver,  or  20  skilling. 

Inasmuch  as  the  width  of  the  sugar  plantations  on  St.  Thomas 
in  1733  averaged  one  thousand  five  hundred  and  forty  feet,  and 
the  average  number  of  negroes  employed  on  each  one  was  a 
trifle  over  twenty-six,  the  amount  due  from  each  planter  in  poll 
and  ground  taxes  amounted  to  about  3  rdl.,  1  mark,  for  the 
latter,  and  nearly  70  rdl.  for  the  former  tax.  Similarly,  the 
owner  of  a  sugar  plantation  on  St.  John,  of  average  width  and 
average  slave  equipment  (thirteen  negroes),  would  have  to  pay 
nearly  2  rdl.  in  land  tax  and  35  rdl.  in  poll  tax. 

So  long  as  the  returns  were  properly  made  out  by  the  planters, 
the  burden  would  seem  to  have  fallen  upon  the  persons  taxed 
very  nearly  in  proportion  to  tlieir  ability  to  pay.  Indigent 
persons  were  indeed,  as  a  rule,  entirely  exempted  from  the  pay- 
ment of  the  poll  tax.^^  The  indirect  taxes  that  the  planters  were 
forced  to  pay  through  being  obliged  in  certain  cases  to  sell  their 
produce  to  the  company,  or  to  ship  them  on  the  company's 
vessels,  and  to  buy  goods  needed  from  the  Company's  magazine, 
will  be  discussed  in  another  connection. 

St.  John  had  been  claimed  by  the  Danes  as  early  as  the  first 
administration  of  Adolph  Esmit.  In  a  letter  written  early  in 
1684,  the  latter  mentions  having  made  an  attempt  through  two 
moneyed  merchants  from  Barbados  to  set  up  "works"  (forts.-^) 
on  St.  John;  but  the  English  governor,  Stapleton,  sent  two 
sloops  over  to  the  island,  thus  driving  away  forty  men  sent 
over  by  the  Barbados  merchants.  "This  is  the  third  time," 
wrote  the  Danish  governor,  "that  lie  has  driven  our  people 
[from  St.  John.?]".!^  On  his  return  to  St.  Thomas  in  1688, 
Esmit  was  instructed  to  attempt  the  settlement  of  St.  John  by 

^*  The  Danish  foot  is  slightly  longer  than  the  English. 

"  L.  L.,  St.  Th.,  passim. 

18  Esmit  to  Directors  (January  26,  1681),  A.  E..  1682-89. 


128  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

placing  from  four  to  six  men  there  and  encouraging  them  to 
begin  planting,"  but  it  was  not  until  1717  that  the  project  was 
actually  carried  out.  In  November,  1716,  Governor  Erik 
Brcdal  wrote  the  directors  that  many  of  the  St.  Thomas  in- 
habitants were  inclined  to  go  to  settle  St.  John,  but  that  they 
were  held  back  solely  by  fear  of  the  English,  who  were  unwilling 
to  let  any  nation  go  there  to  cut  down  the  timber. ^^  On  the 
twenty-fifth  of  the  following  March,  the  governor  had  a  vessel 
loaded  with  guns  and  ammunition,  and  with  jirovisions  from  a 
ship  that  had  recently  brought  in  a  cargo  of  flour,  meat,  etc., 
to  take  him  to  St.  John  with  twenty  planters,  sixteen  negroes, 
and  five  soldiers. 

"I  have  planted  there  the  flag  of  our  most  gracious  king,  and 
fired  a  salute,"  wrote  the  governor,  "and  then  we  feasted,  and 
drank  the  health,  first  of  our  sovereign,  and  then  of  the  Com- 


pany. Later,  I  selected  a  place  on  which  to  build  a  fort,  a  con- 
venient location  which  commands  the  inlet  to  the  harbor  as  well 
as  the  harbor  itself,  and  a  level  space  beneath  it  on  which  a 
village  can  stand.  The  harbor  is  quite  secure,  and  when  a  person 
is  within  it  ...  he  sees  land  all  about  him.  I  have  permitted 
the  planters  to  indicate  which  pieces  of  land  they  preferred,  and 
have  selected  a  place  for  the  Company's  plantation  just  a 
cannon-shot  distant  from  the  fort  (which  is  to  be  built  there). 
Later  the  planters  have  returned  because  of  their  fear  of  the 
English  and  are  simply  waiting  cautiously  to  see  what  the  latter 
will  attempt.  .  .  ."  ^^ 

"  Directors'  instructions  to  Esmit  (November  9,  1687).    A.  E.,  1682-89. 

'8  Bredal  and  Council  to  Directors  (November  24, 1716),  B.  &  D..  1717-20.  In 
a  letter  dated  July  23,  171.5,  Governor  Crone  and  council  informed  the  directors 
that  John  Henry  Sieben  had  recently  proposed,  on  behalf  of  himself  and  fifteen 
other  planters  from  St.  Thomas,  to  begin  the  occupation  and  cultivation  of  St. 
.John.    B.  &  D.,  17U-17. 

'9  Bredal  to  Directors  (May  8,  1718),  B.  &  D.,  1717-20.  "  Thi  de  frygter  for  de 
Engelske  og  sidder  ikkun  og  hirer  paa,  hvad  de  vUle  tentere.'' 


ST.  THOMAS  AND  ST.  JOHN  AS  PLANTATION  COLONIES     129 

Meantime  Bredal  proceeded  to  have  the  ground  cleared  for 
the  fort,  and  a  road  cut  through  the  brush  for  bringing  up  the 
nine  four-pounders  that  were  to  guard  the  fort.  The  five 
soldiers  under  a  Danish  oflBcer,  named  Axel  Dahl,  and  the  sixteen 
negroes,  took  charge  of  this  preparatory  work.  When  the 
English  Leeward  Islands'  governor.  General  W.  Hamilton,  saw 
that  the  Danish  efforts  were  serious,  he  sent  John  Marshall,  the 
"Capt.  Commendant"  of  Hamilton's  regiment,  with  the  man- 
of-war  Scarborough,  one  of  the  two  English  ships  then  in  West 
Indian  waters,  to  St.  Thomas  to  forbid  the  Danes  to  occupy 
St.  John,  hinting  that  they  had  no  good  right  to  St.  Thomas 
itself.^  Bredal  replied  firmly  that  whatever  he  was  doing  was 
being  done  on  the  authority  of  his  sovereign,  and  he  was  not 
aware  of  having  transgressed  his  rights.  "If  they  [the  directors] 
would  only  assist  me  with  a  hundred  men,"  the  governor  pleaded 
in  his  letter  to  the  directors,  "I  well  believe  that  when  the 
English  come  with  their  two  ships  .  .  .  they  will  not  perform 
any  great  miracles." 

Despite  the  report  of  English  threats  that  they  would  dis- 
lodge the  infant  settlement,  the  work  went  on.  After  long 
searching  fresh  water  was  found  on  the  island.  This  not  only 
made  it  unnecessary  to  bring  water  by  boat  from  St.  Thomas, 
but  made  it  possible  to  begin  work  promptly  on  the  fort,  which 
required  fresh  water  for  the  lime  and  the  cistern.^^  Maize  and 
sweet  potatoes  (Patatter)  were  planted  in  the  cleared  space  to 
furnish  provisions  for  the  negroes.-^ 

According  to  the  ordinance  issued  by  the  St.  Thomas  govern- 
ment on  March  24,  1718,  the  St.  John  planters  were  required  to 
have  one  white  man  on  each  plantation  within  three  months 
from  the  time  it  was  taken  up;  exemption  from  taxes  was  granted 
for  the  first  eight  years  as  on  St.  Thomas;  sugar  mills  were  to  be 
erected  within  five  years  on  pain  of  confiscation;  and  planters 
were  to  be  permitted  to  take  as  much  lime  and  wood  as  they 

*>  Hamilton  to  Bredal  (November  19,  1717),  B.  &  D.,  1717-20;  see  also 
John  Mars[c]hairs  "Explication,"  (imdated),  ibid.  Both  Hamilton's  letter 
and  Marshall's  "Explication"  are  copies. 

"  Bredal  to  Directors  (May  8,  1718).    Ibid. 

»  Bredal  to  Directors  (July  8,  1718).    IMd. 


130  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

needed .  ^'  By  1 720-1 721 ,  thirty -nine  planters  had  received  deeds 
to  plantations  on  St.  John.^^ 

The  early  inhabitants  came  entirely  from  St.  Thomas  and 
were  equally  varied  in  their  nationality.  Nine  of  these  were 
Danes,  five  were  French  Huguenot  refugees  or  of  refugee  stock, 
and  nearly  all  the  rest  were  Dutch.  Their  coming  was  prompted 
by  a  variety  of  motives.  Some  had  sunk  hopelessly  into  debt  on 
St.  Thomas,  others  had  had  badly  located  plantations  there, 
while  many  of  them  naturally  expected  to  improve  their  previous 
state.  Their  plantations  were  nearly  fifty  per  cent,  larger  than 
those  on  St.  Thomas,  their  average  width  being  one  thousand 
five  hundred  and  fifty-six  feet.  The  number  of  negroes  held  at 
this  early  period  cannot  be  ascertained,  but  within  a  decade  of 
the  actual  settlement, — namely  in  1728 — there  were  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty-three  whites  to  six  hundred  and  seventy-seven 
blacks  (1:  5.5),  while  in  1733,  the  year  of  the  first  serious  slave 
insurrection,  the  whites  numbered  two  hundred  and  eight,  and 
the  slaves  one  thousand  and  eighty-seven,  a  slightly  higher 
ratio  of  white  inhabitants  (1:  5.2).^^  Although  the  number  of 
plantations  was  increased  only  twenty-five  per  cent,  in  those 
five  years,  the  number  of  negroes  on  them  increased  sixty  per 
cent.  Nevertheless  in  1733  St.  John  had  but  ten  negroes  on  the 
average  to  each  plantation,  to  St.  Thomas's  twenty-five. 

The  Company  went  into  the  plantation  business  on  its  own 
account  early  in  its  career.  The  encouragement  that  it  was  ex- 
pected to  give  to  plantation  life  on  St.  Thomas  undoubtedly 
accounts  in  large  part  for  the  willingness  of  the  Company's  di- 
rectors to  permit  the  Brandenburgers  to  establish  a  factory 

'^  Conditioner  tilstaaed  St.  Jans  Indvaanere  (March  24,  1718).    Ibid. 

^*  See  Appendix  H.,  p.  407. 

^^  Governor  Frederick  Moth  wrote  to  the  Directors  early  in  1726:  "St.  John  is 
now  entirely  settled,  [so]  that  there  is  no  more  land  left  to  give  away  except  at 
the  Fort,  and  the  Company's  plantation,  which  is  still  lying  idle,  as  it  is  not 
yet  surveyed.  .  .  .  Next  year  the  greater  number  of  the  St.  John  inhabitants 
are  to  begin  paying  the  poll  and  land  tax.  There  are  already  about  20  sugar 
works  built,  and  others  in  process  of  building,  so  that  I  calculate  that  St.  John 
will  produce  600,000  to  800,000  pounds  of  sugar,  besides  [some]  cotton,  on  [all  of] 
which  customs  duties  must  be  paid.  .  .  ."  Moth  to  Directors  (March  6, 1726), 
B.  &  D..  172^-27. 


ST.  THOMAS  AND  ST.  JOHN  AS  PLANTATION  COLONIES     131 

there.  The  failure  of  the  latter  to  found  a  plantation  was  the 
chief  basis  for  the  complaints  made  by  Danish  diplomats  con- 
cerning the  failure  of  the  Brandenburg  African  Company  to 
fulfil  its  treaty  obligations.  The  first  plantation,  the  Com- 
pany's "Sugar  Plantation,"  appears  to  have  been  established 
in  the  Old  Quarter  on  the  southeast  shore  of  the  Great  Northside 
Bay.  The  second  of  the  Company's  plantations  was  probably 
the  "New  Quarter  Plantation,"  built  on  or  near  the  present 
"Ny  Herrnkut"  midway  between  Long  and  Jerse  Bays.  The 
third  and  smallest  plantation  was  located  at  Mosquito  Bay, 
from  which  the  plantation  took  its  name.  The  Company  also 
secured  a  plantation  on  Krum  Bay  (or  Crum  Bay)  which 
seems  to  have  been  of  little  value,  and  was  sold  at  auction  in 
1726,  at  which  time  the  Mosquito  Bay  Plantation  was  disposed 
of.^^  Lorentz's  proposal  to  have  the  Company  start  a  plantation 
at  Crab-Pan  Bay  on  the  southwest  side  seems  not  to  have  been 
followed  up. 

The  size  of  the  Company's  plantations  has  been  impossible 
to  ascertain  because  of  the  confused  and  complicated  system 
of  bookkeeping  that  prevailed  and  the  omission  of  reference 
to  them  in  the  census  reports  {Land  Lister).  The  latter  fact 
is  explained  by  the  circumstance  that  the  purpose  of  the  annual 
census  was  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  taxes  due  from  each 
inhabitant.  Naturally  the  Company  did  not  propose  to  tax 
itself.  A  fairly  accurate  idea  of  its  planting  activities  may  be 
gained  from  an  examination  of  the  number  of  negroes  credited 
to  the  Company's  account  year  by  year.  The  greater  part  of 
these  must  have  been  employed  on  the  plantations,  though 
the  number,  no  doubt,  includes  those  used  at  the  Company's 
forts  and  magazines.  In  1698,  when  the  Company  was  begin- 
ning to  take  over  the  Guinea  trade,  it  owned  178  slaves,  whose 
inventory  value  was  placed  at  9,043  rdl.,  or  about  50  rdl.  each. 
In  the  same  year  the  "Sugar  Plantation"  was  valued  at  3,654, 
the  "New  Quarter  Plantation"  at  3,763,  and  the  "Mosquito 
Bay  Plantation  "  at  536  rdl.  The  effect  of  the  War  of  the  Span- 
ish Succession  on  St.  Thomas  plantation  life  is  indicated  by  the 

^  The  purchaser  was  Governor  Frederick  Moth.  See  Negotie  Journal  for  St. 
Th.  (August  29.  1726). 


132  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

figures  for  1705.  At  tliis  time,  when  the  island  was  prepared 
to  reap  the  advantages  of  Danish  neutrahty,  the  number  of 
negroes  had  jumped  to  251,  their  inventory  value  to  13,441 
rdl.  (53.7  rdl.  each),  while  the  three  plantations  were  entered 
on  the  books  at  6,289,  3,141,  and  905  rdl.  respectively.  Although 
the  second  had  fallen  eight  per  cent,  in  value,  the  first  had  in- 
creased seventy-two  and  one-half  per  cent,  and  the  third  sixty- 
nine  per  cent,  over  its  inventory  value  in  1698.  After  1715 
the  value  of  the  plantation  as  recorded  in  the  books  remains 
stationary,  while  the  number  of  the  negroes  gradually  decreases 
from  two  hundred  thirty-eight  in  1716  to  one  hundred  ninety- 
six  in  1726.27 

The  following  table,  while  based  upon  a  careful  examination 
of  the  Company's  books,  is  not  presented  as  giving  an  absolutely 
dependable  picture  of  the  plantations  as  dividend-paying  propo- 
sitions. It  is  never  quite  certain  that  accounts  have  not  been 
"doctored"  for  emergencies,  or  that  the  intricacies  of  the 
elaborate  bookkeeping  of  two  centuries  ago  have  been  con- 
pletely  solved.  In  fact  the  officials  themselves  were  at  times 
hopelessly  tangled  in  the  meshes  of  their  own  system. 

THE  COMPANY'S  PLANTATIONS  ON  ST.  THOMAS 
Abbreviations:  S.  PI.,  Company's  "Sugar  Plantation";  N.  Q.,  "New  Quarter  Plantation"; 

M.  B.,  "Mosquito  Bay  Plantation." 

Year  1600        1691        1693        1698        1700        1701        1702        1703  2«  1704 

Total  negroes.  .    122..      158..       191..       178..       ISO..       176..       177..  [69]» 

Value     of     ne- 
groes  10,957.  .14,038.  .16.144.  .    9,043..    9,504..   9,380..    9,500..   4,019..  

Value  of  S.  PI .  .   4,572..   4,743..    7,122..   3,651..    3,654..    3,638..   4,155..    5,415. 6,374 

Value  of  N.  Q .  .    2,318..    3,300..    0,371..    3,414..   3,763..    3,763..    3,679..    2,981..  3,206 

Value  of  M.B.       457..       4.57..    1,112..       536..       536..       536..       536..       380..     905 

Total       invest- 
ment  18,424..  22,538... 30,7493"  10,644.  .  17,457.  .  17,317.  .  17,870.  .  12,795.  .  

Proceeds  from 

S.  PI 1,137..   2,026..   2,514..   2,941..   2,422..      807..   2,260..   2,219.. 2,849 

Proceeds  from 

N.  Q 410..   3,486..   2,351..    1,441..    1,337..      720..      936..      3G9.. 1,663 

Proceeds  from 

M.B 248..      645..       268.. ..       135..       134..       155. .  (-472).  .    464 

Total 1,795..    6,157..    5,133..   4,382..   3,794..    1,661..   3.351..    2,116.  .4,976 

Per  cent,  profit 

on  investment      9.7..     27.2..     16.7..     26.33'     21.6..       9.6..     19.1..         17.  .26(?) 

2"  Cf.  Appendix  H.,  p.  318.    L.  L.,  St.  Th. 

^*  The  figures  given  for  1703  cover  the  period  from  June  9,  1702,  to  Decem- 
ber. 31,  1703.     All  money  values  are  given  in  rdl. 

-'This  includes  only  the  sound  or  "capable"  slaves. 

'"  The  high  values  for  1693  apparently  have  some  connection  with  Thor- 
mohlen's  contract  which  was  discontinued  in  1694. 

''  This  percentage  covers  \]4,  years  (August  8,  1698,  to  February  8,  1700). 


ST.  THOMAS  AND  ST.  JOHN  AS  PLANTATION  COLONIES     133 

It  would  add  to  the  value  of  the  above  figures  if  it  could  be 
determined  exactly  on  what  basis  the  profits  were  calculated, 
— whether,  for  example,  the  sugar  and  cotton  are  credited  to 
the  plantations  at  the  same  rates  as  those  paid  to  the  private 
planters.  Likewise,  the  exact  amount  of  sugar,  cotton,  etc., 
produced  on  each  plantation  would  be  useful  in  the  study  of 
plantation  economy,  but  unfortunately  the  accounts  were  not 
kept  separately,  and  it  is  practically  impossible  to  extract  the 
individual  items  in  a  way  that  will  give  a  dependable  result. 
A  few  of  the  available  figures  will  give  an  idea  of  the  productive- 
ness of  the  Company's  plantations.  John  Lorentz,  in  writing 
to  the  directors  in  April,  1702,  informed  them  that  sixty-seven 
hhd.  of  sugar  had  been  cooked  on  the  Sugar  Plantation  and 
that  as  much  more  was  expected;  that  the  New  Quarter 
Plantation,  despite  the  recent  drought  and  the  attack  of  worms 
upon  the  cane,^"  had  yielded  during  the  past  year  and  the  cur- 
rent one  one  hundred  and  seventy  casks  (Tonder).  Governor 
Gardelin,  in  reporting  the  state  of  the  Company's  plantations 
to  the  directors  in  June,  1733,  which  was  like  1701  a  dry  year, 
stated  that  the  Company's  sugar  plantation  had  thus  far  yielded 
eighty-eight  hhd.  of  sugar,  and  433  rdl.  worth  of  cotton;  the 
New  Quarter  Plantation,  one  hundred  and  three  hhd.  of  sugar; 
and  the  Company's  plantation  on  St.  John,^^  sixty -two  hhd.  in 
place  of  the  expected  one  hundred  and  fifty  hhd.  The  severe 
drought  had  crushed  the  hopes  for  a  good  crop,  and  the  governor 
proposed  the  sale  of  the  last-named  property,  "since  it  is  worth 
nothing,  but  does  more  damage  to  the  Company  [than 
good]."  34 

The  sugar,  cotton,  etc.,  raised  on  St.  Thomas  and  on  St.  John 
after  its  occupation,  were  usually  bought  in  whole  or  in  part  by 
the  Company's  St.  Thomas  factor  at  a  price  fixed  by  the  gover- 
nor and  council  alone,  or  by  agreement  with  the  planters.    They 

"  Lorentz  to  Directors  (April  24,  1702).  C.  B.,  1690-1713.  The  effect  of  these 
calamities  is  seen  in  the  percentage  of  pro6ts  that  the  plantation  yielded,  as 
shown  in  the  table  above. 

^*  See  above,  p.  130  (n.  25). 

'^Gardelin  and  Council  to   Directors   (June   18.    17.33).    B.    &   D..   1782- 


134  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

were  stored  in  llic  Company's  wareliouses  until  one  of  its  ships 
arrived  from  Copenhagen  or  the  Guinea  coast.  If  the  directors 
were  not  certain  of  a  cargo  they  would  leave  it  to  the  Guinea 
slave-ship  captain  to  take  whatever  cargo  was  on  hand  back 
with  him  to  Denmark.  As  long  as  the  company  had  only  St. 
Thomas  and  St.  John,  it  was  rarely  necessary  to  employ  more 
than  two  ships  a  year  to  empty  the  St.  Thomas  magazine,  and 
frequently  a  single  vessel  was  ample.  The  difficulties  that  the 
local  factor  often  met  when  he  tried  to  force  the  planters  to 
sell  their  produce  to  the  Company  at  a  fixed  price,  will  be  dealt 
with  in  a  later  chapter.  Europe-bound  ships  usually  took  dye 
woods  (pockwood,  fustic,  Campeachy  wood,  etc.)  on  board  for 
ballast.  Sometimes  a  schooner  was  sent  over  to  Porto  Rico  for 
hides  or  tobacco  if  interloping  trade  at  St.  Thomas  had  been 
dull. 

A  few  illustrations  will  serve  to  show  the  character  of  the 
trade,  and  give  some  indication  as  to  its  extent.  The  Frederick 
the  Fourth,  under  Captain  Peter  Andersen  Wa^roe,  left  St. 
Thomas  on  April  6,  1706,  with  the  following  cargo,  secured  at 
the  prices  indicated,^''  quoted  in  rixdollars,  "Mark"  and  "Skill- 
ing." 


Rdl. 

M. 

Sk. 

9.112  lbs 

.  Campeachy  wood  at  2  rdl.  per  100 

182 

1 

6 

7,507  " 

stock  fish  (dried  cod)  at  2  rdl.  per  100 

150 

- 

12 

4.484  " 

fustic 

67 

3 

— 

33.867  " 

Brazil  wood 

529 

3 

— 

360,005   " 

[brown]  sugar  at  3J^  rdl.  per  100 

12,600 

1 

— 

11,672  " 

white  sugar  at  [price  not  given] 

620 

1 

— 

29,137  " 

cotton  at  12  sk.  per  lb. 

3.642 

- 

12 

6.739  " 

cacao 

914 

2 

— 

1,242  " 

tobacco 

44 

5 

10 

129  " 

indigo  at  1  rdl.  per  lb. 

129 

- 

— 

89  " 

caret  (sea  turtle) 

69 

3 

14 

staves  for  barrels  and  casks 

180 

2 

4 

nails 

32 

- 

— 

provisions  beyond  those  needed 

167 

3 

— 

19,329  Rdl.  4  3f .  — 

In  the  following  year,  Peter  Smith,  the  wealthy  Dutch  mer- 

»^  N.  J.  for  St.  Th.,  1705-08  (April  6,  1706). 


ST.  THOMAS  AND  ST.  JOHN  AS  PLANTATION  COLONIES     135 

chant,  paid  the  required  duty  ^^  on  the  following  goods  which 
he  sent  to  New  York  on  an  English  bark :  ^^ 

12  hhd.    (2,674  lbs.)  white  sugar  '«  10  sacks  (1,012  lbs.)  cacao 

12  hhd.    (5,500  "   )  brown  sugar  4  bales  (1,000  "   )  cotton 

27  bales  (5,838  "    )  cotton  4  sacks  (    340  "   )  cacao. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  sugar  and  cotton  were  by  far  the  most 
valuable  items  in  the  Copenhagen  as  well  as  in  the  New  York 
cargo.  Whether  a  ship  was  able  to  secure  a  good  cargo  or  not 
depended  on  the  funds  that  the  St.  Thomas  factor  had  at  his 
command,  and  upon  the  prices  he  was  willing  to  pay.  The 
amount  of  the  funds  depended  in  turn  upon  the  sale  of  the 
Company's  cargoes.  The  one  sort  of  cargo  the  arrival  of  which 
was  most  frequently  hailed  with  joy,  not  only  by  the  St.  Thomas 
planters,  but  by  their  various  neighbors,  was  "black  ivory," 
— African  slaves.  When  times  were  good,  slaves  meant  cash 
in  the  St.  Thomas  treasury,  cash  meant  good  cargoes  for  the 
return  voyage,  and  bulging  ships  meant  good  dividends  for 
the  European  stockholders. 

The  distribution  of  these  cargoes  after  their  arrival  in  Copen- 
hagen remains  to  be  considered.  First,  as  much  as  possible 
of  the  cargo  was  sold  at  auction.  The  sugar  refiners  came  to 
buy  the  brown  sugar,  the  cloth  manufacturers  bid  for  the  cotton, 
the  dyers  for  the  dye  woods  and  so  on.  The  dyewoods  had  to 
be  ground  or  pulverized  by  hand  before  they  could  be  used, 
and  as  the  work  was  exceedingly  injurious  to  the  health,  the 
state  kept  up  an  institution  called  "  Rasphuset "  where  it  set 
those  criminals  to  work  whose  long  continued  existence  was  least 
desirable. ^^  Export  trade  was  especially  to  be  encouraged,  as 
it  brought  ready  money  into  the  country.  The  duty  on  exports 
to  foreign  places  was  only  one  per  cent.,  while  on  goods  shipped 
from  Copenhagen  to  places  within  the  kingdom  of  Denmark- 
Norway,  a  duty  of  two  and  one-half  per  cent,  had  to  be  paid. 

^*  Six  per  cent,  on  some  goods  and  four  per  cent,  on  others, 

"  N.  J.  for  St.  Th..  1705-08  (October  18.  1707). 

'^  The  white  sugar  in  these  and  the  preceding  cargoes  probably  came  from 
the  French  islands,  where  there  were  refineries. 

'^  Mention  of  "Rasphuset"  is  made  in  O.  Nielsen,  Kjobenhavn  paa  Holbergs 
Tid,  p.  360. 


136  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

The  foreign  ports  to  which  the  West  Indian  cargoes  were  re- 
shipped  were  mainly  in  the  Baltic  region,  and  included  Liibeck, 
Danzig,  Stettin,  Konigsberg,  on  the  South  Baltic,  Stockholm 
and  Gotenborg  in  Sweden,  and  (beginning  with  1750)  St.  Peters- 
burg in  Russia,  and  Amsterdam  in  Holland.  Among  local  towns 
to  which  West  Indian  products  were  distributed  were  Kiel, 
Flensborg,  and  Aabenraa  in  the  duchies;  Elsinore,  Nyborg, 
Slagelse,  Odense,  and  Aalborg  in  Denmark  proper;  and  Bergen, 
Christiania,  Trondhjem  and  Fredrikshald  in  Norway. '° 

According  to  the  list  of  shipments  from  Copenhagen  to 
foreign  and  domestic  points  which  is  contained  in  the  Company's 
"Udskihnings  og  Passeer  Sedlers  Copie-Bog,  1709-1754,"  no 
sugar  and  httle  cotton  were  shipped  out  of  Copenhagen  from 
1712  to  1720,  mclusive.  From  1721  to  1733,  when  St.  Croix 
was  purchased,  the  shipments  to  foreign  ports  were  more  than 
twenty  times  those  to  domestic  ports.  During  the  period  from 
1729  to  1749,  sugar  was  exported  but  a  single  year  ^^  to  a  foreign 
port.  It  was  in  September,  1729,  that  the  Company  began  re- 
fining its  own  sugar,"*"  and  this  fact,  combined  with  the  king's 
edict  of  July  4, 1733,  requiring  privately  owned  refineries  to  use 
only  the  sugar  that  came  from  the  West  Indian  colonies  as  long 
as  the  supply  held  out,  will  explain  the  falling  off  in  exports. 
The  purchase  by  the  Company  in  1737  of  the  two  principal 
refineries,  those  owned  by  the  Pelt  and  Weyse  families,  gave  the 
Company  a  monopoly  of  the  refining  business,**^  and  made  it 
possible  for  it  to  absorb  most  of  its  own  sugar.  ^' 

*>  Udskibnings  og  Passeer  Sedlers-Copie-Bog,  1709-1754,  passim. 

*^  In  1741,  11,443  lbs.  of  sugar  were  sent  to  Stockholm.    Ibid. 

*2  Manager  MS.,  130.  The  Company  had  been  granted  the  privilege  of  put- 
ting up  a  refinery,  by  the  king  on  April  17,  1721.    Vest.  Reg..  1699-1740. 

^^  Mariager  MS.,  149. 

**  See  table  showing  exports  to  domestic  and  foreign  places  in  Appendix  L, 
pp.  328-331. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

The  rise  of  a  class  of  capitalist  planters  in  the  Danish  as  well 
as  in  the  other  West  India  islands,  was  made  possible  through 
the  labors  of  the  African  slave.  Indentured  white  servants 
too  frequently  succumbed  to  the  climate  or  proved  quite  in- 
tractable as  laborers;  while  the  attempt  to  use  deported  crim- 
inals from  the  home  country  proved  generally  abortive,  in  the 
West  Indies  as  elsewhere.  The  sudden  change  in  habits  and 
environment  practically  prohibited  strenuous  effort  on  the  part 
of  the  whites  whose  lot  was  cast  in  tropical  America.  If  the 
agricultural  resources  of  those  regions  were  to  be  appreciably 
developed,  it  must  come  about  through  the  white  man's  efforts 
to  earn  his  bread  by  the  sweat  of  the  negro's  brow.  It  was 
"the  blacks  bought  by  way  of  trade"  who  by  reason  of  their 
ready  adaptability  to  field  labor  early  became  "the  most  useful 
appurtenances  of  a  plantation,  and  perpetual  servants."  ^ 

This  trade,  so  loathsome  to  the  modern  mind,  had  been  be- 
gun by  the  Portuguese  before  the  discovery  of  America.  But 
the  few  hundred  negroes  that  they  had  bought  from  the  Moors 
had  been  brought  into  Europe  itself.^  After  the  occupation  of 
America  had  begun,  Portuguese  traders  not  only  supplied 
their  own  colony  of  Brazil  but  made  contracts  or  "asientos" 
to  supply  the  Spanish  colonies  with  slaves.  Interloping  expe- 
ditions from  the  Guinea  coast  of  Africa  to  the  West  Indies  like 
those  of  Sir  John  Hawkins  are  conspicuous  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury because  they  were  rare.  During  the  period  of  union  be- 
tween Spain  and  Portugal  (1580-1640)  the  Dutch  wrested  from 
the  Portuguese  their  monopoly  of  the  Guinea  trade,  and  jeal- 
ously guarded  the  trade  thus  won  against  encroachments  by 
other  nations.      The  rise  of  the  English  plantation  colonies, 

i  Cal.  Col.,  1661-68,  No.  791  (1664?). 
2  Lucas.  Ill,  77.  78. 
[1871 


138  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

particularly  Barbados,  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, and  Jamaica  in  the  second  half,  led  the  English  to  begin 
exporting  slaves  to  their  own  American  possessions.  It  is  worth 
noticing  that  the  English  slave  trade  began  in  earnest  about 
1640,  just  when  a  Dutchman  is  said  to  have  introduced  the  art 
of  sugar  making  to  the  English  colony  of  Barbados.^  The  es- 
tablishment in  1672  of  tlie  Royal  African  Company  of  England 
has  been  previously  noted.  This  company  was  enjoying  its 
greatest  prosperity  during  those  years  when  the  Danish  West 
India  and  Guinea  Company  was  attempting  in  the  face  of  tre- 
mendous obstacles  to  secure  a  permanent  foothold  for  its  col- 
ony at  St.  Thomas.* 

A  trade  that  had  had  the  sanctity  of  century-long  custom  was 
little  disturbed  by  the  conscientious  scruples  of  reformers. 
There  was  no  one  to  plead  the  rights  of  the  negro  as  Las  Casas 
had  championed  those  of  the  Indian.  The  few  timid  voices 
that  had  dared  to  raise  themselves  on  the  negroes'  behalf  be- 
fore 1700  were  scarcely  heard  in  the  din  of  the  struggles  for 
commercial  supremacy  and  exploitation.^  Once  the  sugar 
planting  had  been  well  begun,  the  demand  for  suitable  labor 
would  become  insistent.  To  the  seventeenth-century  planter 
there  was  but  one  course  to  pursue.  Over  on  the  Guinea  coast, 
in  a  latitude  but  slightly  lower,  was  an  unlimited  supply  of  la- 
borers, many  of  them  already  accustomed  to  servitude,  who 
readily  adapted  themselves  to  the  conditions  of  plantation  life. 
The  problem  of  the  day,  so  far  as  the  planters  and  the  adminis- 
trators interested  in  plantations  were  concerned,  was  simply 
one  of  method, — how  best  to  bring  these  laborers  where  they 
were  needed.  The  attempt  of  individuals  to  solve  this  problem 
led  to  interloping,  an  art  in  which  the  Dutch  were  preeminent; 
while  the  attempt  of  merchant-statesmen  led  to  the  formation 
of  companies  under  state  or  royal  patronage. 

3  Lucas,  III,  80,  81. 

*  The  average  annual  dividend  declared  between  1676  and  1688  amounted 
roughly  to  eight  per  cent,  annually,  reaching  as  high  as  twenty-two  per  cent, 
during  the  first  two  years.  See  Beer,  The  Old  Colonial  System,  1660-1688, 
I.  343. 

'  Beer  (I,  322)  cites  an  anonymous  pamphlet  published  in  1684  and  a  protest 
against  the  slave  trade  by  the  Pennsylvania  Quakers  in  1688. 


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THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       139 

The  early  efiforts  of  Denmark  to  establish  factories  on  the 
Gold  Coast  have  already  been  referred  to.    The  conditions  un- 
der which  the  trade  was  carried  on  need  to  be  considered  some- 
what in  detail.     A  popular  misconception  with  regard  to  the 
slave  trade  is  that  white  men  filled  their  ships  with  kidnapped 
slaves.     If  such  had  been  the  rule  it  would  have  been  a  practical 
impossibility  to  have  brought  the  enormous  numbers  that  in 
the  course  of  time  were  exported  to  the  New  World.     In  the 
years  from  1680  to  1786,  for  example,  one  writer  estimates  that 
2,130,000  slaves  were  imported  into  the  British  West  India 
islands  alone.^     Though  cases  of  kidnapping  doubtless  occurred 
now  and  then,  the  simpler  and  safer  plan,  and  the  one  usually 
followed,  was  for  the  European  state  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with 
a  local  chief  or  "king"  through  its  representative  who  was 
frequently  the  captain  of  the  ship.     The  arrangement  usually 
provided  for  the  lease  or  cession  of  a  bit  of  coast  territory, 
preferably   near  a  river  that  furnished  good  anchorage  and 
communication   with    the    "hinterland."     Here   was    built    a 
"castle"  or  fort  with  negro  huts  and  an  enclosure  for  the  slaves 
bought.     The  governor  or  factor  acted  merely  as  the  middle- 
man, buying  the  slaves  from  the  chief  with  whom  he  had  con- 
tracted.    The  chief  made  his  captures  from  among  the  tribes 
with  which  he  was  at  war  or  on  unfriendly  terms.     If  hard 
pressed  himself,  he  could  receive  protection  at  the  fort.     Cap- 
tured negroes  from  inland  could  be  floated  down  the  river  to  the 
fort,  where  the  factor  bought  those  that  were  fit  and  kept  them 
under  guard  until  the  Company's  ship  came  along  from  Europe 
with  its  cargo,  or  if  there  was  no  prospect  of  that,  until  Dutch, 
English  or  other  interlopers  came  and   offered  a  reasonable 
price.     The  cost  price  at  the  Guinea  factory  varied  according 
to  conditions  along  the  coast.      When  the  demand  was  strong 
in  the  West  Indies,  ships  of  interlopers  and  companies  swarmed 
along  the  coast  of  Africa  from  Senegal  to  Angola,  and  the  price 
rose  accordingly.' 

"  Bryan  Edwards,  History  .  .  .  of  the  .  .  .  West  Indies  (2  v.,  London,  1794), 
II,  65;  Humboldt,  Travels.  VII,  147. 

'  In  a  letter  to  the  directors  dated  March  28,  1737,  the  St.  Thomas  ofiBcials 
suggest  that  slaves  be  secured  from  the  region  between  Caplahoa  and  Cape 


140  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

A  single  illustration  will  serve  to  indicate  the  nature  of  the 
slave  market  at  the  Guinea  factory  from  the  solely  commercial 
point  of  view.  To  those  who  were  in  the  trade,  it  was  purely  a 
business  matter.  The  Hope  Galley  under  Captain  Lawrence 
Span  arrived  at  Christiansborg  castle  on  December  15,  1726, 
with  a  cargo,  not  counting  the  brandy,  of  16,135  rdl.  A  fort- 
night later  when  the  New  Year's  stocktaking  took  place,  the 
Company  was  credited  on  its  Guinea  books  with  fifty  men  slaves 
valued  at  84  rdl.,  twenty-five  women  at  48  rdl.,  three  boys  at  50 
rdl.,  and  four  girls  at  36  rdl.  each.  This  appears  to  have  been 
the  Company's  wholesale  purchase  price.  The  actual  cargo 
taken  on  board  on  March  6  included  238  souls,  indicating  a 
brisk  business  in  the  opening  months  of  the  year.  The  invoice 
of  the  departing  ship  shows  the  following  cargo  and  values: 
one  hundred  and  forty-seven  men  at  88,  seventy  women  at  56, 
eleven  boys  at  56,  and  ten  girls  at  40  rdl.,  making  a  total  value 
of  17,872  rdl.^  If  the  discrepancy  in  the  prices  of  adult  male 
and  female  slaves  as  shown  in  the  above  invoice  was  general, 
it  might  appear  that  the  mortality  among  the  women  in  the 
cargo  was  higher  than  among  the  men,  for  in  the  St.  Thomas 
market  women  sold  for  nearly  or  just  as  high  a  price  as  the  men, 
but  there  is  no  direct  evidence  to  show  that  such  was  the  case. 

The  horrors  of  the  "middle  passage"  have  been  frequently 
painted  in  most  lurid  colors.  Indeed,  at  its  worst  it  would  be 
difficult  to  exaggerate  the  picture  of  misery  presented  by  a  re- 
turning slaver.  Naturally,  it  was  to  the  captain's  as  well  as 
the  Company's  interest  to  bring  as  large  a  part  of  his  cargo 
safely  to  the  other  side  as  possible.  But  where  the  captain's 
reward  depended  on  the  number  brought  over,  or  where  the 
officers  could  bring  over  slaves  on  their  own  account,  the  temp- 
tation to  overcrowd  the  vessel  was  very  great.  In  case  of 
stormy  weather,  when  the  hatches  had  to  be  closed  down,  the 
air  in  the  crowded  hold  became  so  stifling  as  to  suffocate  many. 
Good  water  was  often  difficult  to  obtain,  and  bad  water,  as  well 

Three  Points,  and  between  Ziode  Wolta  (river  Volta?)  and  Eardra,  as  these 
were  usually  better  than  the  Loanga  or  Angola  slaves.     Martfeldt  MSS.,  VI; 
Seeret-Raadets  Breve.  1733-39. 
«  N.  J.  for  Guinea;  N.  J.  for  St.  Th.  (1727).    See  A-pvendix  J.,  pp.  320-326. 


THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       141 

as  unwholesome  food,  brought  on  violent  forms  of  dysentery 
and  other  internal  diseases,  with  which  the  physicians  who  ac- 
companied the  ships  found  themselves  unable  to  cope.  Some- 
times the  negroes  would  become  unruly,  and  if  successfully 
subdued  would  have  to  be  loaded  down  with  chains.  An  anony- 
mous author,  writing  in  1684,  gives  a  graphic  and  characteris- 
tic description. 

"For  no  sooner  are  they  [the  blacks]  arrived  at  the  Sea-side, 
but  they  are  sold  like  Beasts  to  the  Merchant,  who  glad  of  the 
booty  puts  us  aboard  the  Ships,  claps  us  under  Deck,  and  binds 
us  in  Chains  and  Fetters,  and  thrusts  us  into  the  dark  noisom 
Hold,  so  many  and  so  close  together,  that  we  hardly  breathe, 
there  are  we  in  the  hottest  of  Summer,  and  under  that  scorch- 
ing Climate  without  any  of  the  sweet  influences  of  the  Air,  or 
briezing  Gale  to  refresh  us,  sufiFocated,  stewed,  and  parboyled 
altogether  in  a  Crowd,  till  we  almost  rot  each  other  and  our- 
selves." ^ 

P.  F.  Isert,  himself  a  physician  on  a  Danish  slave-ship, 
writing  in  1788,  when  the  agitation  against  the  slave  trade  was 
at  its  height,  tells  of  the  indignities  to  which  the  negro  women 
were  subjected  at  the  hands  of  the  ship's  oflScers,  and  of  the  ar- 
tifices used  by  the  factors  to  sell  miserable  wretches  who  were 
nigh  unto  death  before  the  buyers  could  learn  the  serious  na- 
ture of  their  ailments. 

Before  the  negroes  were  bought  on  the  Guinea  coast  they  had 
to  undergo  a  careful  inspection  and  sorting  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  Company's  surgeon  who  accompanied  them  on  the 
voyage  to  the  West  Indies.  The  usual  mode  of  calculation  on 
the  Guinea  coast  in  the  seventeenth  century  was  to  rate  the 
full-grown  negro  man  or  woman  as  the  unit,  or  "Pies  de  Indies  " 
the  others  being  classified  as  "|  boys,"  "|  girls,"  "\  boys," 
and  so  on.  The  fraction  indicated  what  part  of  the  price  of  a 
full-grown  slave  the  younger  ones  should  sell  for.  It  must  not 
be  supposed  that  the  authorities  who  permitted  this  trade  were 
entirely  unmindful  of  the  fact  that  the  negroes  had  souls  that 
might  be  worth  saving.     In  their  contract  with  Arff,  by  which 

'  Philolethus  Physiologus,  Friendly  Advice  to  the  Gentlemen  Planters  in  the 
East  and  West  Indies  (1684),  Part  II,  pp.  82,  83  (quoted  in  Beer,  op.  cit.,  I,  345). 


142  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

he  took  over  the  Guinea  trade  in  1689,  the  directors  required 
the  lessee  to  keep  a  minister  on  board  the  slave  ships  and  at  the 
Guinea  factory. ^^  It  is  nevertheless  to  be  feared  that  the  zeal 
of  the  trader  met  with  greater  rewards  from  the  authorities 
than  that  of  the  priest. 

There  is  good  reason  to  suppose  that  the  extent  of  the  slave 
trade  must  have  standardized  its  processes,  so  that  there  was 
little  difference  in  the  treatment  of  negroes  along  the  various 
parts  of  the  Guinea  coast.  The  Dutch  probably  got  their  car- 
goes across  the  ocean  with  the  least  loss  of  life.  The  Branden- 
burg officials  at  the  Gross-Friedrichsberg  factory  were  largely 
Dutch,  and  what  happened  there  may  be  considered  typical  for 
the  coast.  A  surgeon  of  the  African  Company  gives  in  his 
journal  a  vivid  description  of  what  he  saw  up  to  the  time  that 
the  slave-ship  was  ready  to  sail.  The  surgeon,  who  began  his 
service  there  in  December,  1692,  wrote  as  follows;  ^^ 

"As  soon  as  a  sufficient  number  of  these  unhappy  victims 
were  collected,  they  were  examined  by  me,  the  healthy  and 
strong  ones  were  bought,  while  those  who  lacked  as  much  as  a 
finger  or  a  nail  or  were  in  any  way  defective — called  Magrones  ^^ 
— were  returned. 

"The  slaves  that  were  taken  were  made  to  kneel,  twenty  or 
thirty  at  a  time;  the  right  shoulder  was  greased  with  palm-oil, 
and  it  was  branded  in  the  middle  with  an  iron  that  bore  the 
initials  C. — AB — C.  (churfiirstlich  afrikanisch-brandenhurgische 
Compagnie) ;  then  they  were  strictly  guarded  in  the  lodgings 
provided  for  them.  Where  a  band  of  fifty  or  sixty  slaves  had 
been  secured,  they  were  coupled  together  in  twos  or  threes 
and  driven  to  the  coast  under  escort.  It  was  my  duty  to  watch 
over  the  transport,  for  which  purpose  I  was  carried  in  the  rear 
in  a  hammock,  so  that  I  could  see  the  entire  column.  Once  the 
coast  was  reached,  a  prearranged  signal  brought  the  ship's  boats 
ashore  to  bring  their  black  cargo  on  board.  Some  of  these  un- 
fortunates followed  their  leaders  weakly  and  unresistingly,  even 

»«  Vest.  Reg..  1671-99,  fol.  166,  1[16  (July  27.  1689). 

'*  Surgeon  Johann  Peter  Oettinger's  Journal  (quoted  in  Schiick,  I,  331  et  seq.). 
'^  Probably  a  corruption  of  "  manquerons,"  a  term  applied  in  the  West  Indies 
to  negroes  who  were  below  standard. 


THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       143 

when  they  were  forced  to  hasten  by  the  lash  of  a  whip;  others, 
however,  howled  and  danced;  and  there  were  still  others,  es- 
pecially women,  who  so  filled  the  air  with  their  heartrending 
shrieks,  that  drums  and  other  noisy  instruments  were  scarcely 
able  to  drown  out  the  sound,  and  it  often  cut  me  to  the  quick. 
Yet  it  did  not  lie  in  my  power  to  alter  the  fate  of  these  unhappy 
beings.  .  .  . 

"On  April  4  the  ship  was  finally  filled  with  seven  hundred 
and  thirty-eight  slaves  of  both  sexes,  so  that  we  were  able  to 
take  leave  of  the  king  (i.  e.,  the  chief)  and  return  to  the  ship. 
After  being  carried  in  palanquins  (Sanften)  to  the  beach,  we 
treated  our  carriers  and  attendants  with  brandy  and  then 
climbed  into  the  boats.  In  the  evening  we  arrived  on  board  the 
ship,  wet,  sunburned  and  stung  by  mosquitoes  and  other  pests, 
and  we  thanked  God  that  we  had  at  last  emerged  safely  out  of 
this  heathenish  land.  Yet  what  a  horror  overcame  me,  when  I 
visited  the  decks  in  which  the  unhappy  victims  were  confined, 
and  breathed  the  frightful  atmosphere  in  which  they  were  com- 
pelled to  live.  Chained  together  by  the  feet  in  pairs  they  lay 
or  sat  in  rows  next  to  each  other,  and  my  heart  well  nigh  stood 
still  at  the  thought  that  I  must  see  such  beings,  to  all  appear- 
ances like  men,  treated  like  chattels." 

No  doubt  the  slaves  on  board  ship  were  as  well  cared  for 
as  the  crowded  conditions  permitted,  for  captain  and  owners 
were  interested  in  bringing  as  large  cargoes  as  possible  safely 
across  the  ocean.  When  the  weather  was  favorable  they  were 
brought  on  deck  a  few  at  a  time  to  limber  up  their  stiffened 
muscles  by  dancing  and  exercise.  The  women  were  frequently 
placed,  unchained,  in  a  room  by  themselves. ^^  The  monotony 
of  the  daily  fare  of  pork,  beans,  and  barley  gruel  was  relieved 
by  weekly  allowances  of  millet,  and  by  brandy  and  tobacco  on 
alternate  days.  Palm-oil  was  used  to  flavor  the  gruel. ^^  The 
success  of  a  voyage  was  largely  dependent  upon  the  kind  of 

"  P.  F.  Isert  {Reise  nach  Guinea,  pp.  305  et  seq.),  gives  an  interesting  account 
of  his  experiences  on  the  Guinea  coast  and  on  a  slave-ship. 

"Directors'  order,  (August  8,  1725),  Amer.  &  Afr.  C.  B.,  1716-26.  The 
weekly  allowance  for  each  slave  consisted  of  \  lb.  pork,  2  qts.  beans,  2  qts. 
barley,  |  qt.  millet,  \  pint  brandy,  2  oz.  tobacco,  1  pipe,  \  pint  palm  oil. 


144  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

negroes  secured.  Certain  parts  of  the  coast  had  a  bad  reputa- 
tion as  sources  of  slave  supply,  for  their  negroes  were  liable  to 
grow  violently  mutinous  when  threatened  with  bondage.  Such, 
for  example,  were  the  El  Mina  negroes  from  the  Dutch  part  of 
the  coast. 

The  percentage  of  loss  on  the  Guinea- West  Indian  slave- 
ships  varied  from  ten  to  about  fifty -five  per  cent,  of  those  taken 
on,  so  far  as  the  limited  number  of  available  statistics  shows. *^ 
The  scenes  that  ensued  when  the  prospective  buyers  boarded 
an  incoming  slave-ship  were  frequently  well-nigh  riotous  and 
frightened  the  poor  blacks,  who  had  little  or  no  idea  of  what 
awaited  them,  almost  to  death.  The  white  men  would  make 
a  wild  dash  for  the  negroes  that  they  intended  to  buy,  and  sep- 
arate them  from  the  main  group  by  way  of  securing  first  right 
to  purchase.  Sometimes  the  cargo  would  be  taken  on  shore, 
kept  under  guard,  and  sold  in  small  lots  until  entirely  disposed 
of. 

The  eagerness  with  which  the  directors  of  the  Company  took 
up  the  slave  trade  as  a  means  of  increasing  the  shareholders' 
profits,  and  the  tenacity  with  which  they  clung  to  their  monop- 
oly of  the  trade  once  they  had  begun  it,  emphasize  the  impor- 
tance ascribed  to  this  traffic  by  the  moneyed  interests  of  the 
seventeenth  and  early  eighteenth  centuries.  It  was  not  until 
the  governorship  of  John  Lorentz,  when  St.  Thomas  begins  to 
be  administered  as  a  normal,  well-ordered  colony,  that  the 
directors  were  able  to  carry  out  any  plan  for  direct  participation 
in  the  slave  trade  with  ships  owned  by  the  Company;  and  it  was 
not  until  1733,  after  the  Company  had  suffered  a  number  of 
severe  losses  at  sea,  and  about  the  time  it  began  negotiations 
for  the  purchase  of  St.  Croix  from  France,  that  it  was  ready  to 
let  the  slave  trade  fall  back  into  private  hands.  This  experience 
of  over  a  third  of  a  century,  during  which  the  Danish  West 
India  and  Guinea  Company  attempted  to  supply  slaves  to  its 
own  colony,  and  also  to  make  St.  Thomas  a  depot  for  the  supply 
of  slaves  to  the  neighboring  lands,  needs  to  be  explained  in  some 
detail. 

'*  These  percentages  are  drawn  from  the  figures  of  ships  sailing  in  1698, 1699, 
1700,  1707,  1714,  and  1733. 


THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       145 

It  was  the  profits  made  by  the  Brandenburg  African  Company 
in  some  of  its  early  Guinea  voyages  that  brought  home  to  the 
observant  governor  Lorentz  the  possibilities  of  the  slave  trade 
as  a  source  of  revenue  for  the  Danish  company.  Two  Branden- 
burg slave-ships  ^^  that  arrived  in  St.  Thomas  in  November,  1696, 
before  the  peace  at  Ryswick  had  been  concluded,  and  hence 
while  Louis  XIV  was  still  at  war  against  the  league  of  opposing 
states,  brought  to  St.  Thomas  more  than  one  thousand  one 
hundred  pieces  of  human  freight.  One  of  the  Brandenburg 
captains  whose  cargo  contained  four  hundred  and  eighty  slaves 
remarked  to  the  governor  that  if  he  had  had  more  room  on 
board  he  could  have  made  as  fine  a  bargain  in  slaves  as  he  could 
ever  desire."  The  other  captain  confided  to  the  governor  the 
opinion  that  the  Danish  forts  on  the  Guinea  coast  afforded 
excellent  prospects  for  the  slave  trade.  These  successful  ven- 
tures and  the  information  he  received  from  the  captains  led 
the  Danish  governor  to  express  to  the  directors  the  hope  that 
the  Company  would  take  up  the  Guinea  trade,  "since  all  other 
trade  is  as  nothing  compared  with  this  slave  trade."  If  the 
directors  would  only  make  a  begmning  with  a  few  hundred 
Guinea  slaves,  urged  Lorentz,  they  would  not  find  it  a  bad  ven- 
ture, but  "the  first  experience  would  give  them  such  joy,  that 
the  slave  trade  would  hold  its  place  before  all  other  sorts  of 
commerce,  and  the  Company  would  feel  itself  impelled  to  con- 
tinue it."  ^^  The  governor's  enthusiasm  was  not  lost  on  the  di- 
rectors, who  had  great  faith  in  their  representative  at  St.  Thomas 
and  were  especially  anxious  to  get  the  Company  to  the  point 
where  it  could  pay  dividends  and  thus  regain  the  confidence  of 
the  investing  public. 

Nicholas  Arff,  the  Guinea  lessee,  had,  as  we  have  seen,  per- 

"  Frederick  III  under  Capt.  Jacob  Lambrecht  with  six  hundred  and  thirty, 
and  the  Electoral  Princess  under  Capt.  Wouter  Ypes  with  four  hundred  and 
eighty  slaves. 

"  Lorentz  to  Directors  (November  30,  1696),  C.  B.,  1690-171S. 

^*  Ibid.  The  French  were  also  becoming  increasingly  active  in  the  Guinea 
trade  during  the  interval  preceding  the  outbreak  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession.  On  July  9,  1701,  Louis  XIV  issued  an  arret  granting  to  a  new 
Guinea  company  certain  rights  that  had  been  held  by  a  former  one.  Scelle, 
La  traite  negriere,  II,  687. 


146  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

mitted  his  lease  to  expire  because  of  serious  and  unforeseen 
losses  brought  about  by  the  European  war.  Just  at  the  time 
that  the  Ryswick  negotiations  were  being  concluded,  the  Danish 
West  India  and  Guinea  Company  was  being  reorganized  under 
a  new  charter  which  bore  the  date  of  September  28,  1697.  New 
conditions  demanded  a  corresponding  readjustment.  Baron 
Jens  Juel  and  Mathias  Moth,  who  had  so  faithfully  backed  the 
governor  in  his  endeavor  to  stifle  the  Brandenburg  African 
Company's  activities  at  St.  Thomas,  were  retained  as  directors.  ^^ 
The  Companj'^'s  total  capital,  including  a  ten  per  cent,  assess- 
ment made  in  1695  in  order  to  secure  capital  to  send  a  ship  to 
St.  Thomas  for  a  cargo,-''  was  just  84,883  rdl.,  2  marks.  On  this 
investment  the  shareholders  had  received  no  other  returns  than 
the  three  or  four  per  cent,  yielded  by  the  Thormtihlen  lease. 
It  was  not  until  late  in  1697  or  early  in  1698  that  the  directors 
decided  to  send  a  ship  and  cargo  to  Guinea  and  the  West  Indies. 
Finding  themselves  unable  to  secure  a  large  enough  sum  from 
the  stockholders,  the  directors  turned  to  a  wealthy  merchant, 
one  Jacob  Lerke,  who  contributed  half  of  the  funds  necessary 
for  the  new  venture.  The  result  was  the  voyage  of  the  Copen- 
hagen Bourse  to  the  Guinea  coast  under  joint  auspices.  But 
this  initial  venture  fell  below  expectations,  for  out  of  the  five 
hundred  and  six  slaves  taken  on  at  Christiansborg  and  along  the 
Guinea  coast,  only  two  hundred  and  fifty-nine  were  delivered  at 
St.  Thomas  in  September,  1698,  and  thirty-seven  of  these  died 
shortly  after  landing.  A  mutiny  had  broken  out  on  board,  in  the 
course  of  which  many  had  been  killed  or  had  jumped  overboard. 
To  cap  this  misfortune  scurvy  had  helped  to  reduce  the  numbers 
to  scarcely  more  than  half  of  the  original  cargo. ^^  The  surviving 
slaves  were  sold  at  85  rdl.  each,  which  appears  to  have  been  three 
times  their  cost  price  in  Guinea.'-^  The  excellent  state  of  the 
West  Indian  market  as  compared  with  the  low  prices  prevailing 

"  Manager  MS.,  lO.S. 

^"  The  Company  had  resumed  its  administration  after  the  Thorrabhlen  fiasco 
late  in  1694.  On  March  7,  1702,  Matthias  Moth  made  a  clear  and  fairly  detailed 
resume  of  the  Company's  activities  in  Guinea  and  the  West  Indies  since  1695. 
See  Comp.  ProL,  1697-173/f. 

^^  Lorentz  to  Directors  (October  12,  1698),  Gov.  C.  B.,  169^-1700. 

"  See  Appendix  J,  pp.  320-326. 


THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       147 

on  the  Guinea  coast  made  the  disappointment  of  the  owners  all 
the  keener, ^^ 

Before  the  news  of  this  partial  failure  reached  them,  the 
directors  had  arranged  for  the  purchase  in  Holland  of  another 
vessel,  for  which  a  cargo  valued  at  30,000  rdl.  was  planned. 
Ten  thousand  rixdollars  were  to  be  invested  in  slaves,  the  re- 
mainder in  other  Guinea  products,  presumably  ivory,  gold, 
palm  oil,  and  the  like.^*  The  new  ship,  called  Christian  V,  had 
to  be  fitted  out  by  the  wealthier  shareholders  on  their  personal 
credit,  for  the  others  were  in  no  mood  for  paying  further  assess- 
ments. This  second  ship  left  for  Guinea  in  August,  1698.  It 
fared  rather  better  than  the  first,  for  Captain  Grabner  succeeded 
in  July,  1699,  in  bringing  into  St.  Thomas  harbor  three  hundred 
and  fifty-three  slaves,  almost  two-thirds  of  the  number  taken 
on  in  Africa.  ^^  About  this  time  the  Company  managed  to  take 
over  Lerke's  share  in  the  Copenhagen  Bourse,  paying  7,800  rdl. 
for  it.-" 

The  Danes  were  not  alone  in  this  attempt  to  supply  a  market 
that  had  been  starved  during  a  general  European  war.  The 
Dutch  at  Curasao  immediately  prepared  to  resume  the  business 
with  the  Spanish  Main  which  had  been  seriously  interrupted 
by  the  war.  Peace  had  scarcely  been  proclaimed  before  the 
Dutch  magazines  there  were  filled  with  Spanish-American  goods 
that  had  been  paid  for  largely  in  African  slaves.  The  English 
parliament  passed  a  bill  modifying  the  monopoly  of  the  slave 
trade  in  favor  of  private  traders  for  not  less  than  thirteen  years 
beginning  with  June  24,  1698.-^ 

2'  In  the  investigation  instituted  by  the  St.  Thomas  governor  and  his  council, 
the  captain,  Innes  Petersen,  seems  to  have  been  absolved  from  responsibility. 
The  same  captain  lost  in  his  next  voyage  three  hundred  of  a  total  of  five  hundred 
and  thirty-eight  slaves.  Landsprof.  for  Si.  Th.,  169^-1711  (October  6,  1698). 
See  Appendix  J. 

2<  Comp.  Prot.,  1697-173^  (April  29.  1698). 

^^  See  Appendix  J. 

2"  Comp.  Prof.,  1697-1734  (June  9,  1699). 

2'  The  Royal  African  Company  was  merely  to  keep  up  the  forts  and  castles 
and  was  to  receive  a  ten  per  cent,  duty  on  all  goods  imported  to  Guinea  and  five 
and  ten  per  cent,  on  certain  goods  exported.  Gold,  silver,  and  negroes  went  out 
duty-free.  But  the  market  was  so  large  and  the  po.ssibilities  for  profitable 
agriculture  so  vast  that  the  demand  was  not  easily  satisfied.    After  the  suppres- 


148  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

When  the  report  spread  through  the  islands  that  the  Danish 
governor  was  expecting  a  slave-ship  to  arrive,  a  Jamaica  trader 
sent  word  to  St.  Thomas  that  he  would  like  to  invest  30,000 
rdl.  in  slaves  if  the  governor  would  guarantee  their  delivery  at 
a  certain  time.^  This  the  latter  was  unable  to  do,  so  that  when 
the  expected  slave  cargo  did  arrive  he  had  to  employ  a  local 
merchant  to  take  the  surplus  slaves  to  Hispaniola  and  the  sur- 
rounding islands.  ^^ 

A  very  considerable  share  of  the  negroes  sold  at  St.  Thomas 
were  brought  in  by  interlopers.^''  Unless  its  treasury  happened 
to  be  empty,  the  Company  rarely  permitted  planters  to  buy 
directly  from  the  slave  captain,  and  never  allowed  slaves  to 
be  landed  without  charging  an  import  duty, — usually  four  per 
cent.  This  duty  or  "recognition"  was  as  a  rule  paid  in  natura, 
which  in  a  cargo  of  men,  women,  and  children  of  assorted  sizes 
often  required  some  ingenious  calculations.  The  selling  price 
varied  from  twenty -five  to  one  hundred  per  cent,  above  the 
cost  or  wholesale  price,  according  to  market  conditions.  In  one 
of  the  agreements  with  the  Brandenburgers  it  was  stipulated 
that  either  party  might  share  with  the  other  in  the  purchase 
of  interlopers'  cargoes.  After  the  coronation  of  Frederick  I 
as  king  in  Prussia  in  1701  the  Brandenburg  African  Company 
was  left  to  its  own  fate,  and  practically  its  sole  activity  until 
its  discontinuance  in  the  reign  of  Frederick  William  I  consisted 
of  such  occasional  purchases  as  those  referred  to,  and  of  pro- 
testing if  its  rights  appeared  to  have  been  transgressed  or 
ignored. 

The  distribution  of  slaves  to  other  islands  was  usually  done 
by  traders  from  those  islands.  The  keen  trader,  hearing  of  the 
approaching  arrival  of  a  cargo  from  Guinea  would  hasten  to 
St.  Thomas,  if  business  conditions  would  warrant  it,  and  wait 
there  for  weeks  in  order  to  get  the  first  chance  at  buying  a 

sion  of  the  buccaneers,  Jamaica  in  particular  progressed  rapidly  in  its  plantation 
life.  Lorentz  to  Directors  (January  22,  1698),  C.  B.  169^-1700;  W.  R.  Scott, 
Joint-Stock  Companies  to  1720  (3  v.,  Cambridge,  1910-1912),  II,  23. 

28  Lorentz  to  Directors  (January  22,  1698),  C.  B.,  169^-1700. 

^  In  this  way  Peter  Smith  took  a  batch  of  forty-four  negroes  off  on  his  bark,  on 
condition  of  receiving  half  the  profits. 

^^  Appendix  J. 


THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       149 

slave  cargo.  The  local  St.  Thomas  traders  frequently  bought 
considerable  numbers  of  negroes  for  customers  in  other  islands. 
Some  good-sized  fortunes  were  built  up  at  St.  Thomas  during 
the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession  in  just  this  way. 

The  following  summary  taken  from  the  Company's  journals 
kept  at  the  St.  Thomas  factory  indicates  how  the  Company 
disposed  of  one  entire  cargo.  On  July  8,  1710,  a  Zeeland  inter- 
loper, Captain  David  Diniesen,  sold  the  following  slaves  to  the 
Danish  company: 


134  men 

=  ISitPies^de  Indies 

26  women 

=    26 

11  "2/3  boys" 

=      71/3 

20  "1/2  boys" 

=    10 

2  "2/3  girls" 

=      11/3 

5  "1/2  girls" 

=      21/2 

2  "1/3  boys  ' 

2/3 

200  head  =  181  5/6  Pies  de  Indies 

at  65  rdl.  =  11,819  rdL,  1  mark. 


RECEIPTS  (in  the  order  of  purchase) 


Rdl. 

Rdl. 

Rdl. 

Rdl. 

Date       Number 

"rice  each  Total 

Date 

Number 

Price  each 

Total 

July  10     2  "1/2  boys' 

50 

100 

July 

12 

3  men 

100 

300 

1  "1/2  boy" 

50 

2  "2/3  boys 

85 

170 

1  "1/2  girl" 

50 

9  men 

100 

900 

1  "1/2  boy" 

60 

1  man 

100 

1  "1/2  boy" 

65 

l"l/2  girl" 

55 

1  "1/2  boy" 

60 

1  "2/3  girl" 

85 

1  "1/2  boy" 

00 

3  men 

100 

300 

8  "1/2  boys' 

60 

480 

2  women 

100 

200 

1  "1/2  boy" 

40 

24  men 

100 

2400 

1  "l/2bov" 

60 

3  women 

100 

300 

1  "1/2  girl" 

60 

1  "1/3  boy" 

33  1/3 

2  "2/3  boys' 

90 

180 

1  "1/2  boy" 

45 

1  "2/3  boy" 

100 

5  men 

100 

500 

1  "2/3  girl" 

90 

July 

14 

1  man 

100 

2  "1/2  boys' 

60 

120 

July 

26 

8  men 

100 

800 

1"  1/2  girl" 

60 

2  women 

100 

200 

4  "2/3  boys' 

75 

300 

37  men 

100 

3700 

1  "1/2  boy" 

60 

4  women 

100 

400 

1  "  1/2  boy" 

00 

Aug. 

M 

20  men 

100 

2000 

4  men 

100 

400 

9  men 

100 

900 

1  woman 

100 

8  women 

100 

800 

4  men 

100 

400 

Sept. 

19 

1  "2/3  boy" 
Totals 

. 187  head 

80 
14.443  1/2  rdl. 

Expetiditures: 

Provisions  from  July  10  to  August  31 ...  .  140  rdl.,  1  mark. 
Losses: 

From  July  10  to  November  8,  7  negro  men  died  and  were  debited  on  the  books  at  65  rdl. 
each. 

Summing  up: 

No.  of  negroes  sold  by  September  19 ... .  187 

"      "        "       dying  before  sale 7 

"     "         "       unaccounted  for 6 

Total  bought 200 


150  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Total  receipts  from  negro  sales 14,443  1/3  rdl. 

Total  cost  of  negroes 11,959  1/G 

Purchase  price 11,819 

Food 140  1/6 

11,959  1/C     

Net  profit 2,484  1/6  rdl. 

2,48476  -^  11,959V6  =  20^/io,  the  percentage  of  net  profit  on 
the  cargo,  according  to  the  books,  exclusive  of  current  ex- 
penses. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  cargo  was  sold  mainly  in  small 
lots,  that  the  Pies  de  Indies  had  no  definite  relation  to  the  price 
except  in  the  case  of  the  full-grown  negroes,  and  that  the  cargo 
was  practically  disposed  of  within  five  weeks.  The  larger  lots 
were  sold  mainly  to  government  officials  who  knew  the  intrica- 
cies of  the  business  and  were  often  able  to  take  advantage  of 
the  situation  to  their  own  profit. ^^ 

The  prices  of  slaves,  wholesale  and  retail,  during  the  War  of 
the  Spanish  Succession  afford  a  good  trade  barometer  for  St. 
Thomas.  Denmark  was  neutral,  and  in  a  better  position  than 
in  the  previous  war  to  reap  the  advantages  of  neutrality.  From 
45  and  80  rdl.  in  1702,  the  wholesale  and  retail  prices  respectively 
rose  by  1704  to  60  and  100  rdl.  and  three  years  later  to  80  and 
100  rdl.  The  highest  point  seems  to  have  been  reached  in 
1714,  when  slaves  sold  at  St.  Thomas  for  120  rdl.  each.  This 
price  is  excelled  in  1722  by  a  cargo  that  brought  125  rdl.  per 
head. 

Business  conditions  at  St.  Thomas,  which  were  evidently 
stimulated  by  Denmark-Norway's  neutral  position  during  the 
Spanish  Succession  War,  suffered  a  slump  after  its  close.  Not 
until  the  end  of  the  Northern  War  (the  treaty  of  Nystadt  was 
concluded  between  Sweden  and  Russia  in  1721)  when  Sweden 
had  been  reduced  to  a  second-rate  power,  do  commercial  condi- 
tions in  the  Danish  islands,  as  evidenced  by  the  state  of  the 
slave  trade,  begin  to  show  improvement.  During  the  years 
preceding  the  conclusion  of  peace  with  Denmark  (1720)  the  St. 
Thomas  government  prepared  itself  more  than  once  to  resist 
a  rumored  Swedish  attack.^^    The  depredations  of  pirates,  re- 

"  See  below,  p.  191. 

»2  Udtog  af  Secrd-Raad.s  Prot.,  1710-20  (August  5,  1715;  June  22,  1716). 
Martfeldt  MSS..  Vol.  VI. 


THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       151 

viving  difficulties  with  the  Spanish  neighbors  of  St.  Thomas, 
compHcations  with  the  English  in  the  Leeward  Islands  because 
of  Danish  occupation  of  St.  John,  and  the  peculations  of  its 
local  officials,  combined  to  make  the  position  of  the  Danish 
company  and  its  colonists  extremely  uncertain.  Besides,  this 
was  a  period  of  hard  times  when  the  St.  Thomas  government 
supplied  the  lack  of  coin  by  issues  of  paper  money.  In  attempt- 
ing to  account  for  the  business  depression  the  St.  Thomas  au- 
thorities were  inclined  to  place  the  emphasis  upon  the  ruin  of  the 
formerly  lucrative  trade  with  Spanish  America.^^  The  planters 
on  the  other  hand  were  convinced  that  the  Company's  officials 
at  St.  Thomas  and  those  directing  the  Company's  policy  were 
responsible  for  the  changed  conditions. •^''  Certain  it  is  that  the 
loss  of  the  principal  foreign  market  and  the  disappearance  of 
hard  cash  were  bound  to  affect  all  forms  of  business  and  partic- 
ularly the  slave  trade,  which  was  very  difficult  to  carry  on 
except  on  a  cash  basis,  and  which  required  considerable  suras 
for  its  successful  prosecution.  To  be  forced  to  wait  until  crops 
matured  and  then  to  find  themselves  face  to  face  with  a  variety 
of  petty  local  restrictions,  was  the  prospect  that  awaited  the 
traders  who  attempted  to  carry  on  business  at  St.  Thomas  on 
a  barter  basis. 

The  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company  seems  rarely  if 
ever  to  have  had  more  than  two  ships  at  a  time  on  the  Copen- 
hagen-Guinea-West India  run.  Dutch  interlopers  furnished 
far  greater  numbers  of  slaves  for  the  St.  Thomas  market  than  the 
Danish  Company.^^  In  view  of  the  expertness  and  daring  of 
the  ubiquitous  Dutch  trader  it  was  not  necessary  to  invest 
much  of  the  Company's  capital  in  slave-ships  except  when  the 
Dutch  slavers  failed  to  appear.  As  a  rule  the  St.  Thomas  au- 
thorities had  only  to  await  the  arrival  of  a  cargo  which  they 
could  accept  or  refuse  as  they  saw  fit  according  to  the  condition 
of  the  slaves  and  the  state  of  the  market. 

During  the  years  from  1697  to  1733, — that  is,  from  the  time 

"  Governor  and  Council  to  Directors  (August  10,  1714),  B.  &  D..  17H-17. 
^*  The  commission  sent  over  by  St.  Thomas  planters  in  1715  in  order  to  bring 
about  certain  changes  in  policy  is  dealt  with  in  Chapter  IX. 
^^  See  Appendix  J. 


I5i  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

the  Company  began  the  Guinea- West  India  trade  on  its  own 
account  until  the  directors  voted  for  its  discontinuance, — the 
Company  lost  not  fewer  than  eight  ships.  The  greater  number 
of  these  were  employed  in  the  Guinea  as  well  as  in  the  West 
India  carrying  trade.  The  total  number  owned  by  the  Company 
at  one  time  or  another  in  this  period  amounted  only  to  twenty.^® 
The  following  resume  of  the  losses  will  show  their  approximate 
extent: 

The  Guldenlew,  intended  for  the  Copenhagen-St.  Thomas 
run,  was  lost  at  Lessoe,  off  the  Norwegian  coast,  on  Novem- 
ber 20,  1702. 

The  Cronprincen  (the  Croion  Prince)  was  lost  at  Isle  de  Prince 
in  the  Guinea  gulf  on  May  31,  1706,  through  the  explosion  of  its 
powder  magazine  while  en  route  from  Guinea  to  St.  Thomas. 
Only  five  on  board  were  saved  of  whom  three  eventually  reached 
Denmark. 

The  Christian  V  and  Frederick  IV  left  Guinea  on  May  29, 
1709,  with  a  rich  cargo  of  gold  and  slaves.  Both  of  them  missed 
St.  Thomas  and  were  wrecked  in  the  Bay  of  Honduras  on 
March  7,  1710.  The  Spaniards  confiscated  their  cargoes  and 
brought  them  to  Porto  Bello. 

The  Christiansfort,  while  on  its  way  to  Copenhagen  from 
Bergen  where  it  had  been  forced  to  winter,  was  lost  with  its 
West  Indian  cargo  at  Hoje  Wserde  March  2-3,  1713. 

The  Jomjru  Alette  was  captured  on  October  31,  1717,  by  a 
Swedish  privateer,  while  on  its  way  from  Norway  to  Copenhagen 
with  a  West  India  cargo. 

The  Salvator  Mundi  was  wrecked,  August  15,  1729,  on 
Anegada  reef  near  Virgin  Gorda  while  en  route  from  St.  Thomas 
to  Copenhagen  with  a  return  cargo. 

The  Christiansborg  was  wrecked  in  the  Cattegat  on  its  return 
from  St.  Thomas  on  September  17,  1730. 

During  the  decade  preceding  the  purchase  of  St.  Croix  (1733) 
the  policy  to  be  pursued  with  regard  to  the  slave  trade  was  an 
all  absorbing  question  at  the  meetings  of  the  stockholders. 
In  their  instructions  of  November  16,  1723,  the  directors  had 
specifically  sought  to  encourage  private  traders  to  sell  their 
»«  Vest.  Reg.,  1699-1746;  Manager  MS.,  110  et  seq. 


THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       153 

slaves  at  the  St.  Thomas  factory.^^  Four  years  later  Frederick 
Holmsted  who  had  been  employed  as  bookkeeper  in  the  Com- 
pany's Copenhagen  office  for  about  twenty  years  advised  the 
directors  against  the  Company's  active  participation  in  the 
slave  trade,  but  his  advice  was  not  heeded.  From  1728  to  1733, 
inclusive,  the  Company  made  a  vigorous  attempt  to  revive  its 
Guinea- West  Indian  commerce.  At  least  three  new  ships  were 
put  into  active  commission,  and  about  200,000  rdl.  according 
to  Holmsted's  account  were  sunk  in  the  venture,  but  with  no 
prospect  of  the  Company's  being  able  to  pay  interest  on  more 
than  half  of  that  sum.  When  the  directors  and  chief  stock- 
holders met  in  February,  1734,  there  ensued  a  heated  debate 
as  to  whether  or  not  the  Company  should  continue  the  trade. 
In  this  discussion  there  seems  to  have  been  no  mention  of 
humanitarian  or  religious  arguments,  the  sole  question  being 
one  of  dividends.  The  news  of  the  arrival  of  the  Laarhurg 
Galley  at  St.  Thomas  with  only  two  hundred  forty- two  of  her 
original  cargo  of  four  hundred  forty-three  slaves  ^  was  used 
with  telling  effect  by  those  who  opposed  the  continued  partici- 
pation of  the  Company  in  the  slave  trade.  These  opposition 
leaders  included  three  directors  ^^  and  three  "  chief  sharehold- 
ers" '^^  (Hovedparticipanter) .  In  the  written  argument  drawn  up 
by  these  men  is  included  the  following  estimate  of  moneys  ex- 
pended and  received  in  connection  with  the  Laarhurg  Galley, 
which  statement  they  assert  to  be  a  "proper  and  true  rela- 
tion" of  how  matters  really  stood. ^^ 

The  ship  Laarhurg  Galley  has  cost 7,683  rdl.  4  sk. 

Repairs  and  equipment 12,881    "   3  m.  15 

Cargo  .  .  .  and  insurance  on  slaves 31,066    "   5  "   13 

Interest  on  ship  and  equipment  from  date  of  sailing  to 

return,  and  of  cargo  ...  at  only  6  per  cent 3,922    "   3 

Total  cost  of  expedition 55,554  rdl.  1  m. 

"  Holmsted's  "Deduction"  (February  4,  1734),  Co.  Prob..  1697-173^.    Cf.  also 
Host  64  et  seq. 

^8  B.  &  D..  1732-3h  (May  8,  1733). 

"  Blome,  Holmsted,  Klauman. 

*°  C.  A.  von  Plessen,  Dose,  Kreyer. 

"  Deduction  og  Voto  (February  25,  1734),  Corny.  Prot.,  1697-173^. 


154  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

On  the  other  hand,  there  should  be  deducted  for  deteriora- 
tion of  ship 5,000  rdl. 

Profit  on  gold  and  other  goods.  .  .3,157  rdl.  4  m.  10  sk. 

Freight  which   ship   should   earn 

from  St.  Thomas  hither 4.110     "   2"      6" 

7,268    "    1  m. 


12,268  rdl.  1  m. 
Delivered   to   Fort    Christians- 

borg  surplus  of  various  goods 

from   the   ship,    which   with 

usual  10  per  cent,  advance  for 

freight  amounts  to 14,281  rdl.  4  m.  14  sk. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  ship  has 

taken  slaves,  etc.,  at  the  fort 

for 3,976    " 


Leaving 10,305  rdl.  4  ra.  14  tk. 

An  order  (Assignation)  for  which  is  to  be  redeemed  at 

Cape  Coast 1,608    "   3  " 

Slaves  on  St.  Thomas  have  been  sold  for  goods,  in  part 

for  50  per  cent,  above  the  cash  price 26,658    "    3  "      6 

To  balance  account 16    "  8  " 


Total 50,857  rdl.  8  sk. 

The  advocates  of  Company  participation  in  the  slave  trade 
had  used  figures  based  on  the  Laarburg  Galley's  last  voyage  as  an 
argument  in  support  of  their  views, 

"According  to  the  figures  we  have  quoted,"  ran  in  effect  the 
arguments  of  the  opponents  of  slave-trade  under  the  Company, 
"there  is  a  loss,  up  to  the  time  of  the  ship's  return,  of  but  (sic) 
4,697  rdl.,  4  sk.  on  this  voyage,  which  with  one  exception  is  the 
most  fortunate  of  twenty  voyages  which  have  been  undertaken. 
It  must  at  best  be  called  a  bad  business,  when  so  considerable 
a  capital  as  over  50,000  rdl.  must  be  furnished  and  is  expected 
to  yield  interest  while  it  is  being  risked  in  the  waters  of  three 
continents,  and,  after  all  that,  is  still  unable  to  make  a  better 
showing  to  the  stockliolders." 

The  \'ictory  of  the  opposition  was  decisive.  In  the  final 
vote  eighty-five  out  of  a  possible  one  hundred  and  thirty-four 
votes  were  registered  against  the  Company's  continuing  in  the 


THE  SLAVE  TRADE  IN  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES       155 

slave  trade,  and  only  twenty-two  in  favor  of  it.  Twenty-seven 
refrained  from  voting.  The  votes  of  the  royal  family  were  among 
the  majority.  The  slave  trade  was  formally  thrown  open  to  sub- 
jects in  the  Danish  West  Indies  who  might  wish  to  participate 
by  a  royal  mandate  issued  April  25,  1734.  The  directors  fixed 
a  duty  of  eight  rixdollars  on  slaves  brought  to  St.  Thomas  and 
half  that  sum  on  those  brought  to  St.  Croix.'*-  Since  this  con- 
cession to  freedom  in  trade  failed  to  bring  about  the  hoped-for 
increase,  the  trade  was  thrown  open  to  all  Danish  subjects, 
whether  they  lived  in  home  lands  or  in  the  colonies.  The  re- 
sults were  just  encouraging  enough  to  make  it  worth  while  for 
the  Company  to  enter  into  an  agreement  with  private  merchants 
and  shipowners  on  December  3,  1745,  with  a  view  to  preventing 
needless  competition  and  duplication  of  eflFort.  Finally,  in 
1747,  a  plan  was  formulated  and  put  into  operation  which  re- 
sulted in  the  Company's  virtually  absorbing  the  private  inter- 
ests. The  reorganization  of  the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea 
Company  under  the  "Convention  of  1747"  marks  the  last 
stage  of  the  slave  trade  as  a  field  of  investment  for  that  Com- 
pany. An  attempt  was  made  to  correct  some  of  the  more 
common  abuses  connected  with  the  Guinea  trade.  Captains 
and  oflScers  were  forbidden  under  severe  penalty  to  take  slaves 
on  board  on  their  own  account,  and  by  way  of  encouragement  to 
large  cargoes  a  progressive  bounty  was  provided,  beginning 
with  7  rdl.  and  rising  to  20  rdl.  for  each  slave  above  three  hun- 
dred.''^^ 

But  the  years  that  elapsed  before  the  king  took  over  the 
Company's  holdings  in  1754  were  too  few  to  permit  of  any  ex- 
tensive development.  It  became  clearer  and  clearer  after  1750 
that  the  days  of  the  Company  were  numbered;  consequently 
it  was  more  important  for  the  latter  to  conserve  its  resources 
than  to  divert  them  Into  uncertain  channels. 

So  long  as  men's  ideas  of  human  rights  suffered  no  substantial 
change,  and  so  long  as  the  demand  for  sugar  and  cotton  made 
it  profitable  to  raise  those  products,  just  so  long  would  there  be 
a  demand  for  slave  labor  on  the  West  Indian  plantations.     The 

«  Manager  MS.,  174. 

"  Trykte  Octroyer  .  .  .  for  1760  (Mandate  of  October  14,  1747). 


156  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

labor  problem  as  it  appeared  to  the  merchants  and  statesmen 
who  were  called  upon  to  solve  it  was  merely  one  of  method ;  for 
African  slaves  remained  in  the  eighteenth,  as  they  had  been  in 
the  seventeenth,  century  "the  strength  and  sinews  of  this 
western  world."  They  were  indeed  the  chief  agency  that  fur- 
nished the  wealth,  for  the  control  of  which  European  nations 
were  willing  to  throw  down  the  gage  of  conflict  and  usher  in 
titanic  wars.  In  fact,  no  small  part  of  those  resources  which 
were  dissolved  in  the  smoke  of  eighteenth-century  European 
battlefields  was  extracted  from  fertile  West  Indian  plantations 
of  cotton  and  cane  by  the  sweat  of  the  negro's  brow. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER 

Few  indeed  are  the  negroes  in  America  who  are  able  to  tell 
from  what  part  of  Africa  their  ancestors  came  or  to  what  tribe 
they  belonged.  Though  they  have  every'  "prospect  of  pos- 
terity" the  sources  by  which  they  might  develop  a  "pride  of 
ancestry"  are  shrouded  in  impenetrable  mystery.  Which  of 
his  forbears  came  from  Calabar  or  Loango,  from  the  El  Mina 
tribe  or  from  Madagascar,  it  would  be  next  to  impossible  for 
any  negro  to  tell,  and  the  problem  would  certainly  tax  the  in- 
genuity of  the  most  skilful  genealogist.  Yet  the  black  popula- 
tion was  as  varied  in  its  way  as  the  white.  Besides  the  brand 
of  the  importing  company  and  the  owner  there  might  be  found 
on  the  imported  negroes  ^  in  any  plantation  colony  the  tattoo 
marks  and  slashings  that  were  peculiar  to  tribes  of  many  differ- 
ent characters,  scattered  along  the  African  coast  from  Senegal 
to  Loango.  These  imported  negroes  were  drawn  from  all  sta- 
tions of  life  in  their  native  land.  Their  numbers  embraced 
rich  and  poor,  haughty  chiefs  and  humble  retainers.  Not  in- 
frequently had  a  chief  been  forced  to  sell  some  of  his  own  numer- 
ous wives  that  he  might  keep  his  contract  with  a  punctilious 
trader,-  A  negro  who  had  been  accustomed  to  rule  in  his  na- 
tive land  was  not  unlikely  to  prefer  death  to  bondage.  If  he 
was  landed  alive  he  might  be  expected  to  make  trouble  for  his 
owner  by  running  away  or  by  stirring  up  rebellion  among  his 
fellows.  Freshly  imported  slaves  were  distributed  among  the 
older  and  the  native-born  slaves  in  order  that  the  problem  of 
adjustment  to  the  new  condition  of  servitude  might  be  ren- 
dered less  acute.  But  the  period  of  "apprenticeship,"  during 
which  the  raw  laborer  had  to  be  broken  in  to  the  routine  of  his 
task,  must  always  have  been  trying  both  for  slave  and  owner. 

^  Called  Bosai  negroes  by  the  Danes  and  Dutch. 
2  Oldendorp,  Udlog  .  .  .  (Kjobenhavn,  1784),  Part  1,  p.  179. 
U57  ] 


158  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

The  status  of  the  negro  was  not  fixed  by  any  single  "black 
code,"  but  was  determined  by  a  series  of  laws  passed  by  the 
colonial  authorities  from  time  to  time.  These  regulative 
mandates  began  to  appear  before  1700  and  became  more  severe 
as  the  ratio  of  negro  to  white  population  increased.  When 
there  were  three  adult  whites  for  each  five  adult  slaves,  as  was 
the  case  in  1691,  there  was  obviously  little  difficulty;  but  when 
there  came  to  be  not  fewer  than  eight  full-grown  slaves  for  each 
adult  white  person,  as  was  the  ratio  indicated  by  the  census  re- 
ports made  in  1720  and  1725,  the  situation  became  vastly  more 
complicated.  With  the  increasing  size  of  the  plantations  ^ 
absentee  landlordism  became  more  general,  a  larger  number  of 
planters  was  forced  to  resort  to  white  managers,  and  in  many 
instances  the  supervision  of  the  slaves  was  left  to  negro  drivers.* 
The  local  government  often  found  it  difficult  to  impress  upon 
the  planters  the  urgent  need  of  keeping  close  watch  upon  their 
slaves. 

Upon  an  owner's  taking  possession  of  a  plantation,  his  first 
care  was  to  have  his  negroes  clear  a  plot  of  ground  and  plant 
such  things  as  maize,  yams,  sweet  potatoes,  beans  and  cassava 
upon  it.  The  negroes  were  expected  to  raise  all  their  own  food, 
except  for  such  low-grade  fish  or  defective  Irish  beef  as  might  be 
allotted  to  them  when  the  food  supply  ran  short. ^  A  very  few 
plantations  were  devoted  mainly  to  "provisions,"  particularly 
on  St.  Thomas,  but  never  to  exceed  four  per  cent,  of  the  total 
number.^  In  course  of  time  each  negro  or  negro  family  was 
allotted  a  plot  of  ground,  and  not  infrequently  the  negroes 
were  permitted  to  sell  the  surplus  for  themselves. 

In  the  busy  season  the  negroes'  working  day  was  long  and 
hard,  though  no  harder  than  the  lot  of  many  a  white  farm  hand 
of  to-day  in  the  Mississippi  valley  during  the  harvest  and 
threshing  season.     At  about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  the 

'  The  size  of  the  average  plantation  on  St.  Thomas  in  1725  was  nearly  twice 
that  in  1691. 

*  Usually  referred  to  as  Bomba  negroes. 

«Bredal  to  Directors  (.July  8,  1718),  B.  &  D..  1717-30.  Provisions  are 
generally  referred  to  as  Kaast  or  Cost  in  the  documents. 

^  In  1725,  out  of  a  total  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-seven  plantations  on  St. 
Thomas,  seven  were  used  for  producing  provisions.    €J.  Appendix  H,  p.  318. 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  159 

negro  driver,  or  bomba,  would  rouse  the  sleeping  slaves  by 
ringing  a  bell  or  blowing  a  tuttue,  or  conch  shell.  The  working 
day  began  at  daybreak,  and  at  eight  or  nine  o'clock  they  were 
allowed  half  an  hour  in  the  field  for  a  breakfast  consisting  of 
corn  bread  and  salt  meat  with  perhaps  a  little  sugar-cane  juice 
if  rations  were  short.  The  noon  intermission  from  twelve  to 
half  past  one  gave  them  a  chance  to  prepare  their  meal  and  to 
rest  during  the  fierce  midday  heat.  The  day's  work  usually 
ended  at  sundown,  though  in  harvest  season  they  often  con- 
tinued until  nine  or  ten  in  the  evening  feeding  live-stock,  carry- 
ing wood  to  cook-house  and  water  to  cisterns  and  distilleries. 
Saturday  afternoons  and  Sundays  they  had  to  themselves. 

The  constant  influx  of  fresh  bosal  negroes  from  Guinea 
helped  to  keep  alive  the  negroes'  native  customs  and  super- 
stitions. Witches  were  especially  dreaded.  The  glance  of  a 
witch  into  the  eyes  of  a  new-born  babe  was  believed  to  be  likely 
to  take  away  its  breath  and  to  cause  it  to  die.  A  hungry  witch 
might  even  devour  an  infant  that  was  not  protected  from  its 
gaze.  The  chief  influence  that  helped  to  eradicate  these  be- 
liefs was  the  presence  of  the  Moravian  missionaries.  Despite 
bitter  opposition  from  local  officials  as  well  as  from  planters, 
they  kept  up  their  beneficent  labors  from  the  time  of  their  first 
landing  in  1733  until  they  became  a  permanent  factor  in  the 
life  of  the  islands.  They  labored  incessantly,  whether  in  the 
fields  or  in  the  meeting  houses,  to  teach  the  simple,  ignorant 
slaves  the  precepts  of  Christ.^  After  over  two  decades  of 
Moravian  missionary  efforts  the  Danish  Lutheran  church  finally 
established  a  regular  mission  on  the  islands  in  1755. 

Respect  for  the  property  of  others  was  not  a  virtue  to  which 
the  West  Indian  slave  could  truthfully  lay  claim;  hence  the 
various  repressive  measures  by  which  the  local  authorities 
attempted  to  check  the  vending  of  goods  by  negroes  except 
when  written  permission  had  been  granted  by  their  owners.^ 

^  The  classic  account  of  early  Moravian  missionary  efforts  in  the  West  Indies 
is  that  of  Oldendorp  (q.  v.)  which  forms  the  basis  for  the  earlier  pages  of  H. 
Lawaetz's  Brddremenighedens  Mission  i  Dansk-Vestindien  (Kbbenhavn,  1902). 

^  The  first  of  these  appears  to  have  been  issued  March  29,  1C88,  by  Adolph 
Esmit.     Cf.  Governors'  Orders,  Bancroft  Collection;  Marljeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  I, 


160  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Such  goods  were  too  frequently  found  to  have  been  stolen  from 
the  slave's  owner  or  from  some  neighboring  planter. 

The  planters'  most  constant  difficulty  was  with  runaways. 
Although  St.  Thomas  was  but  a  small  island,  it  did  not  reach 
its  maximum  cultivation  until  towards  the  end  of  the  first 
quarter  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  result  was  that  with  the 
increasing  severity  that  accompanied  the  development  of  the  St. 
Thomas  plantations,  slaves  were  constantly  disappearing  into 
the  "bush"  or  wild  forest.  In  order  to  cope  with  this  problem 
the  planters  were  early  organized  into  a  sort  of  militia  whose 
members  were  assigned  to  do  duty,  either  on  horseback  or  on 
foot,  in  the  various  parts  of  the  island.  This  planter-police 
was  especially  useful  during  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession 
in  guarding  against  raids  on  St.  Thomas  plantations  by  lawless 
elements  from  among  the  belligerents.^  Not  infrequently  hunts 
for  runaways  (maron-negers)  were  organized  in  which  slaves 
who  could  be  trusted  were  employed  to  do  the  rough  work. 

The  chief  means  of  communication  between  the  more  remote 
and  inaccessible  plantations  and  the  harbor  on  the  south  side 
was  by  canoe.  The  mountainous  character  of  the  island  and 
the  torrential  downpours  to  which  it  was  subject  rendered  the 
making  and  repairing  of  roads  a  costly  matter;  but  the  numer- 
ous "bays"  with  their  convenient  beaches  lent  themselves 
to  the  keeping  of  canoes  and  small  sailboats.  The  latter  were 
frequently  used  by  white  men  who  with  a  few  negroes  would 
sail  off  to  Crab  Island,  for  instance,  the  best  turtle-fishing 
ground  near  St.  Thomas.  When  the  slave-hunt  in  the  bush 
became  too  successful,  it  is  not  strange  that  the  hunted  negroes, 
who  were  often  proficient  in  handling  the  canoes,  should  take 
to  the  boats  and  pull  for  Porto  Rico.  There,  just  beyond  Crab 
Island,  was  a  promised  land  from  which  rarely  indeed  was  a 
slave  returned.     The  government  at  St.  Thomas  labored  in- 

Placaierfor  St.  Thomas.  The  preceding  paragraphs  on  negro  life  on  the  planta- 
tions are  drawn  mainly  from  an  article  by  J.  C.  Schmidt,  an  employee  on  the 
Princess  plantation  owned  by  Governor-General  Schimmelman.  It  appeared 
in  Samleren  for  1788  (2.  B.)  under  the  title  Blandede  Anmcerkninger,  samlede 
paa  og  over  Ejlandet  St.  Kroix  i  Amerika. 

9  In  Kopihogfor  St.  Thoma.f,  1703-15  (July  22,  1704)  is  a  list  of  the  various 
planters,  etc.,  with  their  duties  and  places  to  which  they  were  assigned. 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  161 

cessantly  to  prevent  an  exodus  of  slaves  from  the  island.  From 
the  days  of  John  Lorentz  to  the  end  of  the  Company's  career, 
numerous  ordinances,  mandates,  and  the  like  were  issued  cau- 
tioning planters  to  keep  their  canoes  chained  up,  and  threaten- 
ing them  with  fines  and  worse  if  they  failed  to  obey.^" 

The  question  of  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves  formed  during 
the  greater  part  of  the  history  of  the  Company  the  principal 
theme  of  the  relations  between  St.  Thomas  and  Porto  Rico. 
The  instances  where  slaves  fled  from  Porto  Rico  to  St.  Thomas 
were  so  exceedingly  few  that  it  is  impossible  to  escape  the  con- 
clusion that  the  St.  Thomas  planters,  with  their  more  intensive 
cultivation  and  their  desire  to  gain  a  competence  in  a  short 
time,  treated  their  slaves  far  more  harshly  than  the  Spanish 
planters.  ^^  The  Spanish  argument  for  refusing  the  return  of 
fugitive  slaves  was  rather  ingenuous  in  that  they  held  that  the 
slaves  came  over  to  be  baptized.  In  a  claim  against  the  Spanish 
nation  made  out  in  the  Company's  office  in  Copenhagen  in 
1745  and  evidently  intended  for  use  by  the  Danish  envoy  at 
Madrid,  the  number  of  slaves  that  had  escaped  from  both  St. 
Thomas  and  St.  Croix  to  Porto  Rico  was  fixed  at  three  hundred. 
These  were  of  course  "the  best  and  most  valuable  of  the  Com- 
pany's and  the  inhabitants'  slaves."  ^^  The  arrival  of  each  new 
Spanish  governor  became  the  signal  for  sending  over  a  deputa- 
tion from  St.  Thomas  to  congratulate  him  and  to  inquire 
whether  or  not  he  brought  with  him  orders  from  his  king  con- 
cerning the  fugitive  slaves.  Although  the  Danish  governor 
usually  sent  over  presents  in  the  form  of  table  delicacies  and 
was  offered  others  in  return,^^  he  received  no  runaway  negroes 
nor  any  equivalent  for  them.  These  claims  for  fugitive  slaves 
appear  never  to  have  been  satisfied  during  the  Company's 
existence,  and  were  indeed  not  adjusted  until  1766. 

10  Extracts  for  1703-09  (October  2,  1706),  Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI.  Numer- 
ous similar  orders  were  issued  at  later  times. 

^'  In  the  census  list  for  1715-16  occurs  the  item  "twenty-four  fugitive  slaves," 
which  seem,  however,  to  have  been  slaves  escaped  from  St.  Eustatius. 

^^  This  did  not  include  slaves  stolen  in  1702,  nor  two  shiploads  that  stranded 
on  the  Honduras  coast  in  1710.    Dir.  K.  B.,  1733-54  (May  11,  1745). 

"  See,  for  instance.  Governor  Francisco  Dania's  letter  to  Governor  Magens 
(February  10, 1709)  in  C.  B.,  1703-15.    Cf.  Alberti,  Slavehandelens  Hisiorie,  238. 


162  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

The  matter  of  doling  out  punishment  to  unruly  negroes  had 
its  serious  diflSculties.  It  early  became  apparent  that  with  the 
establishment  of  sugar  planting  as  a  fixed  industry,  the  punish- 
ment of  slaves  would  have  to  be  done  under  the  supervision 
of  the  Company's  officials.  In  theory  the  "Danish  law"  of 
Christian  V  was  supposed  to  apply,  but  the  local  officials  were 
given  considerable  leeway  in  its  administration,  with  the  result 
that  punishments  were  inflicted  pretty  much  according  to 
custom  and  necessity.  The  planter  would  recommend  what  he 
wished  done,  and  the  privy  council  with  the  governor  would 
issue  the  final  order.  One  planter's  request,  made  in  1704,  that 
a  slave  be  punished  for  running  away  by  having  his  foot  chopped 
off,  was  considered  too  severe,  so  the  poor  wretch  was  only 
"hamstrung."  ^*  Sixteen  years  later  another  negro  belonging 
to  the  same  planter  was  punished  with  the  amputation  of  a  foot, 
and  his  owner  was  reimbursed  with  an  indemnity  of  120  rdl.^'^ 
From  1720  onwards,  indemnification  of  planters  for  legally 
killed  or  injured  negroes  appears  to  have  been  regulariy  re- 
sorted to,  a  special  tax  being  levied  on  the  planters  for  that 
purpose. ^^  Occasionally  a  case  for  which  no  law  could  be  found 
to  apply  was  appealed  to  the  directors  in  Copenhagen,  and 
judgment  requested.  This  occurred  once  when  a  planter's 
daughter  had  had  illicit  relations  with  a  negro  belonging  to 
another  planter.  The  West  Indian  officials  recommended 
corporal  punishment  and  life  imprisonment  for  the  woman, 
and  burning  [alive .f^]  "according  to  the  custom  of  the  English 
and  the  Dutch"  for  the  man.  The  negro  appears  to  have 
escaped,  though  the  king's  sentence  seems  to  have  been  solemnly 
pronounced  from  the  pulpit,  both  in  the  West  Indies  and  in 
Guinea.    The  woman's  fate  is  not  revealed. ^^ 

The  privy  council  of  St.  Thomas,  itself  a  body  of  planters, 
was  naturally  incluied  to  give  the  planter  the  benefit  of  the 
doubt  when  his  relations  with  his  slaves  were  called  into  ques- 

"  L.  P..  St.  Th..  16H-1711  (April  21,  1704). 
»  N.  J.  Sot  1720  (May  18). 

'*  In  1743,  a  planter  who  thus  lost  a  slave  received  170  rdl.    Roy.  Libr., 
UldaU.  Saml,  No.  SOfol.  (October  21,  1743). 
"  P.  Manager's  note  to  Directors  (May  26,  1732).     B.  &  D..  1732-3k. 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  163 

tion.  When  in  1735  a  prominent  planter  had  shot  one  of  his 
slaves  so  that  he  died  shortly  after,  his  explanation  that  he  acted 
in  self-defense  was  accepted  without  serious  question,  though 
not  without  an  elaborate  argument  based  on  the  Mosaic  code 
and  the  king's  law.^^ 

The  many  slaves  who  must  have  been  well  cared  for  and 
humanely  treated  have  left  but  few  traces  behind  them  in  the 
records;  with  them  the  arm  of  the  law  had  little  or  nothing  to  do. 
As  in  all  plantation  societies  the  hardest  work  and  harshest 
treatment  fell  upon  the  field  slave.  In  1733,  the  very  year  in 
which  the  slave  insurrection  on  St.  John  broke  out,  the  Com- 
pany's officials  on  St.  Thomas  complained  that  it  was  nearly 
impossible  to  get  any  work  out  of  former  Governor  Suhm's  ^^ 
house  negroes,  whom  the  Company  had  taken  over,  "unless  we 
permit  them  to  seek  a  master  themselves."  ^  They  reported  at 
the  same  time  the  safe  arrival  at  St.  Thomas  of  a  negress  be- 
longing to  the  Company,  but  insisted  that  she  had  come  back 
from  Denmark  so  lazy  that  they  doubted  if  they  could  ever  get 
her  to  work  on  a  plantation  again.  "So  we  will  have  to  see," 
they  wrote,  rather  resignedly,  "how  the  Company  can  secure 
any  interest  on  that  capital,  for  to  sell  her  out  of  her  family  would 
bring  with  it  bad  consequences."  ^^  This  is  a  small  gleam,  in- 
deed, yet  it  throws  its  faint  light  upon  the  more  humane  side  of 
the  slave-owner's  nature. 

The  rum  shop  laid  its  blighting  influence  on  the  land  almost 
from  the  beginning.  Tavern  brawls  were  frequent,  and  the 
murders  and  assaults  for  which  the  taverns  furnished  the  scene 
gave  an  unpleasant  variety  to  the  judicial  labors  of  the  local 
authorities.  In  a  land  where  soldiers  received  their  regular 
allowances  of  "kill-devil"  ^^  and  where  many  of  the  slaves  were 
allotted  their  weekly  portion,  it  is  not  strange  that  ordinances 
should  have  been  issued  strictly  forbidding  tavern  keepers  or 

"  Kop.  &  Extr.  S.  P.,  St.  Tk.,  1735-52  (October  24,  1735). 
^^  Henry  Suhm  was  governor  of  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  from   1727  to 
1733.     See  Appendix  A,  p.  286. 

^  Governor,  etc.,  to  Directors  (April  16,  1733),  B.  &  D.,  1732-3i. 

"  Ibid. 

22  Gardelin  papers,  passim.,  Bancroft  Collection. 


164  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

other  inhabitants  from  selling  intoxicants  to  negroes.-^  The 
idea  that  alcoholic  drinks  helped  to  acclimatize  the  new  arrival 
had  a  firm  hold  on  the  popular  mind.  Negro  feasts  and  dances 
were  considered  a  constant  menace.  It  is  easy  to  understand 
why  the  whites  should  especially  fear  a  negro  mob  crazed  by 
drink.  The  legislative  device  of  prohibition  by  law  was  not  to 
be  seriously  applied  to  the  negro  until  after  slavery  had  ceased 
to  exist,  and  then  in  the  present  chief  home  of  the  American 
negro,  the  southern  United  States. 

Insurrection  among  its  slaves  has  always  been  considered  the 
most  terrible  experience  that  a  slave-holding  society  could 
suffer.  Whether  in  Rome  with  its  slave  risings,  in  Sicily  or  on 
the  Italian  peninsula,  in  Virginia  with  Nat  Turner,  or  in  a  sugar 
colony  in  the  West  Indies,  the  prospect  of  a  general  servile 
uprising  has  equally  alarmed  the  ruling  class.  It  was  during 
the  first  governorship  of  John  Lorentz  in  1691,  a  year  after  the 
first  serious  insurrection  reported  in  the  English  colony  of 
Jamaica,^^  that  clearly  defined  rumors  of  a  negro  plot  against 
the  whites  are  first  heard. -^  During  those  early  years,  when  the 
greater  number  of  the  slaves  on  St.  Thomas  were  native  Africans, 
it  is  not  strange  that  threats  should  have  been  breathed  against 
the  governor's  life  and  that  planters  and  Company  officials 
alike  were  constantly  on  the  lookout  for  conspiracies  among 
the  slaves.  Cruelty  on  the  part  of  an  individual  planter  was 
likely  to  be  rewarded  by  his  slaves  running  away.  Planters 
and  officials  must  have  realized  the  economic  advantages  of 
good  treatment  of  so  valuable  a  part  of  their  plantation  invest- 
ment as  their  slaves.  It  was  likely  to  require  something  more 
than  individual  cases  of  cruelty  to  bring  about  actual  insurrec- 
tion. 

The  most  persistent  motive  that  led  to  general  unrest  among 
the  slaves  was  lack  of  food.  When  months  of  drought  ruined 
the  crops  of  maize,  sweet  potatoes,  and  other  foods  which  the 

"  S.  P.,  1699-17U  (March  19,  1706);  cf.  Martfeldt  MSS..  Vol.  II  (Mandate 
of  Governor  Moth's  bound  with  Martfeldt's  notes,  dated  December  11,  1741). 

-*  Southey,  Chronological  History  of  the  British  West  Indies  (2  vols.,  London, 
1826),  II,  1.58. 

-^  Lorentz' s  Journal  (February  28,  1691). 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  1G5 

negroes  were  expected  to  raise  for  their  own  sustenance,  the 
planters  were  obliged  to  buy  provisions  from  outside  sources  if 
they  were  to  save  their  negroes'  lives  and  prevent  them  from 
rising  against  their  masters.  In  1725-1726  the  drought  was 
unusually  severe  and  protracted,  A  number  of  the  planters 
let  their  slaves  starve  to  death;  others  gave  them  extra  hol- 
idays, with  the  natural  result  that  the  blacks  stole  right  and 
left  and  became  exceedingly  diflScult  to  manage.-®  Since  open 
resistance  to  the  whites  was  the  worst  of  crimes,  it  is  not  sur- 
prising to  find  recorded  in  the  Company's  books  for  1726  that 
seventeen  slaves  distributed  among  thirteen  planters  had  been 
executed  and  were  debited  to  the  community  at  a  price  of  about 
120  rdl.  each.'^  The  planters  secured  the  equivalent  for  their 
losses  in  fresh  slaves  from  the  next  incoming  Guinea  cargo. ^^ 

In  the  time  that  elapsed  between  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession  and  1733,  when  the  first  serious  rebellion  began  in 
the  Danish  islands,  the  Northern  War  had  brought  the  activi- 
ties of  the  Company  almost  to  a  standstill.  Besides  this  the 
money  stringency  in  the  commercial  world  following  the  collapse 
of  John  Law's  Mississippi  Company  made  the  revival  of  trade 
in  the  West  Indies  very  slow.  The  Company  had  managed 
nevertheless  to  assist  a  group  of  planters  in  occupying  the  small, 
mountainous,  but  fertile  island  of  St.  John.-^  St.  Thomas 
reached  its  maximum  slave  population  and  its  maximum  num- 
ber of  plantations  during  its  government  by  the  Company, 
about  1725.  St.  John's  plantations  had  risen  from  thirty- 
nine  in  1720-1721  to  eighty-seven  plantations  containing  a 
slave  population  of  677  in  1728.  By  1733  there  were  one 
hundred  and  nine  plantations  with  one  thousand  and  eighty- 
seven  slaves  on  St.  John.  In  other  words,  there  had  been  an 
increase  of   sixty    per   cent,    in    the   number  of  slaves   dur- 

2"  5.  &  D.,  irn-S?  (November  22,  1725);  S.  P.,  St.  Tk.  (May  26,  1725); 
P.  B.  0.,  1683-1729  (December  18,  1725). 

-''  N.  J.  for  1726  (June  29).  This  may  represent  the  slaves  executed  since 
1723,  as  the  planters  were  requested  in  1725  to  send  in  lists  of  slaves  who  had 
been  condemned  to  death  or  severe  punishment  since  that  date.  Cf.  Martfcldt 
MSS.,  Vol.  I,  "Placaterfor  St.  Thomas"  (1684-1744). 

28  Mandate  of  April  12,  1725.    Martfeldt  MSS.,  I. 

^  See  above,  pp.  127-130. 


166  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ing  those  five  years,  but  of  only  twenty-five  per  cent,  in  the 
number  of  plantations.  Clearly  St.  John  was  rapidly  forg- 
ing ahead  as  a  sugar  island.  St.  Thomas,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  begun  to  decline  as  a  plantation  colony;  much 
of  its  ground  had  been  under  cultivation  for  half  a  century. 
Many  of  its  planters,  as  the  census  lists  show,  secured  planta- 
tions on  St.  John  which  they  managed  by  means  of  hired  over- 
seers, they  themselves  remaining  on  St.  Thomas.^"  The  diflSculty 
so  often  experienced  by  planters  in  securing  honest  and  capable 
managers  (Mesterknegte)  intensified  the  dangers  of  absentee 
landlordism.  It  was  not  always  possible  for  all  the  plantation 
owners  to  keep  their  plantations  supplied  with  white  overseers 
despite  the  Company's  threats  of  fines  and  confiscation. 

The  uprising  of  the  slaves  on  St.  John  began  late  in  Novem- 
ber, 1733.    During  the  spring  and  summer  preceding  there  had 


been  a  long  period  of  drought,  followed  in  July  by  a  destructive 
hurricane  which  had  inflicted  considerable  damage  upon  the 
already  suffering  crops  as  well  as  upon  buildings  and  shipping.'^ 
A  plague  of  insects  had  destroyed  many  of  the  products  of  the 
islands,  and  the  negroes  were  threatened  with  famine.  Another 
storm  in  the  early  winter  was  especially  severe  on  the  maize 
crop  on  which  the  negroes  largely  depended  for  their  food. 
In  order  to  check  the  disorders  among  slaves  which  such  a  suc- 
cession  of   disasters   naturally  encouraged,    Philip    Gardelin, 

'"  Land  Listefor  St.  Jan,  1733;  ibid,  St.  Thomas,  1733. 

' '  The  governor  and  council  reported  two  ships,  thirteen  barks,  two  schooners, 
and  two  two-masted  boats,  many  canoes,  sloops,  and  ships'  boats  to  have  been 
washed  ashore  and  practically  destroyed.  Martfcldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI,  227  et  seq. 
(July  28,  1733).  In  the  report  {Generalbrev)  sent  by  the  St.  Thomas  govern- 
ment to  the  Directors  on  June  18,  1733,  it  is  stated  that  because  of  the  drought, 
the  Company's  plantation  on  St.  John  yielded  only  sixty-two  hhd.  of  sugar, 
where  one  hundred  and  fifty  hhd.  had  been  expected.    B.  &  D.,  1732-3^. 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  167 

who  had  risen  from  the  posts  of  bookkeeper  and  merchant  for 
the  Company  at  St.  Thomas  to  the  position  of  governor,  issued 
on  September  5, 1733,  a  mandate  whose  terrible  severity  reflects 
the  prevailing  tension  between  master  and  slave.^^ 

Governor  Gardelin's  mandate  provided  that  leaders  of  run- 
aways should  be  pinched  thrice  with  red-hot  irons  and  then 
hanged.  A  negro  found  guilty  of  conspiracy  was  to  lose  a  leg, 
unless  the  owner  requested  lightening  the  sentence  to  one 
hundred  fifty  lashes  and  the  loss  of  the  negro's  ears.  Slaves 
failing  to  report  a  plot  of  which  they  had  knowledge  were  to  be 
branded  in  the  forehead  and  to  receive  one  hundred  lashes 
besides.  Informers  of  negro  plots  could  secure  cash  premiums 
and  have  their  names  kept  secret.  Runaways  caught  within 
a  week  were  to  be  punished  with  one  hundred  fifty  lashes; 
those  of  three  months'  standing  were  to  lose  a  leg;  if  they  re- 
mained away  for  six  months,  it  would  cost  them  their  fives. 
Thievery,  and  assistance  of  thieves  and  runaways,  were  to  be 
punished  by  whipping  and  branding.  A  negro  raising  his  hand 
against  a  white  man  must  be  pinched  three  times  with  a  hot 
iron;  whether  he  should  be  hanged  or  merely  lose  a  hand  was 
left  to  the  discretion  of  his  accuser.  The  testimony  of  a  reputa- 
ble white  man  against  a  negro  ordinarily  sufficed;  in  case  of 
doubt  the  negro  might  be  submitted  to  torture.  A  negro  meet- 
ing a  white  man  on  the  road  was  to  stand  aside  until  the  latter 
had  passed  him.  The  carrying  of  sticks  or  knives,  witchcraft 
among  negroes,  attempts  to  poison,  dances,  feasts  and  music, 
loitering  in  the  viUage  after  drumbeat, — all  were  provided 
against.  Free  negroes  implicated  in  runaway  plots  or  found  to 
have  encouraged  thievery  were  to  be  deprived  of  liberty  and 
property,  and  after  receiving  a  flogging,  to  be  banished  from 
the  land.  This  mandate  with  its  nineteen  paragraphs  was  to 
be  proclaimed  to  the  beat  of  drum  three  times  each  year.^^ 

'^  Host,  Efterretninger,  85  el  seq. 

"  J.  P.  Knox  {Historical  account  of  St.  Thomas,  New  York,  1852),  pp.  69  et 
seq.,  gives  a  crude,  inaccurate  translation  of  this  mandate,  dating  it  January  31, 
1733.  B.  V.  Petersen  {Historisk  Beretning.  Kjobenhavn,  1855)  pp.  49  et  seq. 
follows  Host's  summary  word  for  word,  but  uses  Knox's  date.  Cf.  Gardelin 
Order-book  (September  9,  1733),  Bancroft  Collection. 


168  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Thus  did  the  authorities  attempt  to  strike  terror  into  the  hearts 
of  the  restless,  half-famished  negro  population. 

On  Monday  afternoon,  November  23,  1733,  a  very  badly 
frightened  soldier  and  some  panic-stricken  refugees  from  St. 
John  appeared  in  the  fort  at  St.  Thomas  harbor  and  poured 
into  the  ears  of  the  astonished  governor  and  his  council  a  most 
fearful  tale.  Early  that  morning  twelve  or  fourteen  of  the 
Company's  negroes  had  come  up  the  path  on  the  mountain- 
side to  the  fort  overlooking  Coral  Bay  on  St.  John,  each  of  them 
with  an  armful  of  wood.  When  the  sentinel  shouted,  "Who  is 
there?"  he  received  the  answer,  "Negroes  with  wood,"  and 
opened  the  door.  Rushing  inside,  the  negroes  pulled  sugar- 
cane knives  (Kapmesser)  out  from  the  wood  and  murdered  the 
soldier  on  the  spot.  Meantime  other  negroes  had  assembled 
and  together  they  rushed  in  upon  the  sleeping  corporal  and  his 
six  soldiers,  killing  all  but  one  (John  Gabriel)  who  in  the  early 
twilight  managed  to  save  himself  by  crawling  under  a  bed,  and 
later  escaped  through  the  bush  and  down  to  a  canoe  by  the 
seashore.  With  the  garrison  out  of  the  way  the  negroes  pro- 
ceeded to  raise  the  flag  and  fire  three  shots  from  the  cannon 
at  the  fort.  This  was  the  signal  for  a  general  slaughter  on  all 
the  plantations  on  the  island. 

The  ranking  magistrate  on  St.  John,  John  Reimert  Soedt- 
mann,^'*  and  his  stepdaughter  were  among  the  first  victims 
of  that  fateful  day.  A  band  of  negroes,  including  some  of 
Soedtmann's  own,  routed  them  both  out  and  put  them  to  death 
in  the  early  morning.  Soedtmann's  wife  was  saved  by  the  cir- 
cumstance of  her  being  on  a  visit  to  St.  Thomas.  Roaming 
about  from  plantation  to  plantation  in  that  dim  tropic  dawn 
they  slaughtered  such  whites  as  they  could  find,  planters  and 
overseers,  women  and  children.  As  the  bloody  work  proceeded, 
the  band  increased  their  numbers.  The  Company's  and  Soedt- 
mann's negroes  were  joined  by  others; ^"''  and  by  the  middle  of 
the  afternoon  a  body  of  eighty  desperate  blacks,  half  of  them 

^*  Host  (p.  91)  refers  to  him  mistakenly  as  Christian  Soetman. 

*^  Among  the  others  were  the  negroes  of  former  Governor  Suhm,  of  town- 
judge  Lorentz  Hendricksen  and  of  Pieter  Kroyer.  Gardelin  MSS.  (Novem- 
ber 23,  1733);  cf.  MaHfeldt  MSS.,  Ill,  "Om  RebeUionen  paa  St.  John." 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  169 

with  flintlocks  or  pistols,  the  rest  with  cane-knives  and  other 
murderous  weapons,  were  ready  to  attack  those  whites  that  re- 
mained. Though  murder  was  rife,  its  course  did  not  run  ab- 
solutely without  control.  One  Cornelius  Bodger,  the  surgeon 
on  St.  John,  and  his  two  young  step-sons  were  saved, — the 
former  because  of  his  medical  skill,  the  latter  because  the  rebels 
hoped  to  make  these  boys  their  servants.  Someone's  interces- 
sion at  the  last  moment  saved  the  life  of  a  former  overseer  of 
the  Company  who  accepted  with  alacrity  the  invitation  of  the 
rebels  to  leave  the  island.^® 

The  surviving  planters,  with  such  negroes  as  remained  faith- 
ful, had  in  the  meantime  collected  at  Peter  Deurloo's  plantation 
on  the  northwest  corner  of  the  island.  The  approach  to  "  Deur- 
loo's Bay"  was  easily  guarded,  and  the  fugitive  planters  were 
within  fairly  easy  reach  of  St.  Thomas.  While  the  St.  Thomas 
oflScials  and  planters  were  making  such  preparations  for  their 
relief  as  they  could,  a  small  band  of  whites  ^^  under  the  leadership 
of  Captain  of  Militia  John  von  Beverhoudt  ^^  and  Lieutenant 
John  Charles,  together  with  a  score  or  more  of  their  best  negroes, 
were  hastening  with  feverish  activity  to  prepare  for  the  rebel 
onslaught.  The  women  and  children  were  quickly  transported 
to  nearby  islets.  A  number  of  the  planters  on  the  south  side 
and  on  the  west  end  of  the  island  were  warned  by  friendly  slaves 
in  time  to  permit  them  to  join  the  men  at  Deurloo's  or  to  seek 
safety  in  their  canoes. 

The  negroes  had  met  some  resistance  from  a  planter  in  "Can- 
eel"  Bay.^^    They  finally  drove  him  off  and  stopped  to  plunder 

^  This  was  Dermis  (or  Dines)  Silvan.  He  fled  to  Tortola,  the  EngUsh  island 
lying  within  sight  of  St.  John. 

"  P.  J.  Pannet  in  his  Relation  dated  December  4  (Werlauff  MSS.,  No.  22. 
Royal  Libr.,  Copenhagen)  gives  the  number  at  Deurloo's  as  about  seventeen 
whites  and  twenty  negroes,  while  the  Company's  oflBcials  in  their  letter  to  the 
Directors  of  January  5,  1734  {Martfeldt  MSS.,  Ill),  give  forty  whites  and  about 
twenty-five  negroes  as  the  number  of  those  on  the  defensive  against  the  rebels. 

^*  Also  spelled  Bewerhoudt,  Beverhout,  Beverhoudt.  Among  the  other  white 
inhabitants  at  Deurloo's  plantation  were  John  Runnels,  Timothy  Turner 
(Thorner),  William  Zytzema,  and  Peter  Sorensen.  Gardelin  MSS.  (Novem- 
ber 23.  1733.) 

'*  John  Jansen  lived  with  his  wife  on  a  cotton  plantation  belonging  to  his 


170  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

his  plantation,  consequently  they  did  not  descend  the  mountain 
path  toward  Deurloo's  plantation  until  3  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon. When  they  came  they  found  themselves  confronted  by 
the  few  cannon  with  which  the  plantation  was  furnished.  Fear- 
ing to  face  the  cannon  with  their  charges  of  ball,  they  betook 
themselves  to  the  bush,  from  which  they  emerged  at  intervals 
to  fire  blindly  and  clumsily  at  their  ertswhile  masters.  Had 
they  rushed  their  opponents  at  the  start  the  negroes  might 
at  the  expense  of  a  few  lives  have  mastered  the  plantation  and 
captured  its  defenders.  Instead  they  kept  up  their  desultory 
firing  during  the  greater  part  of  the  night  and  resumed  it  the 
following  morning  with  scarcely  any  loss  to  the  whites.  The 
arrival  of  the  news  at  St.  Thomas  had  paralyzed  all.  Wives 
trembled  for  their  husbands,  mothers  for  their  children.  Gov- 
ernor Gardelin  shared  the  general  consternation.  It  was  not 
until  former  Governor  Moth  appealed  to  Gardelin  not  to  aban- 
don the  children  of  his  government  to  the  barbarity  of  their 
heathen  slaves  that  a  boat  w4th  sixteen  or  eighteen  soldiers, 
led  by  a  sergeant  and  a  corporal,  was  provisioned  with  food  and 
ammunition  and  sent  to  the  relief  of  the  St.  John  planters. 
Several  Creole  slaves  with  guns  accompanied  the  party. 

The  arrival  of  the  reinforcements  which  were  commanded  by 
William  Barens,  a  well-to-do  Dutch  planter  of  St.  Thomas,''" 
put  new  heart  into  the  besieged  party.  Further  reinforce- 
ments, consisting  largely  of  negroes  belonging  to  the  Company 
and  to  planters  on  St.  Thomas, ^^  enabled  the  planters  to  retake 
the  fort  and  disperse  the  negroes  to  the  woods.  Urged  on  by 
the  Company's  officials,  the  soldiers  and  planters  on  St.  John 
began  a  war  of  extermination.  For  a  time  the  negroes  managed 
to  use  the  Sulim  plantation  as  their  rendezvous,'*'  but  before  the 
Christmas  season  they  had  been  pretty  effectually  scattered 

mother  which  was  3000  x  1500  feet  in  size.  Three  "capable"  slaves  and  four 
children  constituted  his  labor  outfit  in  1733.    L.  L.,  St.  J.,  1733. 

*"  He  was  credited  in  the  census  of  1733  with  more  than  forty  slaves. 

^'  Gardelin  reported  sending  twenty-one  qf  the  former  and  twelve  of  the 
latter.  Gardelin  to  Sergeant  Thomas  Magens  (November  25,  1733).  Gardelin 
MSS.,  Bancroft  Collection. 

*^  Pannet's  Relation, 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  171 

over  the  island.  Attempts  by  various  stratagems  to  capture 
any  considerable  number  of  them  failed.  A  white  planter,  one 
William  Vessup,  who  had  murdered  a  neighbor  some  months 
before  and  whom  the  authorities  had  failed  to  apprehend,  was 
given  to  understand  that  his  assistance  in  the  slave-hunt  would 
be  welcomed  by  the  government.^^  The  negroes  proved  too 
wary  to  permit  themselves  to  fall  into  the  trap  he  prepared  for 
them.  Their  shortage  of  ammunition  had  even  led  them  to 
offer  Vessup  ten  negroes  if  he  would  get  them  as  many  barrels 
of  powder.^'*  Enough  negroes  were  killed  or  captured,  however, 
to  cause  Governor  Gardelin  to  express  the  fear  that  the  decay- 
ing bodies  of  the  dead  rebels  might  bring  a  seventh  misfortune 
— the  plague — upon  the  stricken  colony.^^  The  planter  Peter 
Pannet  states  in  his  account  of  December  4  that  thirty-two 
rebels  had  actually  been  executed,  and  that  others  were  being 
tried.''^ 

The  fear  that  the  rebellion  might  spread  to  St.  Thomas  and 
Tortola  not  only  roused  the  St.  Thomas  planters  to  contribute 
some  of  their  slaves  to  the  hunt  on  the  sister  island,  but  led 
their  English  neighbors  to  lend  a  helping  hand.  With  many  of 
their  plantations  ravaged,  their  crops  neglected  or  destroyed, 
their  cattle  running  wild  or  furnishing  food  for  rebel  slaves,  it  is 
small  wonder  that  the  St.  John  planters  asked  the  Company  to 
bear  a  substantial  share  of  the  burden  of  putting  down  the 
trouble  and  even  requested  that  they  should  be  exempted  from 
taxes  for  a  term  of  years.''^  After  nearly  ten  weeks  of  vain 
effort  a  certain  Captain  Tallard  ''^  of  an  English  man-of-war 
visiting  Tortola  sent  sixty  men  to  St.  John  to  join  in  the  pursuit ; 
but  an  ambush  in  the  night  resulted  in  the  wounding  of  four 
English  sailors  and  the  consequent  withdrawal  of  the  English 

"'  Gardelin  MSS.,  William  Vessup,  who  had  owned  a  large  plantation  (4700  x 
4040  feet)  on  St.  John,  had  killed  one  Carl  Henry  Kuhlmann.  The  murderer's 
family  remained  for  some  time  on  the  Danish  islands  but  in  very  poor  circum- 
stances. 

**  Pannet's  Relation. 

"  Gardelin,  etc.,  to  Directors  (January  5,  17.S4).    Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  HI. 

*^  Pannet's  Relation. 

*^  Account  of  St.  John  rebellion  (July  23,  1734)  in  Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  IIL 

«  Or  Toller. 


172  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

forces.*^  On  February  17,  that  is,  not  long  after  this  disap- 
pointment, the  St.  John  planters  again  appealed  for  assistance 
from  the  English.  On  Sunday,  March  7,  another  English  cap- 
tain, John  Maddox,  came  from  St.  Kitts  and  landed  on  the 
island  with  about  fifty  volunteers,^"  though  his  entire  party  was 
reported  to  Governor  Gardelin  as  consisting  of  seventy  men.^^ 
A  carefully  worded  contract  was  drawn  up  specifying  with  pre- 
cision the  duties  of  both  parties  and  enumerating  the  rewards 
to  be  given  for  slaves  captured.  The  attorney  for  the  govern- 
ment, "fiscal"  Ditlof  Nicholas  Friis,  was  sent  to  St.  John  to 
see  that  the  contract  was  adhered  to.  Such  elaborate  pre- 
cautions proved  quite  unnecessary.  After  a  vain  and  wearying 
search  Captain  Maddox  suddenly  came  upon  the  rebels  on  the 
eleventh  day  (March  18),  but  he  was  taken  by  surprise,  for  the 
negroes  killed  three  of  his  men  and  wounded  five  others  without 
any  loss  to  them,  so  far  as  could  be  ascertained.''^  Maddox's 
men  stood  not  upon  the  order  of  their  going;  they  fled  at  once 
and  left  the  island  on  the  following  day. 

Stratagems,  attempts  at  poisoning,  and  the  armed  forces  of 
Danes  and  English  had  failed  alike  to  dislodge  or  exterminate 
the  desperate  slaves.  In  the  extremity  of  their  despair  the 
Danish  colonists  turned  to  the  French  on  Martinique.  A 
French  boat  was  lymg  in  the  harbor,  and  three  or  four  days 
after  Maddox's  departure,  the  French  skipper  set  sail  for  Mar- 
tinique with  the  Company's  bookkeeper,  John  Horn,  on  board. 
Horn's  instructions  permitted  him  to  offer  the  French  four-fifths 
of  the  remaining  rebels — (their  numbers  were  estimated  at  a 
hundred  men  and  women) — if  they  could  catch  them.  Twenty 
of  the  worst  ones  were  to  be  handed  over  to  the  Company, 
evidently  for  exemplary  punishment.  The  St.  Thomas  gov- 
ernment pledged  itself  to  furnish  provisions  for  anywhere  from 

«  S.  P.,  St.  Th.  1723-35.  The  first  appeal  to  the  Tortola  authorities  was  made 
by  Gardelin  in  a  letter  to  Markox  at  Spanishtown,  dated  November  29,  1733. 
See  Gardelin  MSS.  under  that  date. 

^  Om  Rebellionen  .  .  .  March  16.  1734.  Martfeldt  MSS..  III.  The  arrange- 
ment seems  to  have  been  made  on  February  18.  Cf.  Gardelin  MSS.  (Febru- 
ary 18.  1734). 

"  Gardelin  to  Bewerhoudt  (March  9.  1734).    Gardelin  MSS. 

"  Om  Rebellionen  .  .  .  May  4,  1734.    Martfeldt  MSS.,  III. 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  173 

one  to  two  hundred  men.^^  Its  envoy  was  provided  with  a  fund 
of  600  rdl.  to  be  expended  as  Horn  saw  fit. 

When  two  French  barks  anchored  in  St.  Thomas  harbor  on 
the  morning  of  April  23  with  the  bookkeeper  John  Horn  and 
two  hundred  and  twenty  Creoles  and  experienced  officers  on 
board,  the  oft-disappointed  colonists  began  to  see  their  hopes  re- 
vive. With  renewed  energy  and  resolution  the  governor  and  the 
inhabitants  set  to  work  to  insure  the  success  of  this  final  effort. 
With  a  splendid  enthusiasm  the  French  had  offered,  wrote  Gov- 
ernor Gardelin  to  John  Beverhoudt  on  St.  John,  to  send  as  many 
as  six  hundred  men  to  the  assistance  of  the  Danes.  The  planters 
contributed  seventy -four  West  Indian  negroes  to  assist  in  the 
chase,  though  the  governor  had  asked  for  a  hundred  and 
fifteen.^'' 

Why  the  French  should  respond  so  joyfully  it  would  be 
rather  difficult  to  explain  were  it  not  for  certain  European  con- 
ditions. France  was  preparing  to  take  up  the  cause  of  Stanis- 
las Leszczynski,  father-in-law  of  Louis  XV,  in  his  attempt 
to  secure  the  Polish  throne.  France,  which  had  scarcely  re- 
covered from  the  collapse  of  the  Mississippi  Bubble,  was  in 
serious  need  of  money.  She  was  also  anxious  for  Denmark's 
neutrality  in  the  coming  War  of  the  Polish  Succession.  In 
this  extremity  a  shrewd  director  of  the  Danish  company 
turned  the  trick  by  offering  the  French  envoy  750,000  livres 
for  the  island  of  St.  Croix,  with  Denmark's  neutrality  thrown 
in.  But  the  news  of  the  transfer  and  of  Denmark's  friend- 
ship reached  the  French  islands  through  their  home  govern- 
ment considerably  before  the  directors  at  Copenhagen  got 
ready  to  send  a  ship  to  St.  Thomas.  Nor  do  the  French  from 
Martinique  appear  to  have  divulged  to  the  Danish  authorities 
at  St.  Thomas  the  mainsprings  of  their  zeal.^^    To  the  dis- 

^^  Horn's  instructions  included  various  alternative  proposals.  He  was  em- 
powered to  hire  a  vessel,  engage  a  hundred  men  and  to  buy  provisions  for  them 
on  the  Company's  account.  Cf.  Gardelin  MSS.  (March  21,  1734)  for  these 
instructions. 

"  Gardelin  MSS.  (April  23  and  May  3,  1734)  gives  a  list  of  the  sixty-eight 
planters. 

^^  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  acquisition  of  St.  Croix,  see  Chap- 
ter X. 


174  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

tressed  planters  and  Company  it  was  the  fact  of  assistance 
and  not  its  motives  that  mattered. 

On  the  day  following  their  arrival  the  French  under  their 
commander  Longueville  were  promptly  dispatched  to  St.  John. 
The  Danish  governor  lost  no  time  in  sending  on  planks  for  the 
soldiers'  barracks  and  fresh  meat  for  food.^  Crown  attorney 
P'riis  was  ordered  to  St.  John  to  take  charge  of  the  negroes  as 
they  were  captured.  He  was  to  try  and  judge  half  of  those 
caught  and  the  others  were  to  be  sent  to  St.  Thomas  for  trial. 
The  French  commandant  was  to  preside  over  the  drumhead 
court-martial  when  it  should  be  called,  but  a  Danish  represen- 
tative was  to  be  present.^^  A  force  of  twenty-five  or  thirty 
Danes  under  Lieutenant  Froling  was  got  together  and  sent 
over  to  work  in  conjunction  with  the  French. ^^ 

Within  three  or  four  days  of  their  arrival  the  French  forces 
were  encamped  and  ready  for  their  grim  labors.  Only  five 
days  before  the  arrival  of  the  French  on  St.  John,  a  party  of 
about  forty  rebels  had  made  a  fierce  attack,  lasting  an  hour  and 
a  half,  upon  the  burghers  who  were  encamped  on  Deurloo's 
plantation.  They  managed  to  set  the  supply  magazine  on 
fire,  but  suffered  a  loss  of  three  killed  and  six  badly  wounded.^^ 
From  April  29  when  they  met  their  first  party  of  rebels  to  May 
27  when  they  returned  to  St.  Thomas,  the  French  force  clung 
tenaciously  to  the  heels  of  their  quarry  until  they  were  unable 
to  find  the  trace  of  a  single  live  rebel.  During  the  first  three 
weeks  they  had  to  march  up  hill  and  down  dale,  through  bush 
and  bramble  in  an  almost  continual  downpour  of  rain.  By 
working  in  shifts  they  completely  wore  out  the  energies  of  the 
rebels,  some  of  whom  in  lack  of  guns  had  armed  themselves 
with  bows  and  arrows.^°  On  May  9  they  learned  that  the  ne- 
groes were  assembled  on  a  certain  point  or  small  peninsula  of 
land.     The  band  escaped,  but  a  wounded  boy  showed  the 

**  Gardelin  to  "Commandeur  Sergiant"  Ottingen  (April  23,  1734).  Gar- 
delin  MSS. 

"  Gardelin  to  Friis  (April  24,  1734).    Gardelin  MSS. 

^  Gardelin  to  Froling  (April  24.  1734).    Ibid. 

59  Om  ReheUionen  .  .  .  (May  4,  1734).    Martfeldt  MSS.,  III. 

«"  Domme  afsagt  over  Negere  (May  21,  1734),  B.  &  D.,  1732-3i. 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  175 

French  where  eleven  rebels  lay  in  the  bush,  dead  by  their  own 
act.  A  week  later  eight  rebels  gave  themselves  up  in  the  hope 
of  averting  the  captured  rebel's  fate.  Two  more  were  killed 
with  a  single  shot,  and  two  were  found  murdered.  Of  the  rest 
there  was  no  trace  until  May  24,  when  a  report  came  in  that 
twenty -four  dead  rebels  had  been  found  on  an  outjutting  point 
of  land  in  an  unsuspected  place,  with  their  muskets  broken.^^ 
They  were  reported  as  having  lain  there  for  perhaps  a  fort- 
night. 

The  Danish  officials  in  their  reports  to  the  directors  could 
not  praise  highly  enough  the  courage  of  the  French  on  the  field 
and  their  uniform  courtesy  everywhere.  "The  fatigues  that 
the  French  have  undergone,"  wrote  the  governor  in  his  report 
to  his  masters,  "from  the  first  day  that  they  came  to  St.  John 
cannot  be  adequately  described.  .  .  .  The  obligations  that  we 
are  under  to  the  French  officers  merits  a  far  greater  reward 
than  we  are  able  to  give  them.  The  commandant  himself 
marched  with  his  men  for  four  days  through  forests  and  valleys, 
up  steep  mountain-sides,  and  in  a  continuous  slush  and  rain, 
with  no  roof  above  him  but  the  sky.  Next  to  God,  they  [the 
oflScers],  because  of  their  tireless  efiFort,  deserve  the  credit  for 
the  present  peace.  Their  bravery  and  persistence  and  the 
cheerfulness  with  which  they  encouraged  their  men,  who  began 
very  early  to  tire  from  their  strenuous  efforts,  will  we  trust  be 
properly  rewarded  in  high  places.  .  .  ."  ®^ 

On  their  arrival  at  St.  Thomas  on  May  27  Commandant 
Longueville  and  his  officers  and  men  were  shown  every  attention 
and  courtesy.  An  offer  of  5,000  "French  guldens"  was  poHtely 
refused  by  the  French  officer.  After  five  days  of  celebration 
the  French,  accompanied  by  John  Horn,  embarked  for  Martin- 
ique. There,  in  turn,  the  Danes  were  treated  by  the  French 
oflBcials  with  marked  cordiality  and  deference.^'' 

This  happy  outcome,  happy  so  far  as  the  whites  were  con- 
cerned, was  marred  by  a  bitter  quarrel  between  the  local  govern- 

*'  This  may  be  the  group  that  tradition,  as  recorded  by  Host  and  those  follow- 
ing his  account,  has  magnified  to  three  hundred.    See  Host,  op.  cit.,  p.  96. 
^'^Om.  Rebellionen  .  .  .  (July  23,  1734).    Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  HL 
"  Ibid. 


176  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ment  and  the  planters,  each  side  trying  to  blame  the  other  for 
the  uprising  with  a  view  to  being  relieved  of  part  of  the  expense. 
But  the  end  of  the  rebellion  was  not  quite  at  hand ;  for  early  in 
August — two  months  after  the  French  had  left — the  report 
came  in  that  a  party  of  fourteen  negroes  and  negresses,  led  by 
one  Prince  ®^  was  still  at  large,  though  without  firearms.  To 
avoid  an  expensive  "maroon  hunt"  Theodore  Ottingen,  an 
officer  who  had  taken  part  in  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion 
since  its  beginning,  managed  on  promise  of  pardon  to  lure  the 
fifteen  remaining  rebels  to  their  former  owners'  plantations.®^ 
On  the  pretext  that  they  would  have  to  be  appraised,  every 
one  of  them  was  seized  at  a  given  signal  on  the  morning  of 
August  25  and  brought  to  St.  Thomas.  Prince  was  not  among 
them,  for  he  had — fortunately  for  himself — been  beheaded,  and 
his  head  was  a  trophy  in  Ottingen's  baggage.  Of  these  fifteen 
rebels  four  "died"  in  prison  before  they  could  be  brought  to 
trial,  four  were  condemned  to  be  worked  to  death  on  the  St. 
Croix  fortifications,  and  the  rest  were  done  to  death  in  various 
ways  "such  as  they  deserved  because  of  their  gruesome  deeds, " 
as  the  official  letter  has  it.^® 

With  this  piece  of  treachery,  as  it  would  be  called  in  this  age, 
a  success  for  which  the  responsible  officer  received  high  praise 
from  his  superiors  and  a  lieutenancy  on  St.  Croix,  the  insurrec- 
tion of  1733-1734  on  St.  John  came  to  an  end.  Besides  those 
killed  in  conflict  and  those  belonging  to  the  Company,  twenty- 
seven  negroes  were  estimated  to  have  been  tried  and  executed.^^ 
A  list  made  out  in  February,  1734,  just  before  Maddox's  ill- 
fated  attempt,  showed  one  hundred  forty-six  negro  men  and 
women  implicated  in  rebellion  at  that  time.  It  is  clear  that  the 
story  of  the  three  hundred  negroes  found  dead  in  a  circle  on  a 
mountain  near  "Brims  Bay"  is  pure  fancy.  It  was  first  told 
by  Host®^  whose  account  of  the  rebellion  is  based  partly  on 

'*  A  negro  belon^g  to  Madame  Elizabeth  Runnels. 

**  See  Gardelin's  instructions  and  letters  to  Ottingen  in  Gardelin  MSS.  (Au- 
gust 9,  16,  and  21,  1734.) 

««  Om  Rebellionen  .  .  .  December  28,  1734.    Martjeldi  MSS.,  Vol.  HI. 

"  Ibid. 

"  Host,  Efterretninger,  96.  A  recent  repetition  of  this  story  is  to  be  found  in 
Keller,  Colonization,  p.  500. 


THE  SLAVE  AND  THE  PLANTER  177 

documents  and  partly  on  hearsay  and  has  been  repeated  numer- 
ous times  since. 

When  the  time  for  stock-taking  came,  it  was  found  that 
planters  were  entitled  to  remuneration  for  thirty  slaves  that  had 
been  condemned  to  death  or  to  work  in  irons, ®^  and  for  six  others 
— two  belonging  to  St.  John  and  four  to  St.  Thomas  planters. 
These  six  had  been  killed  while  fighting  for  their  owners.^*^  Of 
ninety-two  plantations  listed  by  Theodore  Ottingen  probably 
late  in  1734  or  in  1735,  forty-eight  were  recorded  as  having 
suffered  damage,  forty-four  as  having  escaped  it.  Of  the  forty- 
eight,  thirty  were  being  cultivated  when  the  report  was  made;  of 
the  forty-four  not  damaged,  thirty-two  were  being  cultivated. 
On  forty-one  plantations,  valuable  buildings  had  been  partly 
or  wholly  burned  down  by  the  rebels.  The  money  loss  was 
estimated,  according  to  Host,  at  7,905  rdl.  a  considerable  sum 
for  so  small  an  island.^ ^  As  to  loss  of  life  by  the  white  popula- 
tion, probably  not  a  fourth  of  the  whites  were  killed  by  the 
negroes.  But  this  human  hurricane  had  been  far  more  devastat- 
ing than  any  sent  out  from  Nature's  workshop,  for  it  had  not 
only  destroyed  men  and  their  labor  of  years,  but  hardened  their 
hearts  and  greatly  delayed  the  prospect  for  more  normal  and 
human  relations  between  master  and  slave  in  the  Danish  islands. 
It  was  perhaps  fortunate  that  the  acquisition  of  the  fertile 
island  of  St.  Croix  occurred  so  shortly  after  this  event,  for  this 
gave  a  welcome  opportunity  for  the  recuperation  of  the  de- 
moralized planters  and  turned  the  attention  of  men  to  new 
problems.  With  the  development  of  St.  Croix  the  economic 
center  of  gravity  was  gradually  to  be  shifted  to  the  new  island, 
and  the  awful  experiences  of  1733  and  1734  were  destined  soon 
to  become  receding  memories. 

The  government  and  colonists  had  learned  a  lesson  in  vigilance 
which  it  would  be  hard  to  forget.  As  reflection  took  the  place 
of  passion,  perhaps  they  saw  still  more  clearly  the  efficacy  of 

^^  Planters  received  120  rdl.  each  for  all  full-grown  slaves  legally  condemned 
to  death. 

^°  S.  P.,  St.  Th.  1735-52  (October  22,  1736). 

^'  "Specification  paa  de  Plantagier  ..."  (1734?).  B.  &  D.,  1732-8^; 
Host,  97,  98. 


178  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

humaneness.  At  any  rate,  it  was  a  quarter  of  a  century  before 
the  Danish  colonists  were  again  seriously  threatened  with  a 
slave  insurrection,  and  then  it  was  on  the  new  and  rapidly  de- 
veloping island  of  St.  Croix.  The  story  of  the  attempted  re- 
bellion of  1759  belongs  to  the  post-Company  history  of  that 
island. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE    PLANTER   AND   THE   COMPANY 

The  powers  of  government  which  Christian  V  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  directors  of  the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea 
Company  were  almost  as  absolute  within  their  West  Indian 
sphere  as  were  the  powers  of  the  Danish  king  within  his  Euro- 
pean dominions.  This  was  necessarily  so,  for  the  venture  was 
primarily  commercial.  Its  purpose  was  to  furnish  a  profitable 
field  of  investment  for  men  with  capital;  hence  the  need  of 
concentrating  the  management  of  the  Company's  resources  in 
few  hands.  The  absolutism  which  Christian  V  inherited  from 
his  father  was  based  upon  the  theory  of  Divine  Right.  The 
directors  of  the  Company,  on  the  other  hand,  received  their 
powers  from  a  very  worldly  body  of  shareholders  to  whom  they 
rendered  account  and  by  whom  they  might  be  removed. 

The  directorates  of  the  Danish  East  and  West  India  com- 
panies at  the  beginning  were  in  a  sense  committees  delegated 
to  the  work  from  the  recently  established  Board  of  Trade. 
The  king,  as  the  most  powerful  shareholder  in  the  Company, 
appointed  the  three  original  directors  himself,  but  entirely  from 
among  the  members  of  the  Board  of  Trade.  Acting  with  these 
directors  in  an  advisory  capacity  and  representing  in  a  fairly 
direct  manner  the  interests  of  the  bulk  of  the  shareholders,  was 
a  body  of  men  known  as  "chief  shareholders."  From  1671  to 
1733  the  membership  of  the  board  of  directors  rose  from  three 
to  seven;  that  of  the  chief  shareholders,  from  two  to  five.  The 
part  played  by  two  able  directors,  Juel  and  Moth,  in  guiding 
the  Company  through  a  maze  of  commercial  misfortunes  and 
diplomatic  difficulties,  has  been  brought  out  in  a  preceding 
chapter.^  In  the  immediate  supervision  of  affairs  on  St.  Thomas, 
these  men  were  given  practically  a  free  field. 

*  See  Chapter  III,  above.     For  lists  of  officials  sec  Appendix  B. 
[179] 


180  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

When  matters  which  es])ecially  aflFected  the  stockholders  in 
general  came  up,  such  as  the  need  of  securing  additional  funds 
to  enlarge  the  Company's  activities,  the  situation  was  presented 
to  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Company,  where  each  holder 
of  a  full  share  of  stock  had  one  vote.^  Serious  problems  con- 
nected with  the  Company  were  sometimes  referred  by  the  king  to 
a  special  commission  appointed  (as  was  the  case  during  the  first 
two  decades  of  Christian  V's  reign)  from  the  membership  of 
the  Board  of  Trade,  or  they  were  turned  over  (as  was  the  case 
from  1690  to  1705)  to  special  bodies  known  from  their  place  of 
meeting  as  "  Commissions  in  the  Council  Chamber  of  the  Royal 
Castle."  The  majority  of  the  members  of  such  commissions 
were  usually  officials  of  the  Company. 

In  1704,  early  in  Frederick  I  V's  reign,  the  Board  of  Trade  was 
revived,  and  four  years  later  it  was  combined  with  the  Police 
Board  of  Copenhagen  into  the  Board  of  Police  and  Trade  which 
continued  down  to  1731.  On  at  least  two  occasions,  in  1715  and 
in  1720,  this  body  submitted  to  the  king  reports  on  petitions 
from  St.  Thomas  planters.^ 

The  dimensions  of  Denmark's  commercial  and  colonial  enter- 
prises were  never  such  as  to  permit  the  Board  of  Trade  to 
develop  into  a  body  which  could  be  compared  in  its  specialized 
advisory  functions  to  the  Board  of  Trade  and  Plantations  in 
England.  When  William  III  founded  the  latter  board  in 
1696,  the  greater  number  of  the  English  colonies  had  already 
passed  out  of  the  control  of  chartered  companies.  The  active 
control  of  the  business  of  the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea 
Company  rested,  as  has  been  indicated,  almost  solely  upon  the 
directors.  They  selected  the  governors  and  chief  officials  both 
in  Guinea  and  in  St.  Thomas,  subject  only  to  confirmation  by 
the  king;  they  found  captains  for  their  trading  vessels  and  pro- 
vided ministers  to  care  for  the  souls  of  employees,  planters,  and 
slaves.  The  directors  through  their  factor  in  Copenhagen  were 
expected  to  find  a  market  either  at  home  or  abroad  for  African 
ivory  and  West  Indian  sugar,  cotton,  and  indigo.^    They  were 

2  See  above,  p.  34. 

'  See  below,  pp.  190-191.     See  also  Appendix  F,  pp.  306-314. 

*  Parts  of  the  cargoes  were  usually  offered  at  auction  to  local  buyers. 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  181 

obliged  to  keep  in  close  touch  with  the  Dutch  money  market 
and  to  buy  insurance  for  both  ships  and  cargoes  from  Dutch 
insurance  firms.  In  disputes  between  planters  and  Company 
officials  in  the  West  Indies,  they  were  expected  to  act  as  arbiters 
unless  the  appeal  was  made  directly  to  the  king;  in  any  case 
they  were  consulted  before  judgment  was  rendered.  They  were 
supposed  to  maintain  the  authority  and  dignity  of  the  king 
among  the  colonists  and  with  their  various  foreign  neighbors. 

Although  the  directors  were  given  practically  full  power  in 
the  general  management  of  the  Company,  they  were  forced  in 
turn  to  give  considerable  latitude  of  action  to  their  West  Indian 
officials.  The  "Governor  and  Council  of  St.  Thomas"  were  to 
be  sure  provided  with  most  elaborate  sets  of  instructions  in- 
tended to  cover  every  emergency,  but  the  remoteness  of  the 
island  from  Denmark  and  the  difficulty  of  keeping  in  close  touch 
with  it  by  post  led  the  island  officials  to  take  more  and  more 
liberties  with  their  orders  and  sometimes  to  use  their  positions 
for  peculation  and  graft.  For  instance,  as  a  result  of  his  opera- 
tions during  the  later  years  of  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succession, 
Governor  Crone  was  accused  of  collusion  with  the  governor  of 
Porto  Rico  and  of  gross  fraud  in  the  conduct  of  the  Company's 
affairs.  He  died  before  the  suit  against  him  came  to  an  end, 
but  one  of  the  members  of  his  council.  Christian  Seeberg, 
treasurer  at  St.  Thomas,  was  finally  convicted  of  fraud  and 
forced  to  pay  a  large  fine.  Governors  Bredal  and  Gardelin  owed 
their  advancement  to  their  reputation  for  honesty  and  to  their 
ability  to  expose  corruption  in  the  management  of  the  Com- 
pany's affairs. 

The  chief  official  besides  the  governor  consisted  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  merchant  or  factor,  the  bookkeeper,  and  the 
secretary.  After  John  Lorentz's  death  in  1702,  the  factor 
Joachim  von  Holten  who  had  failed  to  secure  the  governorship  ^ 
ad  interim  was  made  "chief  factor"  {Opper-Kjobmand)  by  way 
of  solace.  In  1703  the  office  of  treasurer  (Casserer)  began  to 
appear  in  the  list  of  officials.^    This  continued  to  be  the  com- 

^  Claus  Hansen  was  elected  as  governor  ad  interim  by  the  council  (Interims- 
Vice-Commandant)  February,  1702. 
6  Martfeldt  MSS..  Vol.  VI.  p.  207  (June  10,  1703). 


182  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

position  oi"  the  council,  or  privy  council  (Secrete-Raad),  as  it 
came  early  to  be  called,  until  the  reorganization  of  the  Company 
after  the  purchase  of  St.  Croix.  With  the  governorship  of  John 
Lorentz  the  Company  began  the  policy  of  procuring  its  adminis- 
trators from  officials  who  had  had  experience  in  actual  service 
in  the  Company's  government  at  St.  Thomas.  Lorentz  himself 
had  begun  as  an  assistant  and  was  secretary  and  ex  officio  mem- 
ber of  the  council  when  Heins'  death  called  him  to  the  governor- 
ship. His  successor  Claus  Hansen  had  been  lieutenant  at  the 
fort  and  a  council  member.  In  fact,  of  the  eight  governors  who 
held  office  in  St.  Thomas  from  1702,  when  Lorentz  died,  to  1733, 
when  Gardelin  became  governor,  only  two  had  not  had  their 
preliminary  training  in  St.  Thomas.  One  of  these,  Otto  J. 
Thambsen,  had  been  a  commander  (Schoutbynacht)  in  the 
Danish  navy;  and  the  other,  Henry  Suhm,  had  been  in  charge 
of  Fort  Christiansborg  on  the  Guinea  coast.^  Neither  of  these 
men  found  his  work  congenial  or  was  able  to  get  on  well  with 
the  inhabitants  of  the  colony. 

The  success  of  the  Company  as  a  commercial  venture  de- 
pended very  largely  upon  the  ability  and  integrity  of  its  West 
Indian  representatives.  In  order  to  procure  those  full  return 
cargoes  on  the  advantageous  sale  of  which  the  Company  relied 
mainly  for  its  dividends,  the  West  Indian  government  needed  to 
keep  on  good  terms  with  the  planters.  Whenever  a  planter  re- 
ceived better  offers  from  Dutch  or  other  skippers  than  from  the 
Company,  it  became  a  difficult  and  delicate  matter  to  force  him 
to  part  with  his  produce.  Although  in  theory  the  Company's 
officials  held  all  administrative,  legislative,  and  judicial  powers 
in  their  own  hands,  they  were  obliged  in  practice  to  pay  very 
real  heed  to  the  desires  of  the  islanders. 

The  relations  between  government  and  planters  were  affected 
by  a  variety  of  circumstances.  Too  high  duties  or  other  annoy- 
ing trade  restrictions  led  the  planters  to  attempts  at  evasion. 
In  this  they  were  aided  by  the  numerous  indentations  or  "bays" 
which  made  smuggling  easy.  Threats  of  shortage  in  provisions 
through  drought,  hurricanes  or  other  causes  sometimes  forced 
the  local  government  to  take  prompt  measures  for  the  relief  of 

^  Cf.  Appendix  A,  p.  285. 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  183 

the  inhabitants.  During  the  severe  drought  in  St.  Thomas 
in  1725-1726,  when  negroes  were  dying  for  lack  of  food,^  the 
St.  Thomas  government  admitted  free  of  duty  all  incoming 
provisions  except  liquors.  The  request  of  a  delegation  of 
planters  that  outgoing  goods  likewise  be  freed  from  duty  was 
not  granted.^  At  that  time  St.  Thomas  was  mainly  dependent 
upon  New  York  for  its  lumber  and  provisions.  The  duty  had 
previously  been  five  per  cent,  on  incoming  and  six  per  cent,  on 
outgoing  goods,  according  to  the  St.  Thomas  market  price;  and 
as  recently  as  May  18,  1724,  Governor  Thambsen  had  issued  an 
order  granting  to  New  York  skippers  the  special  privilege  of 
importing  provisions  at  five  per  cent,  duty,  calculated  on  the 
cost  price  in  New  York,  and  receiving  payment  in  sugar  and 
cotton  on  which  no  export  duty  was  required. ^° 

The  home  authorities  were  rather  slow  to  admit  the  necessity 
of  consulting  the  inclinations  of  the  colonists  in  the  selection  of 
their  West  Indian  governors.  Governor  Lorentz  was  the  choice 
of  the  planters,  and  the  directors  gladly  confirmed  his  election 
by  the  council;  but  Thormohlen's  governor,  Delavigne,  suc- 
ceeded so  poorly  in  winning  the  good  will  of  the  planters  that  the 
colony  might  have  gone  to  ruin  except  for  Lorentz's  timely 
return.  On  the  latter's  death  the  council  appointed  eight  of  the 
leading  planters  to  act  with  it  in  selecting  a  successor.  The 
council  nevertheless  proceeded  to  elect  the  merchant  Joachim 
von  Holten  to  the  governorship,  regardless  of  the  planters' 
desires.  The  result  was  a  mass  meeting  of  all  the  planters  on  the 
day  following,  called,  as  the  records  of  the  privy  council  rather 
euphemistically  report,  "at  the  order  of  the  honorable  council." 
On  the  insistence  of  eighty  planters,  of  whom  twenty-one  signed 
a  vigorously  worded  petition  with  their  marks,  the  "honorable 
council "  reconsidered  the  election  and  chose  the  planters'  candi- 
date. Lieutenant  Glaus  Hansen.  The  directors  confirmed  the 
election,  but  they  took  particular  pains  to  remind  the  planters 
that  the  election  of  a  governor  was  none  of  their  concern. ^^ 

^  See  above,  p.  165. 

9  S.  P.  for  St.  Th.  (October  3,  21,  23,  1725). 
">P.  B.  O.,  1683-1729  (May  18,  1724). 

1'  Koy.  og  Extr..  S.  P.  for  St.  Th.,  1699-17 U,  " Litra  S"  (June  12,  13,  1702); 
Martfeldt  MSS.,  vol.  VI.  p.  207  et  aeq. 


184  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

On  the  death  of  Governor  Hansen's  successor,  Joachim  von 
Holten  in  1708  the  privy  council  actually  called  in  twelve  in- 
habitants to  assist  them  in  electing  a  governor.  ^'^  The  War  of 
the  Spanish  Succession,  with  the  West  Indies  as  the  scene  of 
much  of  its  sea-fighting,  furnished  a  golden  opportunity  for 
venturesome  neutrals;  and  especially  on  St.  Thomas  had  the 
planters  and  traders  become  wealthy  and  influential  through 
dealing  in  captured  ships  and  cargoes  brought  in  by  the  priva- 
teers of  the  warring  nations. 

The  fact  that  the  governor  rarely  succeeded  in  outliving  his 
term  of  office  had  resulted  in  giving  the  local  officials  and 
planters  their  opportunity  to  take  a  hand  in  naming  their  chief 
executive,  at  least  until  the  directors  could  be  heard  from. 
Governor  Erik  Bredal  who  succeded  Michael  Crone  in  1716  in- 
sisted so  strongly  on  being  relieved  of  his  office  that  in  Sep- 
tember, 1723,  the  directors  found  themselves  for  the  first  time  in 
many  years  nominating  and  electing  a  governor.'"^  The  re- 
cipient of  this  signal  honor  w^as  Otto  Jacob  Thambsen,  Com- 
mander in  the  Royal  Navy.  He  was  awarded  the  unusually 
large  salary  of  1200  rdl.  per  annum.  On  his  arrival  late  in 
April,  1724,  he  found  the  books  in  great  confusion,  the  secre- 
tary quite  useless,  customs  duties  uncollected  for  years  back, 
the  council  refractory,  and  the  planters  unwilling  to  do  the 
directors'  bidding.^*  After  ten  weeks  at  St.  Thomas  he  wrote 
to  his  masters:  "You  must  not  suppose  that  because  I  do  not 
complain,  I  find  it  enjoyable  here  ...  I  pray  that  the  gentle- 
men will  not  take  it  amiss  if  I  remark  that  St.  Thomas  and  my 
office  appear  to  me  like  the  lion's  cave,  where  all  the  footprints 
pointed  in  and  from  which  none  pointed  out."^^  The  directors 
who  often  exliibited  a  painful  obtuseness  could  hardly  miss  the 
point,  but  before  they  could  take  any  action,  the  sickness  of  the 
incumbent  appears  to  have  compelled  the  privy  and  the  com- 
mon councils  to  elect  a  successor  whom  they  found  in  Captain 

12  Martfeldt  MSS..  Vol.  VI,  1703-1709  (December  31,  1708). 
*^  See  list  of  governors  in  Appendix  A. 

"  Thambsen  to  Directors  (May  16,  llii),  B.  &  D.,  1721-24:  S.  P.  for  St.  Th. 
(May  25,  August  18,  1724). 

"  Ilnd.,  (July  14,  1724),  B.  &  D.,  1721-2^. 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  185 

Frederick  Moth  who  in  the  position  of  chief  factor  had  com- 
mended himself  to  the  directors.^'' 

The  common  or  burgher  council  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  election  of  Governor  Moth,  appears  to  have  originated 
in  1703.  It  was  certainly  in  existence  at  that  date,  for  in  their 
instructions  of  March  27,  1703,  the  directors  requested  that  in 
case  the  governor  was  unable  to  settle  disputes  between  the 
inhabitants,  he  should  refer  the  case  to  the  common  council 
{det  ordinaire  Raad)  over  which  the  secretary  ^^  was  to  preside 
and  which  should  consist  of  six  reputable  planters.  From  this 
council  or  court  the  case  might  be  appealed  to  the  privy  council 
of  St.  Thomas  sitting  as  a  superior  court  (Opper-Ret)  .^^  Cases 
involving  "life,  honor,  or  blood,"  or  money  sums  of  more  than 
200  rdl.  might  be  appealed  to  the  directors.'^ 

The  capitalist  planters  that  arose  on  St.  Thomas  as  a  result 
of  the  conditions  brought  about  by  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession  showed  themselves  willing  to  go  to  considerable 
lengths  to  make  their  wants  and  grievances  known  to  the 
authorities.  Two  memorable  instances  illustrate  the  increas- 
ing economic  independence  of  the  planters  and  the  growing 
consciousness  of  their  importance.  One  of  these  occurred  in 
1706-1707,  just  before  the  St.  Thomas  "boom"  reached  its 
height,  and  the  other  in  1715-1716,  when  the  reaction  which 
frequently  follows  a  general  war  had  brought  with  it  a  period 
of  economic  depression  at  St.  Thomas. 

It  was  early  in  1706,  about  the  time  that  Joachim  von  Holten 
was  elected  governor, -°  that  the  planters  began  to  make  definite 
plans  to  send  over  delegates  to  present  their  demands  in  per- 
son. They  had  previously  sent  two  communications  to  the 
directors,  but  had  received  no  reply.  Finally  a  little  while  be- 
fore the  scheduled  departure  of  the  Company's  ship,  which  oc- 

^^Martfeldt  MSS..  Vol.  VI,  1723-1731,  pp.  297  et  seq.  (November  21,  1724); 
ildd..  Secrete  Raads  Resolutioner  .  .  .  fra  1723-1739  (August  18,  1724). 

'^  Christian  Seeberg  or  Siiebierg,  later  convicted  of  fraud. 

'*  In  1703  this  superior  court  consisted  of  Governor  Hansen,  chief  factor  J.  von 
Holten,  bookkeeper  Diedrich  Magens,  treasurer  R.  Henningsen,  and  secretary 
C.  Seeberg.    Martfeldt  M8S.,  Vol.  VI,  1703-1709  (June  12,  1703). 

» Ibid. 

^"  von  Holten  was  elected  in  February,  1706. 


186  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

curred  during  the  first  week  in  April,  the  planters  held  a  meet- 
ing, appointed  two  of  their  number,  Andrew  Zinck  and  Anthony 
Zytsema,  to  act  as  commissioners,  and  prepared  for  them  an 
elaborate  set  of  instructions  with  the  demands  enumerated  in 
an  imposing  list  of  sixteen  paragraphs.  The  instructions  were 
signed  by  sixty-nine  planters  of  whom  eight  signed  with  their 
marks.  The  signers  included  practically  all  the  influential 
planters.^^ 

A  resume  of  these  demands  will  serve  to  show  the  sort  of  con- 
ditions and  regulations  by  which  the  planters  of  St.  Thomas 
felt  themselves  aggrieved.  They  began  by  urging  an  appeal 
to  the  Danish  government  to  bestir  itself  to  secure  the  St. 
Thomas  vessels  that  had  been  seized  by  the  French,  English, 
and  Spanish  during  the  war.  A  number  of  the  planters  owned 
vessels  with  which  they  had  carried  on  various  kinds  of  trade, 
both  permitted  and  forbidden.  The  St.  Thomas  inhabitants 
rightly  felt  that  something  might  be  gained  if  the  home  govern- 
ment could  secure  exemption  from  seizure  of  vessels  not  carry- 
ing contraband.  But  in  such  a  titanic  struggle,  nothing  but  a 
generous  display  of  force  could  make  the  powers  involved  accede 
to  any  request  that  Denmark  might  make,  especially  when  it 
touched  upon  their  own  interests.  They  desired,  as  St.  Thomas 
planters  continued  to  desire  for  the  next  forty  years,  the  return 
of  slaves  that  had  escaped  to  Porto  Rico.  This  presupposed 
their  expressed  hope  that  Denmark  might  again  come  into 
peaceful  relations  with  Spain,  something  that  was  not  likely  to 
be  speedily  brought  about,  since  Denmark  had  not  even  had 
an  envoy  at  Madrid  after  the  begimiing  of  the  Spanish  Succes- 
sion war.^- 

With  respect  to  matters  of  local  taxation  they  asked  for  the 
revocation  of  the  charges  known  as  "sixth"  and  "tenth"  taxes, 
amounting  to  twenty-five  per  cent.,  which  were  laid  upon  the 
property  of  persons  leaving  the  island.     These  were  especially 

^>  B.  &  D.,  1706-10.  The  instructions  are  in  Dutch  and  undated.  The  copy 
in  the  Danish  State  Archives  was  apparently  secured  by  the  governor  and  sent 
with  his  comment  to  the  directors  by  the  ship  on  which  the  commissioners 
sailed. 

"  Extr.  af  Oen.  Brev  fra  St.  Th.,  Punkt  U  (April  3,  1706),  C.  B..  169&-171S. 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  187 

burdensome  to  those  Dutch  planters  who  had  come  from  St. 
Eustatius  and  other  islands  during  the  War  of  the  Augsburg 
League.-^  They  proposed  instead  a  four  per  cent,  tax  on  slaves 
taken  out  from  the  colony,  as  was  common  on  the  French  and 
English  islands.  Not  only  did  they  ask  that  the  governor  and 
privy  council  should  act  with  six  reputable  planters  in  the  de- 
cision of  local  matters,  but  they  suggested  that  no  taxes  should 
be  laid  for  local  purposes  except  such  as  were  found  necessary 
by  the  governor,  privy  council  and  the  "common  council," 
They  were,  in  short,  demanding  representative  government, 
and  with  it  that  most  precious  prerogative  of  freedom-loving 
societies,  the  power  of  self- taxation.  In  concluding  their  list 
of  demands  and  grievances  the  planters  intimated  that  too 
heavy  taxes  might  nearly  denude  the  island  of  its  white 
people,  who  because  of  the  great  heat  could  not  work  more 
than  three  or  four  hours  a  day.^'* 

It  is  probable  that  the  planters,  in  presenting  through  their 
envoys  such  a  formidable  list  of  demands,  deliberately  requested 
much  in  the  hope  of  getting  a  little.  The  things  asked  for  con- 
formed neither  to  the  interests  of  the  shareholders  as  they  saw 
them  nor  to  the  theories  of  government  then  prevailing  in  the 
absolutist  state  of  Denmark-Norway.  It  is  small  wonder  that 
the  two  deputies  returned  with  nothing  but  a  few  vague  prom- 
ises to  show  for  their  trouble.  The  St.  Thomas  planters  were 
not  backward  in  disclosing  their  disappointment.  In  fact,  they 
assumed  so  threatening  an  attitude  that  the  two  delegates, 
Zytsema  and  Zinck,  were  obliged  to  write  to  the  directors  ask- 
ing the  latter  to  extend  them  their  protection.-''  The  mission 
was  apparently  by  no  means  barren  of  result,  for  in  their  letter 
of  November  3,  1706,  the  directors  granted  to  St.  Thomas  in- 
habitants the  right  to  sail  with  West  Indian  goods  to  any  place 
in  Europe  except  the  Danish  dominions.^''    In  return  for  this 

"  See  above,  pp.  69,  84,  109. 

2<  B.  &  D..  1706-10. 

26  Ibid.  (April  4,  1707);  C.  B.,  1690-1713  (April  6,  1707). 

2«  Cop.  og  Extr.,  S.  P.  for  Si.  Th.,  1699-17 Ik  (April  2,  1708);  Martfeldt  MSS.. 
Vol.  VI,  1703-1709  (April  2,  1708).  Pending  further  instructions  from  the  di- 
rectors, Hamburg  was  also  excepted  from  freedom  of  trade. 


188  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

privilege  the  directors  tried  to  induce  the  planters  to  assist 
the  Company  in  securing  full  return  cargoes.  But  the  Com- 
pany's policy  of  forbidding  exports  while  any  of  its  ships  were 
in  the  harbor  was  never  popular  among  the  planters.  The 
credit  for  achieving  this  wished  for  result  was  claimed  by  Direc- 
tor Jacob  Lerke  in  the  letter  in  which  he  congratulated  Governor 
von  Holten  on  his  accession  to  office.'-"  From  this  letter  it  ap- 
pears that  the  "sixth"  tax  above  mentioned  was  abolished  by 
the  directors,  likewise  through  Lerke's  efforts.-^  The  taxes  on 
imports  and  exports  fixed  by  the  governor  and  privy  council  as 
a  result  of  the  directors'  orders  were  as  follows:  on  goods  leav- 
ing St.  Thomas,  six  per  cent.;  on  incoming  European  goods, 
four  per  cent. ;  on  incoming  West  Indian  goods,  two  per  cent. ; 
on  all  provisions  from  New  England,  four  per  cent.^ 

Tlie  results  of  the  planters'  mission  of  1706  were  on  the  whole 
meager  enough,  yet  in  1714-1715,  when  the  planters  felt  their 
situation  again  becoming  desperate,  they  proceeded  as  before 
to  send  a  delegation  to  Copenhagen.  The  pressure  of  hard 
times  was  already  being  felt  in  the  West  Indies;  the  home 
country  was  fully  occupied  with  the  Northern  War  against 
Sweden  under  Charles  XII;  in  St.  Thomas  prizes  and  confis- 
cated cargoes  ceased  being  brought  into  the  harbor.  The 
Spaniards  on  Porto  Rico  and  the  larger  islands  upon  whom  the 
planters  depended  for  cash  were  sufiFering  severely,  for  it  had 
been  more  than  two  years  since  the  Spanish  fleet  had  visited 
them.^°  What  cash  the  planters  were  able  to  get  hold  of  went 
for  provisions;  they  were  concerned  with  keeping  alive  the 
slaves  they  had,  rather  than  with  buying  new  ones. 

When  under  these  conditions  the  Company  insisted  on  re- 
taining the  hated  twenty-five  per  cent,  tax  on  the  property  of 
persons  leaving  the  island,  feeling  among  the  planters  ran  high. 
In  numerous  secret  meetings  the  Company  and  its  St.  Thomas 

"  B.  &  D.,  1717-20,  copy  (November  5,  1707). 

^^The  letter  mentioned  "de  gepretendeerde  6%  penning,' het  welcke  uytde  brief 
kan  gesien  tcorden,  is  opgehoven,"  which,  if  the  copy  be  accurate,  may  possibly 
refer  to  the  sixth  "penning"  tax.  But  the  tax  seems  to  have  remained  in  force 
nevertheless. 

29  Cop.  og  Extr.,  S.  P.  for  St.  TL,  1699-17U  (April  2.  1708). 

5"  B.  &  D.,  171i-17  (August  10,  1714). 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  189 

representatives  came  in  for  most  severe  denunciation.  In  May 
and  July,  1714,  leading  citizens  made  a  strong  plea  to  the  gover- 
nor and  council  requesting  the  return  of  various  former  priv- 
ileges which  they  had  enjoyed  in  Governor  Lorentz's  time  and 
before,  and  they  threatened  in  case  of  refusal  to  send  their  dep- 
uties to  Denmark  to  lay  the  matter  directly  before  the  king.^^ 

This  threat  was  finally  carried  out  when,  early  in  1715,  a  com- 
mission of  three  influential  planters,  George  Carstensen,  Jacob 
Magens  and  John  Johnson  de  Windt,  set  out  for  Copenhagen 
to  represent  the  planters  at  the  Danisli  court.^"^  The  independent 
spirit  shown  by  the  West  Indian  planters  had  alarmed  the  local 
officials,  who  were  quick  to  scent  a  conspiracy  against  the  gov- 
ernment. In  their  report  to  the  directors,  the  governor  and 
council  charged  one  James  Smith,  son  of  the  erstwhile  Branden- 
burg factor  Peter  Smlth,^^  with  being  the  main  author  of  the 
disturbance,  the  inheritance  of  a  portion  of  his  father's  fortune 
having  affected  his  interests.  In  their  desire  to  expose  the 
character  of  the  ringleaders,  the  local  officials  alleged  that  James 
Smith  had  been  treasurer  of  the  Scotch  Darien  Company ,^^ 
and  that  when  its  trade  had  been  ruined  by  the  English,  he  had 
escaped  with  the  treasury's  money. ^^ 

The  delegates  from  St.  Thomas  arrived  in  Copenhagen  in 
the  summer  of  1715,  determined  to  secure  some  definite  con- 
cessions and  not  to  permit  any  such  failure  as  had  occurred  in 
1706.  Besides  the  remission  of  the  twenty -five  per  cent.,  and 
the  substitution  for  it  of  the  usual  six  per  cent,  tax  on  all  goods 
exported,  they  petitioned  to  be  permitted  to  ship  out  their 
products  to  whatever  port  they  pleased.  They  asked,  as  in  1706, 
that  representatives  of  the  planters  be  consulted  by  the  governor 

"  B.  &  D.,  17H-17  (July  11,  1714).  Those  signing  the  communication  of 
July  11  were:  L.  Beverhoudt,  Johannes  Seits,  Jan  Jansen  de  Windt,  Daniel 
Jansen,  David  Bourdeaux,  Johannes  Cramieuw,  Hans  Kroyer,  Tobias  van 
Wondergem  and  Ja[me]s  Smidt  (Smith). 

"  Vest.  Reg.,  1699-17. '^  (April  14,  1716).  George  Carstensen  became  the 
founder  of  a  distinguished  line  of  Danish  nobility,  the  Castenskjolds.  He  was  a 
nephew  of  Governor  Lorentz. 

2»  See  above,  pp.  113,  115. 

'*  See  above,  p.  119. 

86  B.  &  D.,  17U-17  (August  10,  1714). 


190  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

and  council  on  matters  pertaining  to  the  land  and  its  inhabitants. 
They  requested  permission,  on  behalf  of  the  members  of  the 
Reformed  or  Calvinist  faith,  for  the  latter  to  elect  their  own 
minister.  They  asked  as  had  the  delegates  of  1706  that  the 
government  take  measures  to  secure  satisfaction  from  Spain 
for  slaves  escaped  to  Porto  Rico  and  for  ships  seized  by  the 
Spanish,  French,  and  English  during  the  War  of  the  Spanish 
Succession.  They  requested  more  eflScient  assistance  from  the 
Company  in  the  prevention  of  runaways  and  a  remission  of 
the  interest  on  slaves  bought  in  1707.'^® 

These  various  desires  and  grievances  were  presented  in  the 
form  of  memorials  or  petitions  to  the  directors  and  to  the  king. 
The  memorial  to  the  former  was  dated  September  2,  1715, 
and  to  this  the  directors  made  reply  on  October  28  following.^'^ 
King  Frederick  IV  referred  the  matter  for  further  investiga- 
tion to  royal  commissions,  including  the  Board  of  Police  and 
Trade.  The  St.  Thomas  delegates  remained  in  Copenhagen 
through  the  winter  of  1715-1716  and  succeeded  in  getting 
definite  statements  from  both  the  Company  and  the  crown  on 
all  the  points  in  dispute.  A  commission  was  appointed  by  the 
king  on  April  14,  1716,  consisting  of  privy  councilors  Christian 
Sehested  and  Frederick  Christian  Adder,  supreme  court  judge 
and  councilor  in  chancery  Christian  Berregaard,  and  Jens  Kuur, 
a  member  of  the  Copenhagen  city  council."^^  This  body  really 
acted  as  arbiter  in  the  dispute  between  the  planters  and  the 
Company.  The  king's  resolution  on  each  of  the  disputed  points 
was  handed  down  on  August  16,  1716. 

The  mission  of  1715-1716  was  certainly  productive  of  result. 
The  tax  on  the  property  of  persons  leaving  St.  Thomas  was 
reduced  from  twenty-five  to  ten  per  cent.  Trade  was  thrown 
open  to  St.  Thomas  inhabitants  on  payment  of  six  per  cent, 
for  outgoing,  and  five  per  cent,  for  incoming  goods.  On  these 
terms  the  inhabitants  of  St.  Thomas  were  to  be  permitted  to 
trade  with  all  places  except  the  Danish  European  lands  and 

^  It  is  not  clear  just  why  this  was  asked  for.    Manager  MS.,  119. 
"  Comp.  ProL.  1697-173i  (October  28,  1715). 

'8  Vest.  Reg.,  1699-1746  (April  14,  1716).  Assessor  and  Cancellie-Raad  were 
the  Danish  names  for  Berregaard's  offices. 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  191 

Hamburg  and  Bremen,  but  were  expected  to  assist  the  Company 
in  securing  full  cargoes,  though  at  market  rates,  instead  of  the 
discount  of  one-sixth  which  the  directors  had  held  out  for.  The 
planters'  attempt  to  secure  a  legal  standing  as  a  legislative  body 
for  their  common  court  failed,  although  the  king  ordered  that 
their  decisions  were  to  be  appealed  to  the  directors,  thus  depriv- 
ing the  governor  and  council  of  their  judicial  functions.  The 
king  approved  the  directors' proposal  to  issue  a  letter  of  presenta- 
tion (Kaldsbrev)  to  any  suitable  Reformed  Church  minister  nomi- 
nated by  the  St.  Thomas  congregation.  With  regard  to  slave 
refugees  in  Porto  Rico,  to  runaways  on  St.  Thomas,  and  to  seiz- 
ures made  by  various  nations  during  the  late  war,  the  authori- 
ties joined  in  promising  assistance.  The  interest  on  the  debt 
due  for  slaves  purchased  in  1707  was  not  remitted,  but  reduced 
from  eight  to  six  per  cent.  Speedier  handling  of  probate  cases 
was  promised. ^^ 

This  outcome,  on  the  whole  favorable  to  the  planters,  was 
partly  due  to  the  vigorous  championship  of  their  interests  by  a 
committee  of  the  Board  of  Police  and  Trade,  which  the  king 
had  deputed  to  report  upon  the  case.^"^  The  whole-hearted 
sympathy  which  this  body  showed  towards  the  planters  indi- 
cates an  intelligent  grasp  of  commercial  matters  considerably 
in  advance  of  that  generally  held  in  Danish  administrative 
circles  of  the  early  eighteenth  century.  The  planters'  victory 
was  gained  in  the  face  of  bitter  opposition  from  Governor 
Michael  Crone,  who  had  counselled  banishment  and  fines  for 
the  leaders  if  actual  revolution  was  to  be  averted  and  the  Com- 
pany was  to  be  saved  from  ruin.^^  In  view  of  Crone's  question- 
able dealings  with  privateers  and  the  care  with  which  he  looked 
after  his  own  fortunes,  while  he  neglected  the  interests  of  the 

^^  For  the  king's  resolution  on  each  of  the  matters  in  dispute,  see  Martfeldt 
MSS.,  Vol.  VI.,  "  Udtog  af  en  Kongelig  Resolution  .  .  ."  (August  24,  1716). 
Cf.  Manager  MS.,  pp.  120  et  seq. 

*"  The  members  were:  Niels  Slange,  Johan  Bertram  Ernst,  Andreas  Franck, 
Christian  Braem,  Morten  Munck,  Markus  Johansen,  and  Abraham  Klocker. 
Politi  eg  Commerce  Collegiels  Memorial  Bog,  vol.  21  (1716-1720),  in  City  Hall 
archives,  Copenhagen.  See  Appendix  F,  pp.  306-314,  for  translation  of  this 
report. 

"  Crone  to  Directors  (February  19,  1715),  B.  &  D.,  17U-17. 


19-2  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Company,  it  is  possible  to  comprehend  why  the  king's  commis- 
sioners disregarded  the  governor's  ad\'ice.  In  fact,  two  of  the 
St.  Thomas  delegates,  George  Carstensen  and  Jacob  Magens, 
were  appointed  by  the  directors  to  examine  into  Governor 
Crone's  official  stewardship.--  Crone,  happily  for  himself,  died 
before  the  investigation  could  be  instituted. 

Troubles  between  planters  and  those  governing  them  were 
not  confined  to  St.  Thomas  during  the  years  after  the  War  of  the 
Spanish  Succession.  The  class  of  planter-capitalists  which  in 
Walpole's  time  largely  dominated  English  colonial  pohcy  seems 
during  these  years  first  to  have  become  conscious  of  its  power  in 
various  West  Indian  islands.  Governor  Erik  Bredal  of  St. 
Thomas,  in  a  letter  to  the  directors  dated  March  13,  1718, 
reported  that  the  Portuguese  had  exiled  their  governor  to  St. 
Thomas,  possibly  the  Portuguese  island  by  that  name  off  the 
Guinea  coast  of  Africa,  that  the  French  on  Martinique  had 
driven  off  their  "  general, "  and  that  a  similar  fate  had  met  the 
Dutch  "general"  on  St.  Eustatius.  The  times  were  indeed 
"quite  fatal""  for  West  Indian  governors.  Bredal  wrote  from 
first-hand  knowledge,  for  he  himself  had  had  to  imprison  a 
planter  who  had  proposed  sending  him  to  Porto  Rico.'*^ 

The  increased  freedom  in  trade  resulted  in  a  short-Hved 
''  boom  "  in  St.  Thomas.  Despite  the  attempts  made  by  French, 
English  and  Spanish  to  restrict  trade  to  their  own  nationahties.'^ 
and  despite  numerous  seizures  by  Porto  Rico  authorities,'"^  St. 
Thomas  traders  were  willing  to  assimie  risks  which  the  Com- 
pany could  not.  New  England  shipyards  furnished  vessels  by 
means  of  which  St.  Thomas  planters  ran  the  gauntlet  of  pirates 
and  men-of-war,  and  not  infrequently  evaded  successfully  the 
\'igilance  of  the  West  Indian  authorities  whose  business  it  was 
to  guard  the  interests  of  their  European  masters.^    On  the 

"  Comp.  Prof.,  1697-17S\  (October  io,  1715).  Crone  had  connived  with 
Governor  Rivera  of  Porto  Rico  in  carrying  on  forbidden  trade.  Cf.  Bredal, 
etc..  to  Directors  (November  i\,  1716\  B.  &  D.,  1717-20. 

«  5.  «t  D.,  1717-20  (March  13. 171S).    The  planter's  name  was  Pieter  Krul. 

'''■Ibid.  (June  11,  1719). 

<5  Ihid.  (February  12,  1719). 

*  Ibid.  (March  13,  1718).  Among  others,  Lucas  Beverhoudt  had  a  vessel 
built  in  Boston  for  trade  between  the  West  Indies  and  Holland. 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  193 

Danish  West  Indian  as  on  the  Dutch  and  other  islands,  smug- 
gUng  early  became  a  fine  art,  one  of  the  approved  ways  to  wealth 
and  aflfluence  and  even  to  titles  of  nobility. 

The  results  of  this  more  liberal  policy  were  soon  reflected  in 
increase  of  trade,  especially  with  the  Dutch  and  with  the  English 
colonists  on  the  mainland,  who  were  adepts  at  wriggling  through 
the  meshes  of  eighteenth-century  commercial  regulations.  The 
visiting  Dutch  traders,  always  willing  to  sell  their  wares  on 
credit,  were  eminently  successful  among  the  St.  Thomas  plant- 
ers. An  era  of  extravagance  ensued,  which  the  Company  tried 
in  vain  to  combat.  Plantation  magnates  sent  their  children 
to  the  northern  English  colonies  or  to  Europe  for  their  schooling, 
and  when  they  had  acquired  independent  fortunes  the  plant- 
ers themselves  retired  to  Holland  or  Denmark  to  enjoy 
them. 

The  conditions  under  which  these  distant  colonies  were 
settled  and  developed  give  their  fiscal  history  peculiar  interest, 
and  likewise  comphcate  it  not  a  Uttle.  Besides  the  duties  on 
imports  and  exports  already  referred  to,  the  planters  had  to 
pay  certain  direct,  and  a  considerable  number  of  indirect,  taxes. 
In  order  to  encourage  planters  to  come  to  St.  Thomas  and  St. 
John,  it  had  been  necessary'  to  promise  them  eight  years  of 
exemption  from  poll  and  land  taxes. ^'  No  one  was  free  from 
militia  duty,  however,  though  a  number  sent  proxies.  The 
planters  preferred  serving  in  the  militia  to  supporting  a  con- 
siderable body  of  Danish  troops. ^^  Of  the  latter  alternative, 
there  was  little  danger,  for  the  Company  had  diflSculty  in  keep- 
ing a  full  complement  of  men  at  the  fort,  and  those  employed 
were  too  frequently  the  riffraff  of  Copenhagen,  who  were  often 
such  inveterate  imbibers  of  kill-devil  that  they  became  worse 
than  useless.  "They  are  indeed  so  wretched,"  wrote  Governor 
Bredal  in  1716,  "  that  they  cannot  be  trusted  any  longer  at  their 
posts;  they  get  so  drunk  that  they  fall  off  the  walls  where  they 
stand  on  duty,  some  falling  to  their  death,  some  so  injuring 
themselves  that  they  are  unable  for  a  long  time  to  do  their  work. 
Others  desert  their  posts  in  the  hope  of  getting  a  chance  to  leave 

*''  See  above,  p.  69,  for  reference  to  Governor  Adolph  Esmit's  order. 
"  See  above,  p.  101,  for  Thormbhlen's  ejqjerience  with  the  planters. 


194  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

the  place.  .  .  ."^^  Few  soldiers  ever  lived  to  return  to  Denmark, 
and  very  few  became  landowners,  though  a  number  became 
managers  of  plantations. 

So  long  as  the  planters  were  compelled  to  ship  their  products 
to  Europe  in  the  Company's  vessels,  an  excessive  freight  rate 
became  itself  a  species  of  tax.  A  form  of  taxation  most  heartily 
detested  by  the  colonists,  however,  was  the  sort  that  was  levied 
through  underpaying  the  planters  for  their  products.  It  was 
to  evade  such  taxes  that  the  latter  fought  persistently  for 
greater  freedom  of  trade  than  was  being  allowed  them,  and  for 
a  place  in  the  local  law-making  body.  The  one  tax  that  gave 
the  planter  least  reason  for  just  complaint  because  of  any 
measurable  inequality  in  its  incidence,  was  the  poll  and  land 
tax.'°  The  slaves  represented  the  planters'  chief  investment, 
and  the  ability  of  the  owners  to  pay  could  generally  be  cal- 
culated with  reasonable  accuracy  by  the  number  of  slaves  in 
their  possession. 

The  colonists  were  naturally  concerned  chiefly  in  securing 
the  best  price  possible  for  their  sugar,  cotton,  indigo,  tobacco, 
and  other  products.  The  highest  prices  were  generally  to  be 
obtained  from  Dutch  or  English  interlopers;  hence  in  order 
to  insure  cargoes  for  the  Company's  ships,  the  privy  council 
would  sometimes  proceed  to  raise  to  the  necessary  level  the 
duties  on  goods  exported.  Planters  who  were  in  the  Company's 
debt  were  usually  obliged  to  offer  their  produce  to  the  Company 
before  trying  to  sell  it  to  any  outside  buyer,  but  well-to-do 
planters  did  not  fear  at  times  to  refuse  to  sell  the  Company  any 
sugar  whatever.^^  Under  such  circumstances,  the  local  offic- 
ials were  occasionally  forced  to  borrow  from  a  visiting  skipper 
the  sugar  required  to  make  up  a  cargo.^^  The  directors  had 
insisted  from  the  first  on  the  prior  right  to  buy  all  plantation 
products,^^  but  they  were  forced  as  time  went  on  to  relax  that 
end  of  their  monopoly  little  by  little.     Finally  in  1724  the  Com- 

«  5.  <fe  D.,  17U-17  (April  29,  1716). 

^^  See  above,  p.  196. 

"  s,  p  jfyr  St.  Th.  (July  9,  1714). 

"  B.  <fe  D..  17U-17  (August  10,  1714). 

"  Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI,  170S-1709  (April  2.  1708). 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  195 

pany  gave  up  its  monopoly  of  all  trade  at  St.  Thomas  except 
that  in  slaves,  permitting  the  ships  of  all  nations  to  buy  and 
sell  there  on  payment  of  the  six  per  cent,  export  and  five  per 
cent,  import  tax  fixed  in  the  royal  edict  of  August  24,  1716.^* 
This  appears  to  mark  the  beginning  of  St.  Thomas  as  a  free  port. 

After  the  acquisition  of  St.  Croix,  the  question  of  how  the 
sugar  and  cotton  prices  should  be  fixed  became  one  of  prime 
political  importance  in  the  Danish  islands.  Before  1735  the 
planters  tried  to  secure  current  prices  for  their  products  by  un- 
oflBcial  means,  since  they  had  no  recognized  legislative  powers. 

As  a  source  of  income  the  Company's  magazine  at  St.  Thomas 
played  some  part.  It  was  impossible  to  retain  the  monopoly 
of  the  retail  trade  so  long  as  Danish  ships  could  not  furnish 
the  island  with  all  its  needed  supplies  and  provisions.  Planta- 
tion implements  came  in  large  part  from  English  and  French 
sources,  and  provisions  chiefly  from  New  England  and  New 
York.  During  the  Spanish  Succession  war,  when  numerous 
prizes  and  prize  cargoes  were  brought  to  St.  Thomas  for  sale, 
the  Company  lost  a  good  deal  of  its  retail  trade  to  those  local 
planter-merchants  who  were  willing  to  undertake  war  risks. 
By  1725  it  had  given  up  almost  all  of  this  trade  except  its 
traffic  in  slaves. 

It  was  the  duty  of  the  local  factor  to  keep  the  officials  in 
Copenhagen  informed  concerning  the  goods  likely  to  be  in  de- 
mand in  the  West  Indies.  A  list  of  articles  found  enumerated 
in  the  Company's  books  for  1717  will  give  an  idea  of  the  con- 
tents of  its  magazine.  Among  the  provisions  on  hand  were 
salt  beef,  pork,  maize,  sweet  potatoes,  palm  oil,  cassava,  pepper, 
spices,  cacao,  tea,  bread,  flour,  butter,  sweetmeats,  wine,  vine- 
gar, beer  (Lybsk  01)  kill-devil,  and  spirits  (aquavita).  There 
were  also  to  be  found  pitch,  rope,  sailcloth,  and  thread  for  the 
use  of  ships  in  the  harbor;  shingles,  lumber,  brick,  tile-stones 
and  nails  for  building  houses,  and  tallow  for  lighting  them.  For 
the  planter's  wife  and  daughter  the  factor  had  in  stock  laces, 
linens  and  cotton  prints.  To  the  planter  himself,  who  rode 
on  his  daily  inspection  tour,  the  magazine  offered  a  saddle.^^ 

^*  See  above,  p.  152.    Ibid.,  17S3-1731  (October  21,  1724). 
<^^N.  J.  for  St.  rk.  {or  1717. 


196  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Closely  associated  with  the  Company's  fiscal  policy,  but  less 
firmly  under  its  control,  was  the  matter  of  money.  Part  of  the 
metal  dug  out  of  Spanish  mines  in  America  was  diverted  by 
Dutch  and  other  interlopers  into  the  channels  of  West  Indian 
and  European  trade.  Spanish  merchants  gladly  parted  with 
hard  Spanish  pieces-of -eight  for  negroes  or  provisions;  their 
own  skippers  could  not  keep  pace  with  the  supply,  and  Span- 
ish planters  were  willing  to  pay  good  prices  for  those  com- 
modities. The  greater  number  of  the  coins  that  were  in  cir- 
culation in  the  West  Indies  in  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth 
centuries  bore  on  their  face  the  titles  of  the  king  of  Spain. 
Spanish  milled  dollars  circulated  freely  in  the  trade  of  Boston, 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  with  the  West  Indies  long  after 
the  English  colonies  had  gained  their  independence. 

Within  each  of  the  different  groups  of  colonies,  the  money  of 
the  home  state  was  supposed  to  circulate.  Hence  various  kinds 
of  coin  crept  into  general  use,  to  the  confusion  of  commerce 
and  the  joy  of  the  professional  money-changer. 

St.  Thomas  suffered  its  most  severe  financial  disturbance 
during  the  years  of  universal  money  stringency  following  the 
Peace  of  Utrecht.  As  early  as  1715,  the  planters  on  St.  Thomas 
were  unable  to  pay  their  export  and  import  dues  in  coin.^^  Two 
years  later,  shortly  after  the  Company's  treasurer.  Christian 
Seeberg,  had  been  accused  of  wholesale  peculations  by  Governor 
Bredal,  the  latter  reported  that  there  was  no  money  left  on  St. 
Thomas.  "There  is  no  trade  with  the  Spaniards,"  he  wrote, 
"and  the  English  have  secured  the  little  money  that  is  left,  so 
that  the  land  is  poorer  than  it  has  ever  been.  People  who  are 
rated  as  capitalists  do  not  have  enough  money  for  the  daily  ex- 
penses of  their  households.  In  order  to  pay  our  militia  and 
others  of  our  servants,  our  only  resource  lies  in  doing  as  is  being 
done  in  Carolina  and  Canada:  namely,  to  make  use  of  paper 
bills  with  the  Company's  seal  in  place  of  money.  ..." 

The  only  other  alternative,  as  the  governor  intimated  in  the 
same  letter,  would  have  been  barter  in  sugar  and  cotton,  hardly 
convenient  substitutes  for  small  change.  To  make  legal  seiz- 
ures for  debts  owed  by  planters,  would  merely  have  brought  the 
^B.  &  D..  17U-17  (July  23,  1715). 


THE  PLANTER  AND  THE  COMPANY  197 

Company  slaves  and  furniture,  which  could  not  have  been  used 
in  paying  the  Company's  employees.''^ 

The  crisis  was  thus  tided  over  by  paper  money  issues,  but 
not  without  inconvenience  and  loss.  In  1722  Governor  Bredal 
issued  an  order  requiring  possessors  of  "false  paper  bills"  to 
present  them  for  signing  within  fourteen  days,  on  pain  of  con- 
fiscation.^^ In  1724,  in  the  seventh  year  of  their  use.  Governor 
Frederick  Moth  and  his  council  took  measures  for  the  with- 
drawal and  confiscation  of  the  old  notes,  which  were  scarcely 
recognizable  any  longer,  and  proceeded  to  the  issue  of  new  ones 
that  were  less  easily  raised.^^  The  governor  and  council  de- 
cided to  issue  2,000  bills  of  each  of  the  following  denominations : 
one,  two,  four,  and  eight  reals.^*^  Counting  eight  reals  to  each 
piece-of-eight  brings  the  sum  thus  issued  to  3,750  pieces-of- 
eight,  which  was  equivalent  to  the  same  number  of  rixdollars. 

Two  years  later  a  new  issue  worth  1,000  rdl.  more  replaced 
the  above,^^  but  the  planters  began  to  demand  twenty -five  per 
cent,  higher  prices  for  their  produce  when  paid  in  paper  money. 
This  caused  the  local  officials  to  take  measures  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  bills  by  accepting  them  at  their  face  value  in  pay- 
ment of  debts  to  the  Company.  On  March  21,  1727,  Philip 
Gardelin,  the  factor  at  St.  Thomas,  requested  the  retirement 
and  destruction  of  the  paper  money.  His  suggestion  was  ac- 
cepted, and  after  a  decade  of  experience  the  Company  went 
back  to  a  hard  money  footing.*"'^  The  financial  stringency  that 
had  prompted  the  experiment  had  disappeared.  The  Company 
had  avoided  the  disaster  that  befell  the  French  and  English 
companies  of  this  period  by  refraining  from  issuing  more  paper 
money  than  it  was  able  to  absorb  in  the  course  of  its  business. 

Far  more  permanent  as  a  medium  of  exchange  were  the  so- 

"  Bredal  to  Directors  (September  27.  1717).    B.  &  D..  1717-SO. 

^^Martfeldt  MSS..  Vol.  I,  1684-1744  (July  27,  1722). 

^"S.  P.  for  St.  Th.  (May  11,  October  12,  1724);  Marffeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI, 
1723-1739  (October  12,  1724). 

8°  S.  P.  for  St.  Th.  (October  12,  1724). 

"  Ibid.  (July  30,  172G). 

*2  Ibid.  (March  21,  1727).  The  half-tone  engravings  of  Danish  and  colonial 
coins  planned  for  this  volume  have  had  to  be  omitted,  as  the  Danish  museum 
coin  collections  have  been  stored  away  until  the  close  of  the  war. 


198  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

called  "Seeberg  dollars."  The  silver  ware  and  plate  of  the  de- 
faulting treasurer  had  been  cut  into  convenient  sizes  and 
stamped,  and  some  of  the  money  thus  created  continued  in 
circulation  after  the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company 
had  passed  out  of  existence. 

In  spite  of  wars  and  panics,  the  Company  had  during  the 
first  third  of  the  new  century  not  only  held  St.  Thomas,  but  had 
acquired  and  settled  St.  John.  It  had  seen  the  rise  of  a  class  of 
capitalist  planters,  and  had  at  the  same  time  been  able  to  pay 
its  shareholders  a  twelve  per  cent,  dividend  in  1714  and  salaries 
to  the  directors  and  chief  participants  for  their  service  from 
1696  on.^^  In  1721  it  had  been  able  to  pay  an  eight  per  cent, 
dividend,  but  no  "Solarium  proportionaliter."  No  further  div- 
idends were  declared  until  1734,  when  the  purchase  of  St. 
Croix  made  other  arrangements  necessary. 

With  two  little  islands  in  its  possession  but  both  gradually 
decreasing  in  fertility,  with  a  restless  planter  population  which 
insisted  most  strenuously  upon  its  rights,  and  with  a  trade  that 
could  scarcely  supply  more  than  one  or  two  ships  a  year  with 
cargoes,  it  became  evident  to  live  Danish  business  men  that  a 
fresh  start  of  some  sort  would  soon  have  to  be  made  to  prevent 
utter  stagnation.  The  opportunity  came  when  French  interest 
in  the  affair  of  the  Polish  Succession  suggested  to  French  states- 
men that  Danish  neutrality  and  Danish  money  might  be  se- 
cured by  offering  to  Denmark-Norway  the  all  but  abandoned 
island  of  St.  Croix.  The  acquisition  of  this  fertile  island  marks 
the  beginning  of  a  new  era  in  Danish  West  Indian  history,  which 
it  will  be  the  purpose  of  the  succeeding  chapters  to  describe. 
*^  Manager  MS.,  117. 


CHAPTER  X 

THE  ACQUISITION   OF   ST.    CROIX 

The  acquisition  by  Denmark  of  the  island  of  St.  Croix  in 
1733  may  properly  be  viewed  in  the  nature  of  a  windfall.  This 
small  but  precious  tropical  fruit  fell  into  Denmark's  lap  during 
one  of  those  capricious  diplomatic  storms  which  shook  the 
chanceries  of  Europe  from  1723  to  1733.  During  this  decade 
an  intriguing  and  ambitious  Italian  woman,  Ehzabeth  Farnese, 
seated  on  the  throne  of  Spain  as  the  consort  of  the  incompetent 
Philip  V,  "was  the  pivot  upon  which  the  diplomacy  of  Europe 
turned."  Failing  in  her  efforts  to  bring  about  a  marriage 
alliance  between  France  and  Spain,  Elizabeth  through  her 
minister,  the  Dutch  adventurer,  Ripperda,  managed  to  effect 
an  alliance  with  Austria  in  1725  by  which  among  other  things 
Spain  was  to  secure  the  restoration  of  Gibraltar  and  Minorca, 
and  Austria  was  to  receive  Spanish  support  for  her  Ostend 
East  India  Company.  This  reversal  of  alliances,  which  brought 
together  two  of  the  chief  opponents  of  the  Spanish  Succession 
war,  threatened  the  revival  of  the  empire  of  Charles  the  Fifth. 
By  way  of  restoring  the  "balance  of  power"  and  averting  the 
dangerous  consequences  of  such  a  combination,  the  represent- 
atives of  France,  England,  and  Prussia  met  at  Herrenhausen 
where  later  in  the  same  year  they  formed  what  became  known 
as  the  League  of  Hanover.  They  were  subsequently  joined  by 
Sweden,  Denmark,  and  the  United  Provinces. 

It  was  the  marriage  of  the  young  and  weakly  Louis  XV  to 
Maria  Leszczynska,  the  daughter  of  Stanislas  Leszczynski, 
ex-king  of  Poland,  that  had  definitely  terminated  Elizabeth's 
schemes  for  a  French-Spanish  alliance.  The  inopportune  death 
of  Augustus  II  of  Poland  on  February  1,  1733,  left  France  as  the 
chief  champion  of  the  rights  of  Stanislas  to  the  Polish  throne. 
The  question  of  the  aged,  peace-loving  Cardinal  Fleury,  "  Must 
we  ruin  the  king  to  aid  his  father-in-law?  "  was  ignored.    France 

[199] 


200  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

consequently  found  herself  in  the  difficult  position  of  guarantor 
of  a  royal  candidate  who  was  opposed  bj'  the  arms  of  Russia 
and  Saxony,  both  of  which  states  were  actively  backing  the 
Saxon  candidate,  Augustus. 

Since  Austria  supported  Russia  and  Saxony,  Cardinal  Fleury 
expected  Sweden  to  attack  her  inveterate  enemy,  Russia,  while 
he  looked  for  Denmark,  which  controlled  the  entrance  to  the 
Baltic,  at  least  to  remam  neutral.  This  would  permit  the  French 
fleet  to  enter  the  Baltic  and  thus  come  to  the  aid  of  Stanislas. 

The  negotiations  of  France  with  Denmark  were  carried  on  by 
Count  Plelo,^  who  had  been  sent  to  Copenhagen  in  1728,  where 
he  had  become  very  popular  because  of  his  knowledge  of  Danish 
history  and  his  acquaintance  with  northern  literary  and  scien- 
tific men.^  Plelo's  task  was  not  an  easy  one,  for  only  eight 
months  before  the  death  of  the  Polish  king  Denmark  had  con- 
cluded a  treaty  of  friendship  and  aUiance  with  Russia  and 
Austria  at  Copenhagen,  with  a  view  towards  securing  a  favor- 
able settlement  of  the  vexing  questions  concerning  Denmark's 
relations  with  the  duchies  of  Schleswig  and  Holstein. 

Under  these  conditions,  the  Danish  court  was  obliged  to  move 
with  circumspection.  Austria  must  not  be  offended,  for  Holstein 
was  within  the  Empire;  France  must  not  be  turned  away  en- 
tirely, for  there  was  no  telling  when  French  support  might  be- 
come very  desirable  for  Denmark.  The  Danish  king,  Chris- 
tian VI,  managed  to  draw  out  the  negotiations  until  March  27, 
1734,  when  he  definitely  refused  the  French  ofPer  of  alliance;  ^ 
but  meantime  the  island  of  St.  Croix  had  been  purchased  from 
France  for  the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company.  This 
enabled  France  to  secure  needed  funds  for  carrying  on  her  war 
in  Poland,  and  the  Danish  company  to  gain  a  new  and  fertile 
island. 

The  ten  or  twelve  years  following  the  collapse  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  South  Sea  companies  were  years  when  money  went 

'  Louis  Robert  Hypolite  de  Brelian,  Comte  de  P16Io. 

*  It  was  during  Plelo's  stay  in  Copenhagen  that  Ludwig  (Louis)  Holberg, 
Denmark-Norway's  great  dramatist  and  historian,  was  laying  the  foundations 
of  a  national  drama  in  the  Danish  capital. 

'  For  conditions  preceding  the  purchase  of  St.  Croix,  see  L.  Koch,  Christian 
den  Sjettes  Ilistorie  (Kjobenhavn,  1886),  pp.  257  et  seq. 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  ST.  CROIX  201 

into  hiding  and  was  exceedingly  difficult  to  coax  out.  A  time 
when  it  was  common  to  resort  to  paper  money  to  carry  on  the 
minimum  of  necessary  trade  was  not  favorable  to  the  prosperity 
of  commercial  companies.  Under  the  successors  of  Governor 
Bredal,^  the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company,  unable 
to  pursue  an  aggressive  commercial  policy,  gradually  relin- 
quished its  monopoly  in  favor  of  private  traders  and  proceeded 
to  collect  as  many  as  possible  of  its  outstanding  debts.  Even 
in  the  slave  trade,  its  one  remaining  source  of  profit,  headway 
was  very  difficult.  A  number  of  poor  crops,  due  to  drought  and 
other  causes,  left  the  planters  with  little  surplus  to  invest  in 
slaves. 

The  East  India  Company  too  was  practically  at  a  standstill. 
Its  low  estate  was  ascribed  mainly  to  the  Northern  War  and 
to  the  plague  in  Copenhagen  in  1711.  In  the  course  of  an  in- 
vestigation Frederick  IV  sent  a  letter  under  date  of  November  9, 
1726,  to  the  investigating  commission  asking  them  to  report 
upon  the  advisability  of  uniting  the  two  India  companies.^ 
The  commission  was  dissolved  in  1728  without  having  achieved 
any  tangible  result.** 

When  Christian  VI  came  to  the  throne  in  1730,  the  prospects 
for  the  India  companies  began  to  improve.  As  crown  prince. 
Christian  had  already  shown  a  live  interest  in  these  ventures. 
In  the  East  India  Company  he  had  held  the  presidency  and  on 
April  12,  1732,  within  two  years  after  his  accession,  that  com- 
pany was  reorganized  as  "The  Royal  Chartered  East  Indian 
or  Asiatic  Company."  ^  The  West  India  Company's  opportu- 
nity for  rehabilitation  came  when  the  directors  saw  the  chance 
to  buy  the  island  of  St.  Croix  from  France. 

In  1732,  at  the  time  that  Plelo's  negotiations  with  the  Danish 

*  Commander  Otto  J.  Thambsen  was  governor  for  a  few  months  in  1724; 
Captain  Frederick  Moth,  until  1727;  and  Henry  Suhm,  until  173:3,  when  Philip 
Gardelin  became  governor  (February  21). 

^The  comimittee  consisted  of  August  Friderich  von  John  and  Daniel  Ben- 
jamin Weyse,  with  Andreas  Hoyer  as  secretary.  Hist.  Saml.  og  StudieT  .  .  . 
H.  Rordam,  ed.  (Kjobenhavn,  1878),  4  B.  Ill,  pp.  144  et  seq. 

•^  E.  Holm,  Danmarlc-Norges  Histane  i  Frederick  IV' s  sidste  ti  Regeringsaar, 
pp.  439  et  seq. 

'  Kay  Larsen,  De  dansk-ostindiske  Koloniers  UisUnie,  I,  73. 


202  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

court  were  under  way,  the  directorate  of  the  West  India  Com- 
pany consisted  of  Ferdinand  Anthon  (Count  of  Laurwigen), 
councilors  of  state  Severin  Junge  and  Christian  Berregaard, 
Hans  J.  Soelberg,  and  Gregorius  Klauman.  The  chief  partic- 
ipants were  Frederick  Seckman  and  the  mayor  of  Copenhagen, 
Frederick  Holmsted.^  When  the  president,  Laurwigen,  pre- 
sented his  resignation  to  the  shareholders  on  September  12, 

1732,  the  latter  immediately  began  the  search  for  another 
"high  minister"  and  instructed  councilor  of  justice  Frederick 
L.  Dose  to  sound  "his  High  Excellency,"  privy  councilor 
Charles  Adolph  von  Plessen  in  the  matter.^  From  September 
until  the  following  April  (1733),  von  Plessen  kept  his  own 
counsel,  but  he  set  to  work  informing  himself  on  the  state  of 
tlie  Company  and  the  possibilities  for  its  improvement. 

Von  Plessen  had  conferred  with  Holmsted  during  the  interval 
and  had  found  that  the  Company  was  scarcely  able  to  pay 
interest  on  its  debts,  and  the  stockholders  still  less  able  to  secure 
returns  on  the  capital  invested.  He  had  "studied  such  pro- 
posals, ways,  and  means  as  could  be  suggested,  not  only  to 
assist,  rescue,  and  support  the  Company,  but  also  [such  as 
would  help]  to  place  it  on  a  sounder  basis."  ^^ 

Conmierce  to  and  from  the  West  Indies,  "especially  in  these 
times  of  general  peace"  was  indeed  according  to  Holmsted 's 
admission  entirely  demoralized;  St.  Thomas  bought  its  goods 
direct  from  other  lands,  while  the  Company  was  forced  to  pay 
the  planters  ^]/2  '"'dl-  per  hundred  pounds  for  their  sugar,  and 
from  eleven  to  thirteen  shillings  a  pound  for  their  cotton,  higher 
prices  than  the  planters  themselves  could  secure  in  Europe, 
especially  for  the  sugar. 

These  observations,  which  von  Plessen  and  the  directors 
communicated  to  the  shareholders  at  their  meeting  on  May  8, 

1733,  led  his  High  Excellency  to  the  conclusion  "that  the  lands 
of  the  Company  are  too  small  and  its  inhabitants  too  few  and 
that  the  colonial  administration  is  on  too  limited  a  scale  and  has 
not  from  the  beginning  been  established  upon  a  suflSciently 

^  Manager  MS.,  pp.  132  et  seq. 

8  Comp.  ProL,  1697-173^  (September  12,  1732). 

"  IMd..  (May  8,  1734). 


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THE  ACQUISITION  OF  ST.  CROIX  203 

well-ordered  footing  or  upon  a  plan  properly  suited  to  carry  on 
commerce  successfully  with  these  lands."  The  only  way  out 
that  appeared  to  von  Plessen  lay  in  the  possibility  of  the  Com- 
pany's securing  the  neighboring  island  of  St.  Croix,  which  was 
at  the  time  in  the  possession  of  France. 

The  suggestion  thus  skillfully  presented  by  a  man  so  distin- 
guished in  rank  and  prestige  must  have  taken  the  assembled 
stockholders  by  surprise,  for  they  had  received  no  dividends 
since  1721,  and  many  of  them  had  in  fact  advanced  to  the  Com- 
pany in  1723  loans  amounting  to  thirty  per  cent,  of  their  stock, 
and  received  in  return  the  Company's  notes  yielding  six  per 
cent,  interest."  The  sort  of  confidence  instilled  into  the  minds 
of  the  Company's  "general  court"  as  they  listened  to  the 
courageous  proposals  of  a  high  official  who  was  willing  to  stake 
his  reputation  upon  the  success  of  his  scheme,  rhust  have  been 
comparable  to  that  produced  in  a  meeting  of  the  board  of  di- 
rectors of  a  run-down  railway  in  these  days  when  a  Hill  or  a 
Morgan  offers  to  pull  them  out  of  the  slough. 

When  von  Plessen  appeared  before  the  stockholders  in  May, 
1733,  the  entire  plan  as  he  presented  it  was  known  only  to  the 
king,  who  had  given  it  his  approval,  to  Holmsted  and  himself 
and  to  "a  couple  of  confidential  friends  whom  Mr.  Holmsted 
had  employed,"  and  of  course  to  Count  Plelo.  Although  se- 
crecy was  still  enjoined,  he  was  able  to  announce  that  Holmsted 
had  brought  the  negotiations  to  the  point  where  the  island 
could  be  secured  for  164,000  "French  crowns"  {ecus?).  This 
included  the  advantage  of  an  "alliance  or  treaty"  with  France, 
providing  for  "mutual  obHgation  and  neutrality  in  all  cases, 
perpetual  friendship  in  America  regardless  of  the  situation  in 
Europe,  and  mutual  defense  and  succor  if  need  be  against  all 
who  might  attempt  to  disturb  the  American  establishments, 
colonies,  and  commerce  of  these  nations.  .  .  ."  Wliether  or 
not  a  treaty  of  alliance  actually  was  contemplated  in  these 
preliminary  negotiations  is  not  entirely  clear  from  the  minutes 
of  the  Company. 

It  was  assumed  by  those  who  had  begun  the  negotiations 
that  the  island  was  well  worth  buying.    Von  Plessen  estimated 
"  Com-p.  ProL.  1G97-I731t  (May  8.  1734)  1l9. 


204  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

that  the  ishind  when  surveyed  would  be  found  to  contain  not 
fewer  than  800  large  plantations  besides  many  smaller  ones; 
that  it  would  yield  cacao,  indigo,  and  coffee,  as  well  as  sugar 
and  cotton;  and  that  the  land  was  of  such  a  high  quality  that  the 
plantations  would  be  worth  from  500  to  1,000  rdl.  from  the 
beginning.  He  expressed  the  belief  that  there  would  be  no  lack 
of  purchasers,  and  that  the  164,000  rdl.  needed  would  come 
back  within  a  few  years. 

Granted  that  the  shareholders  were  willing  to  concede  the 
value  of  the  island,  the  questions  of  next  greatest  importance 
were  those  which  dealt  with  the  readjustment  of  the  Company's 
internal  affairs  on  the  basis  of  the  new  conditions.  How  were 
the  shares  in  the  new  investment  to  be  distributed.^  What 
special  privileges  should  purchasers  of  the  new  shares  enjoy? 
How  should  the  Company  provide  for  the  payment  of  the  pur- 
chase price?  To  what  extent  should  trade  be  free  and  on  what 
branches  of  commerce  should  the  Company  hold  the  monopoly  ? 
At  what  price  should  the  old  shares  be  estimated  and  how  should 
holders  of  shares  in  the  recently  established  refinery  be  treated? 

All  of  these  questions  were  suggested  by  von  Plessen  at  the 
general  assembly  held  on  May  8,  and  he  sketched  out  tentative 
answers,  but  the  shareholders  were  not  ready  as  yet  to  express 
their  opinions  on  every  one  of  them.  They  did  however  vote 
in  favor  of  the  purchase,  and  made  arrangements  for  securing 
voluntary  subscriptions  to  stock,  the  preference  to  be  given  to 
holders  of  the  old  shares. 

On  May  13  the  various  groups  met  once  more  in  general  as- 
sembly. During  the  five-day  interval,  a  committee  of  share- 
holders ^"  had  discussed  the  mooted  points  with  the  directors  '^ 
and  the  chief  participants,^^  and  the  following  resolutions  were 
presented,  and  received  the  approval  of  the  assembly  when  it 
met  on  May  15.  (1)  The  Company's  old  shares,  about  eighty- 
four  in  number,  with  a  par  value  of  1,000  rdl.  each,  were  to  be 

'^"Councilors  of  Conference"  Lars  Benzon  and  Christian  Berregaard,  and 
Councilors  of  State  Phillip  Julius  Bornemann  and  Thomas  Bartholin. 

'*  Councilor  of  Conference  Severin  Junge,  Hans  Jorgen  Soelberg,  and  Grego- 
rius  Klauman. 

"  "Chancery  director"  Frederick  Sechman  and  Frederick  Holmsted. 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  ST.  CROIX  205 

reduced  to  500  rdL  a  share,  by  way  of  encouraging  the  buyers 
of  shares  in  the  Company  and  the  refinery;  (2)  the  value  of  the 
shares  in  the  sugar  refinery  was  to  be  raised  from  600  to  1,000 
rdl.  each,  and  persons  investing  for  the  first  time  were  to  have 
the  right  to  buy  them;  (3)  after  June  11  the  above  shares  were 
to  be  combined  into  single  shares  on  the  basis  already  resolved 
upon,  and  the  profits  from  Company  and  refinery  put  into  the 
common  treasury;  (4)  the  possessor  of  each  old  share  was  to 
advance  2,000  rdl.  towards  the  purchase  of  the  island,  and  to 
receive  in  return  two  plantations  on  St.  Croix,  each  of  them 
3,000  feet  long  and  2,000  feet  wide;  (5)  the  2,000  rdl.  was  to 
constitute  part  of  each  full  share  and  be  combined  with  the 
1,000  rdl.  in  refinery,  and  500  rdl.  in  Company,  shares;  (6)  it 
was  agreed  that  the  stockholders  should  have  the  opportunity 
if  they  desired  it  of  selling  the  plantations  assigned  to  them 
before  the  Company  began  disposing  of  its  plantations;  (7) 
those  failing  to  fall  in  line  were  given  the  chance  to  dispose  of 
their  refinery  and  Company  shares  within  eight  days  on  pain 
of  confiscation;  (8)  the  outstanding  debts  were  not  to  be  inter- 
fered with;  (9)  the  dividends  on  the  sugar  refinery  and  the  old 
shares  were  fixed  at  seven  per  cent,  beginning  with  June  11, 
1733,  but  from  the  2,000  rdl.  investment,  each  was  to  receive 
such  returns  as  the  tide  of  fortune  might  bring  him;  and  finally 
(10)  after  the  shares  should  all  have  been  paid  up,  the  Company 
pledged  itself  not  to  force  any  shareholder  .to  advance  money 
to  the  Company  against  his  will.^^ 

Thus  was  the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company  once 
more  reorganized  to  meet  the  demands  of  a  new  time.  Many 
things  had  happened  since  Governor  Lorentz  urged  the  directors 
to  take  up  the  activities  laid  down  by  Thormohlen  and  Arff, 
and  counseled  them  to  push  with  vigor  the  promising  Guinea 
trade.  While  the  reorganization  of  1697  was  made  chiefly  with 
a  view  towards  the  slave-trade,  that  of  1733-1734  looked  rather 
in  the  direction  of  plantation  development  and  of  the  monopoly 
in  the  business  of  refining  and  distributing  sugar  in  Denmark- 
Norway. 

^^Comp.  ProL,  1697-173^  (May  13,  1733).  Manager  MS.  (pp.  140  et  .leq.) 
follows  the  minutes  of  the  Company  almost  literally  here. 


'ZOQ  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

The  treaty  with  France,  which  was  concluded  at  Copenhagen 
by  Plelo  and  Holmsted  June  15,  1733,  and  ratified  by  Louis 
XV  just  thirteen  days  later,  provided  for  the  purchase  of  St. 
Croix  from  the  French  by  the  Company  but  said  nothing  of  any 
alUance  with  France.^''  It  arranged  for  the  payment  of  750,000 
livres  ^^  in  French  coin,  half  to  be  paid  in  cash  on  the  exchange 
of  ratifications  and  the  remainder  in  eighteen  months. 

In  their  general  assembly  of  August  8,  the  shareholders  were 
officially  notified  by  the  directors  of  the  consummation  of  the 
treaty,  and  they  accepted  the  directors'  plans  for  raising  the 
money.  The  time  that  was  to  be  allowed  to  the  holders  of  the 
old  shares  to  participate  in  the  new  plan  was  extended,  so  that 
those  within  the  city  were  allowed  another  fortnight,  and  those 
in  the  provinces,  six  weeks,  to  pay  up  the  required  sum.  Holders 
of  old  shares  were  to  be  given  six  months'  time  before  they  were 
to  be  required  to  give  a  final  answer  to  the  notification  of  the 
directors.  Meantime  the  king,  through  privy  councilor  and 
director  of  finances  Christian  Louis  von  Plessen  (brother  of 
Charles  Adolph),  had  offered  to  loan  the  Company  such  sums 
as  might  be  necessary  to  complete  the  payments  to  France. ^^ 

The  plans  of  the  directors  for  taking  over  St.  Croix  from  the 
French  "general "  at  Martinique,  for  having  the  island  surveyed 
and  laid  out  into  "quarters"  and  plantations,  and  for  giving 
four  instead  of  two  plantations  to  those  investing  2,000  rdl., 
were  presented  to  the  assembled  shareholders,  and  accepted  by 
them  in  their  meeting  of  September  26,  1733.^^ 

By  way  of  assuring  the  reorganized  Company  a  market  for 
its  West  Indian  cargoes,  the  king  had  issued  an  order  on  July  4, 
1733,  providing  that  private  refineries  should  be  required  there- 
after to  buy  their  raw  sugar  from  the  Danish  islands  as  long  as 
that  source  of  supply  held  out.^°    This  move  in  the  Company's 

'*  For  full  text  of  treaty  and  pleinpouvoirs,  see  Host,  98  et  seq. 

"This  amounted  in  Danish  coin  to  141,926  rdl.,  52  st.,  according  to  Comp. 
ProL,  1607-17SJt  (September  26,  1733). 

i«  Comp.  ProL,  1697-1734  (August  8,  1733). 

"  Ibid.  (September  26,  1733);  Manager  MS.,  p.  145. 

^^  No  one  refinery  was  to  be  allowed  to  lower  the  price  of  sugar  without  con- 
sulting the  others.  This  was  evidently  intended  to  protect  the  Company's 
refinery  established  in  1728. 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  ST.  CROIX  207 

favor  was  followed  on  December  11  by  royal  permission  to 
arrange  for  the  purchase  of  either  or  both  of  the  two  privately 
owned  refineries  in  Copenhagen,^^  and  for  their  incorporation 
into  the  Company.  Within  four  years  the  Company's  monopoly 
of  the  refining  business  was  practically  complete,  subject  only 
to  restrictions  imposed  by  the  king  in  the  public  interest.  The 
quality  of  the  sugar  was  to  be  maintained  at  as  high  a  standard 
as  hitherto,  its  price  was  to  remain  at  a  reasonable  ratio  with 
the  current  price  of  raw  sugar,  and  the  Company  was  to  be  al- 
lowed to  put  up  a  brandy  and  liquor  distillery  in  which  syrup 
and  sugar,  and  not  grain,  were  to  be  used.^^ 

When  the  Company  was  ready  to  take  actual  possession  of 
St.  Croix,  the  capital  it  had  at  its  disposal  was  as  follows : 

731^  old  (reduced)  shares  @    500  rd/ 36,750  rdl. 

117J^  sugar  refinery  shares  @1,000   "   117.500   " 

147      St.  Croix  shares  @    500  "    73,500   " " 

The  available  capital,  which  amounted  to  a  total  of  227,750 
rdl.,  represented  nearly  three  times  the  amount  invested  in  the 
Company  before  its  reorganization  was  begun.  The  enthusiasm 
and  practical  business  sense  of  Frederick  Holmsted  and  Charles 
Adolph  von  Plessen  had  overcome  the  apathy  of  a  considerable 
part  of  the  investing  public.  They  had  seen  to  it  that  the 
Company's  interests  in  Denmark  were  properly  safeguarded 
and  coordinated  with  its  interests  in  the  West  Indies. 

It  is  proper  at  this  time  to  turn  to  the  West  Indies  and  to  the 
circumstances  connected  with  the  occupation  of  St.  Croix  itself. 
While  these  weighty  matters  were  being  considered  in  Copen- 
hagen, St.  John,  which  had  been  settled  only  about  fifteen  years 
before,'"^*  was  about  to  become  the  scene  of  the  terrible  slave  in- 
surrection, the  course  of  which  has  already  been  pointed  out.^^ 
For  six  awful  months,  while  the  directors  were  laboring  to  in- 
duce shy  investors  to  place  their  funds  in  West  India  Company 

^*  These  were  owned  by  the  Weyse  and  Pelt  families. 

^^  Manager  MS.,  pp.  147  et  seq. 

"  Ibid,,  150. 

"  See  above,  p.  128. 

«  Chapter  VIII. 


208  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

stock,  the  planters  of  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  were  struggling 
for  their  very  existence.  The  part  played  by  the  French  from 
Martinique,  who  learned  of  the  sale  of  St.  Croix  before  the 
Danes  on  St.  Thomas  received  the  information,  and  how  they 
helped  to  put  down  the  rebellion,  have  likewise  been  discussed 
in  the  preceding  pages. 

St.  Croix  had  already  had  an  eventful  history.  According  to 
Bryan  Edwards,  the  Enghsh  historian  of  the  West  Indies, 
Dutch  and  English  settlers  occupied  it  in  1625.^®  They  appear 
to  have  been  joined  there  by  some  French  refugees  from  St. 
Christopher  (St.  Kitts).  A  civil  war  between  the  factions  re- 
sulted in  the  expulsion  of  the  Dutch  and  the  French  shortly 
before  1650.  In  August  of  that  year,  a  Spanish  expedition  from 
Porto  Rico  drove  oflF  the  English. ^^  The  Spaniards  had  hardly 
established  themselves  there  before  de  Poincy,  the  lieutenant- 
general  of  all  the  French  islands  in  America,  sent  a  force  of 
about  one  hundred  and  sixty -six  men  from  St.  Christopher's 
to  oust  the  Spaniards.  The  effort  succeeded,  and  the  settlement 
of  St.  Croix  by  the  French  was  begun  by  a  group  of  three  hun- 
dred colonists  who  were  sent  thither  the  following  year.-^ 

From  1651  to  1664,  when  the  French  West  India  Company 
was  established  under  the  initiative  of  Colbert,  St.  Croix  was 
under  the  proprietorship  of  the  Knights  of  Malta,  who,  how- 
ever, ruled  it  in  the  name  of  Louis  XIV.  In  1695,  while  Louis 
was  defending  himself  against  the  English  and  the  Dutch  and 
their  allies  of  the  Augsburg  League,  the  entire  colony  was 
moved  to  San  Domingo.^  From  that  date  until  the  Danish  pur- 
chase, it  is  referred  to  in  maps  and  texts  as  an  abandoned  island. 

The  Company's  servants  on  St.  Thomas  had  for  some  time 
cast  longing  glances  tow^ards  St.  Croix,  whose  deserted  hill- 
sides they  could  see  faintly  on  the  horizon  from  the  slopes  that 
rose  to  the  northward  from  St.  Thomas  bay.  In  1725,  Governor 
Moth,  in  a  letter  to  the  directors,  mentioned  having  heard  a 

2^  History  of  the  British  West  Indies,  I,  184. 

^'  Du  Tertre,  Histoire  des  Antilles,  I,  448  (quoted  in  J.  Knox,  op.  cit.,  27). 
28  Du  Tertre,  I,  409-413,  II,  32,  33,  37  (quoted  in  Mims,  Colbert's  West  India 
Policy,  44). 

2'  Keller,  Colonization,  498;  J.  Knox,  op.  cit.,  39. 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  ST.  CROIX  209 

report  that  the  English  intended  shortly  to  occupy  the  island. '^^ 
In  the  following  year,  Moth  wrote  that  "  Ste.  Cruds  [St.  Croix] 
still  lies  uninhabited.  If  said  island  belonged  to  the  Danes,  or 
could  be  secured  by  them,  the  Company  would  in  time  become 
powerful,  and  I  assure  [you]  that  there  would  be  no  dearth  of 
inhabitants  as  soon  as  permission  for  its  settlement  should  be 
granted. 

"  I  have  heard  that  some  distinguished  gentlemen  in  Denmark 
have  offered  100,000  rdl.  for  it,  which  sum  it  is  easily  worth,  but 
I  take  the  liberty  to  explain  to  the  gentlemen  [the  directors] 
that  in  case  Ste.  Criids  fell  into  the  hands  of  private  persons 
and  was  granted  freedom  [of  trade]  by  the  king,  then  St.  Thomas 
and  St.  John  would  be  ruined  within  three  years;  but  on  the 
other  hand,  if  the  Company  could  receive  it,  both  lands  [St. 
Thomas  ^^  and  St.  Croix]  would  be  the  gainers."  ^'^ 

This  zealous  servant  of  the  Company  lived  to  see  his  hopes 
realized, — he  became,  in  fact,  the  first  chief  instrument  for 
their  realization,  when  the  directors  in  their  instructions  dated 
November  16,  1733,  named  Frederick  Moth  as  the  first  governor 


of  St.  Croix.  The  Company's  ship  Unity  which  bore  these  in- 
structions and  other  orders,  did  not  arrive  at  St.  Thomas  until 
June  11,  1734,  almost  an  entire  year  after  the  conclusion  of 
the  treaty.  She  had  been  obliged  to  put  in  for  repairs  at  a  Nor- 
way port  on  her  outward  journey,  which  she  had  begun  on 
December  3,  1733.^3 

No  sooner  had  Captain  Moth  received  his  commission  than  he 

»"  B.  <fe  D.,  172^-27  (July  1.  1725). 

'^  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  were  always  considered  as  a  unit  for  administra- 
tive purposes. 

32  Ibid.  (March  6,  1726). 

'*  Manager  MS.,  pp.  156  et  seq. 


210  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

commenced  preparations  for  taking  over  St.  Croix.  The  negro 
rebellion  on  St.  John  had  recently  been  brought  under  control 
through  the  cheerfully  rendered  assistance  of  the  French;  and 
to  many  planters  who  had  suffered  in  consequence  of  the  in- 
surrection, this  new  island  offered  the  prospect  of  recouping 
their  lost  fortunes.  A  bark  was  presently  sent  off  to  Martinique 
to  deliver  to  the  general  and  intendant  there  a  copy  of  the 
orders  of  Louis  XV.^^  Because  of  the  danger  from  hurricanes 
during  the  summer  months,  the  French  authorities  suggested 
postponing  the  formal  transfer  until  winter,  but  expressed  their 
willingness  to  let  the  Danes  begin  actual  occupation  at  once. 
On  August  31  the  Lutheran  and  Reformed  ministers  held 
services  in  their  respective  churches  for  the  benefit  of  the 
pioneer  band  that  was  to  leave  on  the  following  day.  On  the 
two  barks  and  two  smaller  craft  which  sailed  to  St.  Croix  on 
this  responsible  mission,  there  were,  besides  Captain  Moth  and 
his  party  (whicli  included  several  negroes  loaned  by  St.  Thomas 
planters),  a  number  of  men  sent  out  on  the  Unity  by  Charles 
Adolph  von  Plessen  to  begin  immediately  the  cultivation  of  the 
plantations  allotted  to  that  influential  statesman.  Thus  did 
his  High  Excellency  show  his  faith  in  the  Company's  future  by 
his  own  good  works. 

On  September  5,  the  little  band  had  finished  clearing  a  place 
near  the  Basin  on  the  northern  side  of  the  island  for  the  fort, 
w  hich  was  to  be  called  "  Christianswsern,"  ^^  and  on  the  following 
day,  when  the  cannon  had  been  placed  there,  the  minister  who 
had  accompanied  the  party  preached  a  sermon,  the  royal  flag 
was  planted,  and  the  king's  commission  to  the  new  governor  was 
solemnly  read  as  the  cannon  fired  a  salute. ^^ 

Four  months  later,  after  the  French  oflacials  from  Martinique 
had  arrived,  occurred  the  formal  transfer  from  France  to  Den- 
mark.   Captain  Bonnoust^^  and  his  party  arrived  in  the  harbor 

3*  Manager  MS.,  157;  Gardelin  MSS.  (June  23,  1734).  The  bark,  which 
sailed  about  June  23  was  in  charge  of  skipper  Patrick  Laughlin,  and  the  busi- 
ness in  the  hands  of  a  "Mr.  Vass,"  perhaps  Emanuel  Vass,  a  Jew,  the  only 
person  of  that  name  given  in  the  St.  Thomas  census  for  1733. 

^^  Wcern  =  defense. 

''  Manager  MS.,  158. 

^'  "  Pierre  Elaude  Frangois  Anthoine  Preitdey,  Herre  of  Bonnoust."    Host,  125. 


THE  ACQUISITION  OF  ST.  CROIX  211 

of  the  Basin  of  St.  Croix  on  the  morning  of  January  8.  They 
saluted  the  Danish  flag,  which  had  been  planted  on  the  point 
of  land  near  the  fort,  with  nine  guns,  which  the  Danes  answered 
shot  for  shot.  On  the  tenth,  after  Bonnoust  had  come  ashore 
with  a  lieutenant  of  marine  ^^  and  a  notary  public,  the  official 
ceremonies  took  place.  A  French  inhabitant  of  St.  Thomas,  one 
Pierre  Joseph  Pannet,^^  acted  as  interpreter.  About  forty  St. 
Croix  inhabitants  were  designated  by  Moth  to  append  their 
signatures  to  the  acts  of  possession  that  were  drawn  up.''^ 
After  exchange  of  full  powers  and  the  declaration  of  Governor 
Moth  that  no  French  inhabitants  were  settled  upon  the  island. 
Captain  Bonnoust,  by  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  in  him  by 
the  Marquis  de  Champigny,^^  governor  and  lieutenant-general  of 
the  French  Windward  Islands,  placed  Frederick  Moth,  as  the 
legally  designated  governor.  In  full  possession  of  the  island  in 
accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  treaty  concluded  at  Copen- 
hagen on  June  15,  1733. 

By  way  of  symbolizing  the  authority  thus  officially  conferred 
upon  him,  Governor  Moth  had  his  soldiers  march  to  the  fort 
under  arms,  and  fire  nine  cannon  shots  as  the  Danish  flag  waved 
overhead.  He  then  extinguished  a  lighted  candle,  fire  was 
again  lighted,  plants  and  herbs  were  pulled  out  of  the  ground, 
branches  were  broken  from  the  trees,  the  water  in  the  brook  was 
tasted,  stones  were  thrown, — all  the  acts  were  performed  which 
were  needed  to  indicate  that  free,  full,  and  perpetual  possession 
of  the  island  had  been  taken  in  the  name  of  the  Danish  West 
India  and  Guinea  Company  under  the  authority  of  the  Danish 
king."*^ 

Von  Plessen  and  Holmsted  had  reason  to  feel  proud  of  their 

*8  Marie  Barthelemy  Benard.    Host,  126. 

^  Or  Panel;  the  author  of  the  Relation  of  the  St.  John  insurrection  of  1733. 
See  above,  p.  169,  (n.  37). 

^''  Among  the  persons  acting  with  Moth  in  various  official  capacities  were 
Diderich  von  Ottingen,  lieutenant  on  St.  Croix,  secretary  Lorentz  Nissen, 
surgeon  Cornelius  Bodger,  and  militia  captain  William  Chalville.  Mariager 
MS.,  159. 

*^"nerre  Jacques  Charles  Brochard,  Ridder,  Herre  til  Champignee,  Nauvare, 
Poincy.  Marquis  de  Ste.  Marie."    Host,  124. 

<2  Mariager  MS.,  158;  Hiist,  124  et  seq. 


212  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

work.  Louis  XV  expended  all  that  St.  Croix  had  brought  him, 
and  more,  in  a  futile  attempt  to  aid  his  father-in-law.  Den- 
mark, on  the  other  hand,  thanks  to  the  devoted  labors  of  the 
above  two  men,  received  the  title  to  a  fertile  island,  which  has 
remained  in  her  possession  almost  without  interruption  to  the 
present  day. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE   COMPANY   UNDER   THE    NEW    CHARTER 

With  the  acquisition  of  St.  Croix,  the  Danish  West  India  and 
Guinea  Company  looked  forward  to  a  revival  in  its  business 
affairs.  The  prestige  and  enthusiasm  of  von  Plessen  and  Holm- 
sted  did  much  to  raise  the  hopes  of  the  shareholders,  but  several 
years  were  likely  to  elapse  before  the  new  colony  could  be  ex- 
pected to  yield  an  appreciable  return.  Not  only  was  the  ex- 
pense of  the  St.  John  slave  uprising  to  be  met,  but  measures  had 
to  be  taken  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  such  a  catastrophe. 
St.  Croix  had  to  be  surveyed  and  a  supply  of  new  settlers  se- 
cured. 

The  purchase  of  the  new  island,  and  the  privileges  giving  the 
Company  the  right  to  establish  a  sugar  refinery  and  distillery, 
prompted  Christian  VI  to  grant  the  reorganized  company  a  new 
charter  on  February  5,  1734,  to  take  the  place  of  the  provisional 
charter  of  two  years  before.^  Besides  retaining  the  three  West 
Indian  islands,  the  Company  was  given  all  rights  to  "Crab  and 
other  American  and  African  islands."  -  If  it  so  desired,  it  was 
to  continue  in  possession  of  Christiansborg  in  Guinea,  on  pay- 
ment of  the  usual  dues  "to  the  king  of  Aquambu  and  the 
Cabusiers  of  Orsa."  The  private  sugar  refiners  of  Copenhagen 
were  forbidden  to  buy  foreign  sugars,  and  were  either  to  agree 
with  the  Company  as  to  the  price  or  pay  the  current  rate 
brought  by  St.  Thomas  sugar  in  the  Amsterdam  market,  plus 
the  cost  of  forwarding  it  to  Denmark.  Only  in  case  of  a  shortage 
were  the  refineries  to  be  permitted  to  import  sugar,  and  then 
they  were  to  pay  10  sk.  duty  for  each  hundred  pounds,^ 

Under  the  terms  of  the  new  charter,  the  Company  was  given 

'  The  "  interim  "  charter  or  octroi  was  issued  on  February  22,  1732. 
^  See  Host,  EfterTetninger  om  Oen  Sand  Thomas,  pp.  115  et  seq.,  for  an  abstract 
of  the  entire  octroi. 
»1[6. 

(2131 


214  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

a  monopoly  of  trade  with  its  islands,  and  exemption  from  the 
Sound  and  other  duties,'  though  it  was  to  pay  two  and  one-half 
per  cent,  duty  on  goods  imported  into  Copenhagen  and  only 
one  per  cent,  on  those  exported  from  Copenhagen  to  foreign 
ports. ^  This  was  evidently  intended  to  encourage  foreign  trade 
and  thereby  to  bring  more  money  into  the  state.  The  ships, 
moneys,  or  effects  of  the  Company  were  not  to  be  subject  to 
seizure  during  war  or  peace.^ 

The  Company  was  authorized  to  try  all  cases  arising  within 
its  jurisdiction,  in  a  court  consisting  of  three  of  its  own  share- 
holders. Appeals  to  the  supreme  court  could  be  made  only  in 
cases  involving  life  or  honor.  Judgments  in  disputes  between 
the  Company  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands  might  come 
up  for  review  before  a  body  composed  of  three  shareholders, 
other  than  the  above,  and  four  judges  of  the  supreme  court.^ 
Wherever  the  charter  failed  to  cover  the  situation,  the  Danish 
laws  were  to  be  considered  applicable.^  The  appointments  of 
Reformed  and  Lutheran  ministers  of  the  gospel  were,  like  those 
of  governors,  to  be  confirmed  by  the  king.^  Toleration  of  be- 
lief continued  to  be  granted,  but  only  the  two  faiths  above- 
mentioned  were  permitted  to  hold  public  worship. ^° 

With  respect  to  fiscal  matters,  some  curious  provisions  were 
made.  Interest  was  to  be  fixed  at  such  rates  as  might  be  agreed 
upon  between  the  Company  and  its  creditors,^*  and  "tenths" 
and  "  sixths  "  might  be  assessed  or  not  as  the  Company  desired. ^^ 
Evidently  the  Company  did  not  propose  that  the  claims  made 
by  the  planters  in  1715  should  be  revived. 

The  executive  authority  in  the  colonies  was  to  rest  with  the 

*  "  Compagniets  Varer  skulle  i  Kjobenhavn  og  Uresiind  vcere  frie  for  Told  Con- 
sumtion,  Aceise  og  andre  Paalceg,  og  derea  Skibe  voire  frie  for  Last-  og  Havne- 
Penge,  etc."     Host,  117  (If  9). 

'1113. 

9  If's  18  and  21. 
"  If  18. 
"  If  17. 
»=*  H  33. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER  215 

governor  and  his  council,  but  in  place  of  the  former  burgher 
council  or  court,  there  was  authorized  a  lower  or  town  court, 
and  a  higher  court  consisting  of  the  governor  and  four  members 
of  the  lower  court.^^  The  directors  in  their  "orders  and  pro- 
visions" of  November  16,  1734,  issued  a  list  of  privileges  to 
planters,  in  which  the  rights  of  the  burgher  council  were  speci- 
fied in  detail.  The  first  members  were  to  be  appointed  by  the 
governor,  and  thereafter  one  was  to  be  retired  every  three  years. 
Whenever  a  vacancy  occurred,  the  place  was  to  be  filled  by  the 
governor  from  a  list  of  three  planters  submitted  to  him  by  the 
remaining  members  of  the  council. 

The  burgher  council  was  given  the  right  of  conferring  with 
the  governor  and  his  council  whenever  it  had  any  matters  to 
propose  concerning  the  common  welfare.  These  matters  were 
to  be  presented  in  writing,  and  might  be  forwarded  to  the  di- 
rectors by  the  first  ship,  whether  the  governor  in  council  offered 
any  reply  or  not.  Although  it  might  thus  make  its  desires 
known  to  the  authorities  in  the  islands  and  in  Copenhagen,  the 
burgher  council  had  no  power  of  initiative  except  at  the  written 
order  of  the  privy  council  or  the  directors. ^^  The  directors  were 
to  find  that  once  they  had  granted  the  right  to  advise,  it  would 
be  exceedingly  difficult  to  prevent  the  planters  from  becoming 
virtual  legislators. 

The  problem  of  securing  planters  for  the  three  hundred  planta- 
tions which  it  was  proposed  to  lay  out  at  St.  Croix  was  one  of 
first  importance  to  the  Company.  The  early  attempts  of  the 
king  and  the  leading  stockholders  to  begin  actual  work  on  the 
pieces  of  ground  allotted  to  them  was  an  encouraging  sign.  A 
few  English  settlers  ^^  who  had  moved  to  St.  Croix  before  the 
Danes  secured  it,  signified  their  willingness  to  pay  for  their  land, 
and  others  from  Barbados  and  the  "upper  islands"  indicated 
their  readiness  to  come  if  the  conditions  laid  down  were  not 

i<  Udtog  af  den  Ordre  og  Anstalt.  .  .  ."  (November  16,  1734),  If  16.  Mart- 
feldt  MSS.,  Vol.  HI. 

"  A  number  of  the  English  were  reported  to  have  removed  to  Tortola  and 
Spanishtown,  after  Moth's  arrival  at  St.  Croix.  Gardelin,  etc.,  to  Directors 
(December  28,  1734).    Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI. 


216  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

too  severe.  They  were  quite  opposed  to  paying  the  40  rdl.  an- 
nual land  tax  asked  for  by  the  directors,  though  the  tax  was  not 
to  be  paid  until  the  close  of  the  seven  year  exemption  period. ^^ 
Occasionally  poor  men  who  had  onlj'  from  three  to  half  a  dozen 
slaves  applied  for  a  chance  to  buy  small  tracts,  but  they  were 
delayed  by  the  instructions  of  the  directors,  who  wished  first 
to  dispose  of  the  two  hundred  and  fifteen  sugar  plantations  be- 
longing to  the  shareholders.^'^ 

The  penniless  man,  were  he  ever  so  hard-working,  could  hope 
for  little  in  the  West  Indies,  which  deserved  tlien  perhaps  more 
than  at  present  the  appellation  of  "a  rich  man's  heaven  and  a 
poor  man's  hell."  A  number  of  families  sent  from  Germany  to 
St.  Croix  cost  the  Company  more  than  they  were  worth.  Ex- 
cept for  three  families  that  deserved  to  be  called  industrious, 
the  men  proved  to  be  drunkards,  and  the  women,  dirty,  lazy, 
and  immoral.  "We  therefore  do  not  wish  to  risk,"  wrote  the 
governor  and  council,  "  recommendmg  the  sending  out  of  any 
additional  families  of  that  sort."  ^^  The  proposal  to  encourage 
refugee  debtors  to  come  to  St.  Croix  was  not  favorably  enter- 
tained by  the  local  authorities,  who,  eager  to  secure  sober,  in- 
dustrious folk,  suggested  that  they  should  not  exceed  twenty- 
four  years  of  age,  and  that  not  fewer  than  one  hundred  be  sent 
with  each  ship  "if  it  is  to  do  any  good,  inasmuch  as  half  of  them 
will  no  doubt  die  off."^^ 

As  the  surveying  of  sugar  and  cotton  plantations  neared  its 
completion  in  the  summer  of  ITSS,^**  work  on  the  forts  was 
pushed  forward  on  all  three  islands.  On  St.  John,  where  the 
Company  had  been  taken  severely  to  task  by  the  planters  for 
the  inadequacy  of  the  fort  during  the  recent  insurrection,  a 
fort  one  hundred  feet  in  length,  furnished  with  bastions  the 
guns  of  which  could  command  Coral  Bay,  was  in  process  of 

'«  Udtog  af  den  Ordre  og  Anstalt  .  .  .  (November  16,  1734.)  Martfeldt  MSS. 
Vol.  Ill;  Gardelin,  etc.,  to  Directors,  August  8,  1734,  B.  &  D.,  1732-3^. 

1'  Gardelin,  etc.,  to  Directors  (August  8,  1734).    Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI. 

18  Moth,  etc.,  to  Directors  (July  21,  1737).    Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI. 

'»  Ibid.  (July  23,  1735). 

*' Thomas  "Haves"  (Howes?),  an  Englishman  from  one  of  the  neighboring 
islands,  took  charge  of  the  work,  being  aided  by  a  force  of  negroes  from  St. 
Thomas. 


2    W 

~  o 


5: 2: 


p 


■V 


/i 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER  217 

construction.  In  1736  it  represented  an  investment,  according 
to  the  Company's  books,  of  2,700  rdl.  It  was  the  St.  Thomas 
fort,  however,  in  which  the  governor  and  council  took  especial 
pride.  The  increasingly  strained  relations  between  the  English 
and  the  Spaniards,  neither  of  whom  looked  with  favor  on  Den- 
mark's purchase  of  St.  Croix,  made  stronger  fortifications  at  St. 
Thomas  seem  imperative.  "The  fort  is  now  ready,  God  be 
praised,"  was  the  joyful  announcement  sent  on  to  the  directors 
in  March,  1735,  "and  in  such  condition  that  the  English  them- 
selves who  come  here  must  confess  that  there  is  not  a  fort  like 
it  in  all  the  upper  islands."^  It  can  now  be  defended  by  a  small 
force  of  30  to  40  men."  Christianswsern  on  St.  Croix,  located 
near  the  Basin  on  the  north  side  of  the  island,  was  not  finished 
until  about  1740.  It  was  a  fairly  pretentious  structure,  200 
feet  square.^- 

The  plantations  as  surveyed  were  usually  three  thousand  feet 
long  by  two  thousand  feet  wide.  To  prevent  a  depression  in  the 
real  estate  market,  stockholders  were  forbidden  to  sell  the  ground 
allotted  to  them  at  less  than  1,000  rdl.  for  a  sugar  plantation,  and 
half  that  sum  for  a  cotton  plantation. ^^  But  the  terms  of  sale 
seemed  too  high  for  many  of  the  intending  settlers.  In  March, 
1736,  the  government  reported  that  in  conformity  with  the 
demands  of  the  intending  English  settlers,  it  had  reduced  the 
price  of  sugar  plantations  from  1,000  to  500-600  rcZZ., one-sixth 
to  be  paid  each  year,  with  interest  at  six  per  cent,  on  the  unpaid 
balance.  The  cost  of  cotton  plantations  was  similarly  reduced, 
the  price  being  fixed  at  20  to  40  rdl.  for  each  million  square  feet, 
according  to  the  suitability  of  the  soil.  Such  slaves  as  were 
brought  in  by  new  planters  were  to  be  admitted  free  of  duty. 
The  years  of  exemption  were  reduced  from  seven  to  three  for 
settlers  who  cared  to  take  advantage  of  these  terms. ^^ 

The  directors,  moved  by  the  plaints  of  their  representatives 

^^  Oher-Eilande  appears  to  have  referred  to  the  Leeward  Islands. 

"  Moth,  etc.,  to  Directors  (September  1,  1737).    Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI. 

^'  Udtog  af  den  ordre  og  Anstalt  .  .  .  (November  16.  1734),  paragraphs  12 
and  13,  Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  III. 

2*  Kop.  &  Extr..  S.  P.  far  St.  Th.,  1735-52  (March  26,  173G).  Of  the  two 
hu  ndred  and  fifteen  plantations  allotted  to  shareholders,  eighty-seven  had  been 
assigned  when  the  above  resolutions  were  made. 


218  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

in  St.  Thomas,  who  bewailed  the  decreasing  ratio  of  whites, 
provided  for  a  poll  tax  of  one  rixdollar  for  each  full-grown  slave, 
omitting  the  former  tax  on  the  white  inhabitants.  The  attempt 
to  secure  a  land  tax  of  40  rdl.  for  each  plantation  of  6,000,000 
square  feet  was  given  up,  and  the  authorities  contented  them- 
selves with  12  rdl.--' 

After  its  relinquishment  of  the  slave-trade,  the  Company 
hoped  to  augment  its  revenues  by  means  of  its  plantations, 
especially  those  that  were  being  begun  on  St.  Croix.  During 
the  nine  years  from  1726  to  1734,  inclusive,  the  Company's 
Sugar  Plantation  on  St.  Thomas  had  yielded  a  measurable 
profit  for  only  five  seasons,  so  that  the  average  annual  gain  was 
just  1,335  rdl.  During  the  same  period,  the  New  Quarter 
Plantation  went  through  four  profitless  seasons,  in  three  of 
which  it  incurred  an  actual  loss;  j^et  its  average  gain  was  1,011 
rdl.-''  This  profit  was  the  estimated  net  result  of  an  investment 
which  was  set  down  in  the  census  for  1735  at  a  total  of  14,121 
rdl.  for  the  former  plantation  and  14,530  rdl.  for  the  latter. ^^ 
The  showing  was  admittedly  meager,  in  view  of  the  nearly  two 
hundred  negroes  in  the  Company's  possession  on  St.  Thomas, 
but  these  negroes  were  used  for  a  variety  of  purposes  besides 
planting.  Thirty  or  forty  were  usually  at  work  on  the  repara- 
tion of  the  fort;  half  a  score  made  up  the  warehouse  force,  which 
was  doubled  when  the  ships  came  in;  ten  more  were  required 
by  each  of  the  Company's  ships  when  it  lay  in  the  harbor  ready 
for  its  cargo;  there  were  six  carpenters,  eight  masons,  four 
smiths,  a  water  carrier,  a  tambour,  and  a  provost;  a  skilled 
sugar  boiler  attended  to  the  juice  as  it  came  from  the  mill;  a 

"  Udtog  af  den  Ordre  og  Anstalt  .  .  .  (November  16.  1734).  Marifeldi  MSS., 
Vol.  Ill;  Land  Liste  for  St.  Croix.  1742. 

^  Negotie-Journaler  for  St.  Thomas. 

^''  The  14,lil  rdl.  of  the  Sugar  Plantation's  capital  was  distributed  as  follows: 
slaves  (25  men,  39  women,  46  children),  7,755  rdl.;  beasts  (2  horses,  4  mules, 
2  asses,  11  cattle),  366  rdl.;  the  plantation,  with  boiling  house,  warehouse,  and 
manager's  dwelling,  6,000  rdl.     See  above,  pp.  130-133,  for  1690-1704. 

The  New  Quarter  plantation,  valued  at  14,530  rdl.  included  slaves  (41  men, 
55  women,  and  24  children),  worth  9,305  rdl.;  beasts  (2  horses,  5  mules,  1  ass, 
5  cattle);  and  plantation  with  outfit,  4,800  rdl.  Negotie- Journal  for  St. 
Thomas,  1735. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     219 

cooper  made  pipes  and  hogsheads  from  CaroHna  and  New  Eng- 
land hoops  and  staves;  two  trusted  slaves  ran  the  Company's 
bark;  a  few  old  domestic  negresses  who  refused  to  do  any  planta- 
tion work  added  their  numbers  to  the  Company's  quota;  and  a 
force  of  twenty  or  thirty  negroes  furnished  wood  both  for  fuel 
and  for  ballast  in  the  Company's  ships. ^^  It  was  clear  enough 
that,  after  deducting  for  women,  children  and  incapacitated 
slaves,  the  Company's  plantations  were  not  likely  to  command 
the  labor  required  to  bring  a  maximum  return. 

Despite  the  fact  that  the  income  from  the  Sugar  Plantation 
fell,  during  the  years  from  1735  to  1745,  to  less  than  half  of 
what  it  had  been  during  the  preceding  decade,  the  Company 
hung  grimly  to  it  through  its  entire  corporate  existence,  al- 
though in  the  last  six  years  (1749  to  1754,  inclusive)  the  planta- 
tion showed  an  annual  deficit.^^  With  the  New  Quarter  planta- 
tion the  Company  was  more  fortunate,  for  during  the  last 
eleven  years — that  is,  up  to  the  date  of  its  sale  in  1746 — it  yielded 
an  average  annual  return  of  1,136  rdl. 

It  required  no  especial  perspicacity  to  see  that  Company 
ownership  and  operation  of  plantations  were  not  likely  to  fulfill 
the  expectations  of  the  shareholders.  Since  the  slave  trade  had 
been  left  to  private  initiative  on  the  reorganization  of  the  Com- 
pany in  1734,  it  became  increasingly  clear  that  the  directors 
would  have  to  look  to  the  control  of  the  Danish-Norwegian  mar- 
ket for  its  profits.  The  first  essential  step  in  the  direction  of 
monopoly  was  taken  when  the  Company  in  1737  acquired  con- 
trol of  the  two  competing  refineries  owned  by  the  Pelt  and 
Weyse  families. ^° 

But  other  forms  of  competition  had  to  be  met  before  appreci- 
able profits  could  be  diverted  into  the  Company's  treasury.  As 
early  as  1735,  the  king  had  trebled  the  duties  on  refined  sugars, 
candies,  loaf  sugar  and  sirups.'^^  At  about  the  same  time :  namely, 

"  Gardelin,  etc.,  to  Directors  (August  8,  1734),  B.  &  D.,  1732-3h 

^  The  average  net  return  from  the  Sugar  Plantation  during  the  years  1735- 
1745,  inclusive,  was  489.9  rdl.;  for  the  entire  period  of  1735-1754,  it  was  only 
189.5  rdl. 

^»  See  above,  pp.  206,  207, 

'^  The  duties  were  raised  from  5  to  15  sh.  for  each  pound  of  sugar,  and  from 
5  to  15  m.  for  each  100  pounds  sirup.    Manager  MS.,  p.  169. 


220  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

on  April  25,  1735,  the  king  published  a  mandate  allowing  Danish 
subjects  the  right  freely  to  trade  with  the  Danish  possessions 
in  Guinea  and  in  the  West  Indies,  and  the  privilege  of  taking 
the  colonial  produce  to  foreign  ports  and  to  all  Danish-Norwe- 
gian ports  except  Copenhagen.^'  Although  the  king's  magis- 
trates in  Norway  and  in  the  Danish  provinces  had  been  particu- 
larly instructed  to  encourage  trade  in  the  sugar  refined  by  the 
Company,  they  found  it  impossible  to  prevent  the  smuggling 
of  foreign  refined  sugars,  especially  in  Norway,  where  the  fiords 
invited  illicit  trade.  The  Norwegian  magistrates  advised  the 
abolition  of  the  sugar  duties,^^  which  were  actually  reduced  to 
their  former  level.  The  Company,  which  seemed  quite  able 
to  meet  the  domestic  demand,  found  its  Norwegian  consign- 
ments of  sugar  perceptibly  rising.^^ 

The  royal  mandate  of  1735  had  not  had  the  desired  effect 
in  stimulating  trade;  so  in  a  mandate  issued  on  June  18,  1743,^'^ 
private  traders  were  allowed  to  sell  their  West  Indian  cargoes 
in  Copenhagen  as  well  as  elsewhere.  With  those  taking  up  this 
trade  or  signifying  their  intention  of  doing  so,  the  Company 
entered  into  an  arrangement  on  December  3,  1745,  with  the 
idea  of  preventing  needless  competition.  The  outsiders  were 
to  be  allowed  to  send  various  East  Indian  and  Chinese  wares, 
and  linens,  as  well  as  provisions  and  some  "heavy  goods";  and 
these  might  be  sent  from  Amsterdam  and  other  places  besides 
Copenhagen.^^ 

But  trade  was  by  no  means  free,  even  to  Danish  subjects, 
who  were  to  pay  the  usual  five  per  cent,  duty  on  incoming,  and 
six  per  cent,  on  outgoing  cargoes.  They  were  allowed  to  com- 
plete a  cargo  in  a  foreign  island,  to  be  sure,  but  if  they  brought 
it  into  the  harbor  of  a  Danish  colony,  they  would  still  be  required 
to  pay  the  six  per  cent,  export  duty.  On  goods  sold  by  the 
Company  in  the  West  Indies  for  the  private  adventurers,  a 

^-  Manager  MS.,  p.  168.  The  owners  of  ships  taking  part  in  this  trade  were 
to  pay  2  rdl.  for  each  ton  (Laest),  apparently  whenever  they  received  the  passes 
and  privileges  necessary  for  each  voyage. 

^^  Their  communications  were  dated  April  25,  1740,  and  June  28,  1741. 

^*  Manager  MS.,  pp.  172  el  seq. 

^^Ibid.,  MS.,  p.  191. 

^6  Ibid.,  MS.,  pp.  175  et  seq. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     221 

commission  of  eight  per  cent,  was  charged,  of  whicli  four  went 
to  the  Company,  and  four  to  the  West  Indian  officials.^^  Traders 
who  thus  disposed  of  their  cargoes  were  required  to  secure  their 
return  cargoes  from  the  Company's  West  Indian  warehouse; 
only  if  that  was  impossible  were  they  allowed  to  supply  their 
wants  in  the  open  market. 

Slaves  brought  from  the  Guinea  coast  by  non-Company 
skippers  were  to  be  sold  at  auction  without  delay,  and  return 
cargoes  to  be  secured  in  the  mode  above-mentioned.  The 
ships  of  the  Company  and  of  private  traders  were  to  have  prefer- 
ence over  those  of  foreigners  in  the  getting  of  cargoes.^^ 

Not  yet  satisfied  with  their  terms,  some  of  the  merchants, 
on  April  4,  1746,  proposed  further  modifications;  they  asked 
among  other  things  for  complete  exclusion  of  foreigners  from 
the  trade.  The  aggressiveness  of  the  private  adventurers  finally 
prompted  the  directors  to  propose  a  plan  of  cooperation  which 
would  virtually  bring  the  energetic  traders  into  the  Company. 
The  king,  or  at  any  rate  that  Board  of  Trade  and  Agriculture^^ 
which  acted  for  him,  had  lent  so  sympathetic  a  hearing  to  the 
demands  of  the  merchants  that  the  directors,  in  a  communica- 
tion dated  October  3,  1746,  actually  suggested  that  the  king 
follow  the  example  of  the  monarchs  of  France  and  England, 
and  take  over  the  colonies  himself.  It  was  curious  enough  that 
the  first  proposal  for  the  discontinuance  of  the  Company  should 
come  from  its  own  directorate.  The  alternative  suggestion 
made  by  the  directors  in  the  same  communication  was  the  one 
actually  followed. 

The  "Plan  and  Convention  of  Union,"  which  provided  for 
pooling  the  interests  of  shareholders  in  the  Company  with  those 
of  private  traders,  was  published  February  6,  1747.  So  far  as 
Denmark  was  concerned,  the  plan  succeeded  brilliantly.  In 
the  general  assembly  of  the  Company,  held  on  March  4,  the 

"  Manager  MS.,  p.  178.  The  governor  and  bookkeeper  were  each  to  receive 
one,  and  the  merchant  or  factor,  two  per  cent. 

^  Manager  MS.,  pp.  180  el  seq. 

^»  Gcneral-Landets-Okonomi-og-Kommercekollegiet  (1735-1768)  continued  the 
commercial  functions  of  the  Board  of  Police  and  Trade  (Poiiti-og-Kommerce- 
koUegiet,  1708-1731)  and  commanded  the  services  of  some  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished men  of  the  state. 


222  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

directors  were  able  to  announce  that  the  number  of  shares  in 
the  Company's  "circulating  fund,"  as  the  new  capital  stock 
was  called,  had  been  increased  from  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
eight  to  one  thousand,  and  those  in  the  sugar  refinery  from 
one  hundred  and  seventeen  to  two  hundred  and  fifty,  — all 
within  the  space  of  a  few  days.  On  March  27  an  edict  was 
published  abrogating  all  private  trade  with  the  colonies  and  on 
April  12,  1747,  the  old  and  new  shareholders  of  the  Company 
met  to  set  the  new  scheme  in  operation.  This  reorganization 
had  increased  the  resources  of  the  Company  by  316,000  rdl., 
and  those  of  the  refinery  by  66,500  rdl.,  or  more  than  one 
hundred  fifty  per  cent.^" 

Results  so  highly  pleasing  to  the  stockliolders  of  the  corpora- 
tion were  likely  to  be  viewed  in  a  different  light  by  colonists 
who  felt  that  this  was  simply  another  scheme  to  promote  the 
interests  of  the  Company  at  their  expense.  The  center  of  co- 
lonial opposition  was  naturally  to  be  found  in  the  recently 
acquired  and  nearly  virgin  island  of  St.  Croix,  where  plantation 
industry  had  made  rapid  progress  and  where  in  1741  were  to 
be  found  about  three  hundred  Englishmen  ^^  who  were  none  too 
amenable  to  Danish  law  or  Company  regulations. 

A  brief  survey  of  the  rise  of  the  planting  industry  on  St.  Croix 
will  reveal  those  evidences  of  economic  strength  that  made  the 
enlargement  of  the  Company's  capital  appear  feasible  in  1746- 
1747.  The  first  census  on  St.  Croix  was  taken  in  1742,  on  the 
expiration  of  the  seven  year  exemption  period.  In  that  year 
two  hundred  sixty -four  plantations  were  recorded  on  the  books 
with  the  names  of  the  owners,  and  at  least  two  hundred  forty 
of  these  were  surveyed.  Although  the  normal  size  of  a  planta- 
tion on  St.  Croix  was  two  thousand  feet  in  width  and  three  thou- 
sand feet  in  length,  making  6,000,000  square  feet,  the  average 
size  of  St.  Croix  plantations  in  1742  was  slightly  less  than 
5,000,000  square  feet.'^^  Only  one  hundred  twenty  of  the  entire 
number  were  listed  as  "sugar  plantations,"  while  one  hundred 

<"  Com-p.  ProL,  1741-54  (April  12,  1747). 

'•'  H.  J.  O.  Stoud,  letter  to  C.  A.  von  Plessen,  January  11,  1741  {KirkchisL 
Saml.,  4  R.  2  B..  p.  56). 

*^  The  average  area  was  4,913,100  square  feet. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     223 

twenty-two  were  set  down  as  "cotton  plantations."  Over  one 
thousand  nine  hundred  slaves,^^  large  and  small,  were  credited  to 
the  island. 

What  the  nature  of  Danish  West  Indian  society  was  during 
these  years  of  struggle  between  England  and  Spain  for  domina- 
tion in  the  Caribbean  Sea,  is  disclosed  but  meagerly  in  the 
Company's  records.  This  paucity  of  information  is  in  part 
atoned  for  by  two  letters:  one  written  in  1738  by  Soren  Som- 
mer,  who  appears  to  have  been  sent  out  from  Denmark  to  serve 
as  a  manager  on  one  of  von  Plessen's  plantations;  the  other  by 
a  Lutheran  minister,  H.  J.  O.  Stoud,  who  came  to  the  islands 
late  in  1740. 

Sommer  was  a  man  of  mediocre  attainments,  but  apparently 
an  honest  observer.  In  a  letter  '^  written  at  St.  Thomas 
shortly  after  his  arrival  he  comments  upon  the  high  prices 
of  cattle,  poultry,  provisions,  and  especially  of  linens.^^  The 
prices  on  St.  Croix  are  higher  than  on  St.  Thomas,  he  explains, 
because  goods  must  all  come  md  St.  Thomas.  He  finds  decent 
people  rather  scarce,  and  seems  surprised  that  "white  women 
are  not  expected  to  do  anything  here  except  drink  tea  and 
coffee,  eat,  make  calls,  play  cards,  and  at  times  sew  a  little." 
Nearly  all  the  women  would  consider  it  quite  beneath  their 
dignity  to  go  into  the  kitchen  even  to  supervise  it.  The  men 
are  as  leisurely  as  the  women,  but  take  their  comfort  in  the  bil- 
liard houses,  and,  he  might  have  added,  in  the  taverns,  in 
which  enormous  quantities  of  intoxicants  were  consumed,  and 
which  the  governors  found  to  be  constant  sources  of  disorder. 

**  One  thousand,  five  hundred  fifty-nine  "  capable  '"  slaves,  thirty-one  defect- 
ives or  "  manquerons,"  and  three  hundred  sixteen  children. 

^  Soren  Sommer's  letter  to  parents,  d.  St.  Thomas,  April  29,  1738.  Ny.  Kgl. 
Saml.  764. 

**  Among  the  prices  quoted  by  Sommer  are  the  following:  a  bull,  60  to  70  rdl,; 
a  cow,  30  rdl.;  a  sheep  or  goat,  4  rdl.;  a  goose,  1  rdl.;  a  turkey  gobbler,  1  rdl., 
3  m.;  flour  per  bbl.,  6-8  rdl.;  salt  meat,  9-ls4;  beer,  8-10;  Bourdeaux  red  wine, 
per  hhd.,  30  rdl.;  Provencal  wine,  20  rdl.;  Madeira  wine,  per  pipe,  60-100  rdl.; 
3  marks  was  the  charge  for  a  very  ordinary  meal,  while  1  rdl.  was  the  usual 
charge  per  day.  Linen  selling  in  Denmark  at  3  m.  could  bring  1-2  sldl.  in  St. 
Thomas.  It  must  be  remembered  that  prices  were  affected  by  England's  being 
at  war  with  Spain  at  this  time. 


224  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Few  if  any  of  the  Lutheran  mmisters  who  took  up  the  arduous 
duties  of  caring  for  the  spiritual  needs  of  this  motley  and  tur- 
bulent population  left  a  deeper  impression  upon  the  communi- 
ties which  they  served  than  Hans  Jacob  Ottesen  Stoud."*^  During 
his  nine  years  of  service  (1740-1749)  he  managed  to  buy  three 
cotton  plantations,^^  with  which  he  was  able  to  augment  a  very 
slender  salary/^  What  was  equally  out  of  the  ordinary  for  a 
minister  was  his  election  to  a  place  on  the  privy  council  (of  St. 
Croix?)  where  he  was  particularly  concerned  with  matters 
appertaining  to  religion  and  education. 

Stoud's  interest  in  his  surroundings  began  with  his  arrival. 
In  a  letter  to  Charles  Adolph  von  Plessen  early  in  1741,  he  ex- 
presses himself  with  great  freedom  on  local  conditions,  especially 
in  St.  Croix.  He  divided  his  time  between  his  congregations 
on  St.  Croix  and  St.  Thomas,  spending  four  weeks  alternately 
at  each  place. ^^  He  pays  his  compliments  to  the  population, 
which,  he  finds,  has  little  respect  for  the  laws  of  God  or  man. 
Concerning  the  three  hundred  or  so  of  Englishmen  on  St.  Croix, 
he  says  that  "they  must  rather  be  looked  upon  as  traitors  and 
rebels  than  subjects  and  inhabitants  of  this  country;  for  they 
have  during  my  stay  caused  such  tumult  by  threatening  to 
leave  the  land  in  order  to  fight  for  their  king  against  the  Span- 
iards,^" that  we  should  not  have  dared  to  remain  here  without 
securing  help  from  St.  Thomas.  They  dare,  indeed,  to  threaten 
the  lives  of  us  Danes  if  they  cannot  get  what  they  want,  for 
they  know  that  we  are  but  a  handful,  sixty  persons  in  all,  as 
compared  to  their  great  power.  ..." 

Like  Sommer,  he  notes  the  high  prices  of  provisions,  and  sug- 
gests encouraging  Norwegian  ships  to  sail  to  the  Danish  islands, 

^  For  a  brief  sketch  of  his  life,  see  H.  F.  Rordam,  "  Kirkelige  Forholde  paa 
St.  Croix  1741  "  {Kirkehist.  Saml,  4  R.  2  B.,  pp.  67  d  seq.). 

^'  They  contained  6,  3,  and  2J4  million  sq.  ft.,  respectively.  In  the  census 
for  1743,  he  is  taxed  for  13  working  slaves,  and  is  credited  with  three  who  are 
under  age. 

^  His  salary  at  first  was  220  rdl.  Rordam,  "  Kirkelige  Forholde," 
p.   61. 

"•^  During  his  stay  at  St.  Thomas,  he  usually  gave  one  Sunday  of  each  month 
to  St.  John. 

50  The  "War  of  Jenkins'  Ear"  began  in  1739. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     225 

for  they  could  bring  lumber  as  well  as  provisions.'^^  He  finds  sick 
people  sleeping  in  the  same  room  with  well  people,  and  dying 
from  want  of  proper  food. 

"You  high  lords!"  he  exclaims  in  indignation,  "I  heard  much 
whining  and  complaining  while  at  home  because  of  the  small 
profit  which  this  land  yields,  but  may  God  have  mercy  upon 
you  and  save  this  country  and  us  all  from  curse  and  disaster 
because  of  the  many  souls  who  have  so  innocently  lost  their 
lives  in  such  a  fashion."  ^^ 

As  a  result  of  Stoud's  vigorous  representations  of  local  needs, 
ground  for  a  hospital  was  actually  bought  on  St.  Thomas  in 
1743,  The  present  hospital  on  that  island,  which  stands  on  the 
site  then  selected,  thus  owes  its  origin  to  Stoud's  energetic 
measures.  In  his  busy  life  and  despite  the  lack  of  text-books, 
Stoud  even  found  time  to  instruct  a  half  hundred  blacks  in  the 
art  of  reading  and  in  the  rudiments  of  religion.  The  Moravians 
had  indeed  begun  their  self-sacrificmg  labors  nearly  a  decade 
before,  but  this  appears  to  have  been  the  first  instance  where  a 
Danish  Lutheran  minister  has  done  missionary  work  among  the 
negroes  on  a  measurable  scale.  Systematic  missionary  work 
with  the  blacks  was  not  begun  until  the  close  of  the  Company's 
career. 

While  Stoud  was  no  doubt  largely  right  in  looking  on  St. 
Croix  in  these  early  years  as  "very  poor,"  especially  from  the 
viewpoint  of  the  men  who  had  to  work  on  a  meager  wage, 
people  with  capital  could,  if  they  were  enterprising  and  if 
fortune  smiled  on  them,  rise  very  rapidly.  During  the  interval 
from  1742  to  1745  the  number  of  plantations  on  St.  Croix  re- 
mained practically  stationary,  for  little  idle  land  was  left,  but 
the  number  of  slaves  increased  from  nineteen  hundred  and 
six  to  twenty-eight  hundred  and  seventy-eight,  a  gain  of  fifty- 
one  per  cent,  in  three  years.     The  outbreak  of  war  between 

^^  "In  these  times  candles  cost  2  marks  the  pound;  butter,  24  sk.;  1  hen,  24  sk., 
at  least;  1  pot  of  beer,  24  sk.,  1  pot  of  wine,  2  to  3  m.;  1  bbl.  salt  meat,  10  rdl. 
and  poor  at  that;  1  lamb,  2  to  3  rdl.;  an  egg,  2  sk.;  a  cow,  40  to  50  rdl.;  a  horse 
100  to  150  rdl.  I  am  not  mentioning  furniture  and  clothes  and  other  things 
equally  necessary  which  are  all  fearfully  expensive,  in  fact  are  not  procurable 
most  of  the  time." 

"  Kirkehist.  SamL,  4  R.  2  B.,  p.  58. 


226  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

France  and  England  had  led  Governor  Schweder  and  his 
council  to  remit  the  duties  on  slaves  imported  into  St.  Croix, 
and  thus  encourage  planters  to  move  thither  from  the  dis- 
turbed area.^^  For  St.  Thomas,  on  the  other  hand,  the  en- 
tire period  from  about  1725  up  to  the  Company's  reorgani- 
zation in  1747  was  one  of  decline,  if  the  slave  population  be  a 
reliable  index. 

Among  the  early  settlers  of  St.  Croix  was  a  Dutchman  from 
St.  Eustatius  by  the  name  of  Peter  Heiliger.^*  The  possessions 
of  this  man  and  those  of  others  of  the  same  name,  as  recorded  in 
the  census  lists,  may  be  taken  fairly  to  represent  the  condition  of 
the  prosperous  planter  during  the  last  decade  and  a  half  of  the 
Company's  life.  In  1742  four  members  of  the  Heiliger  tribe 
held  five  cotton  and  four  sugar  plantations  totalling  fifty  million 
square  feet  in  area,  and  commanding  the  labors  of  ninety-five 
slaves.  Three  years  later  the  family  plantations  had  increased 
by  nearly  sixteen  million  square  feet,  and  the  family  store  of 
slaves  by  forty-four.''^  Peter  Heiliger  had  boasted  to  the  gov- 
ernor that  he  did  not  expect  to  retire  from  planting  until  he  and 
his  brothers  had  amassed  four  hundred  slaves.^^  Although  this 
increase  suggests  a  fairly  healthy  state  of  affairs  among  an 
arbitrarily  selected  group  of  planters,  it  was  scarcely  as  large 
as  the  rate  of  increase  for  the  entire  island. 

The  prices  of  sugar  and  cotton  were  naturally  facts  of  the  most 
vital  concern  to  the  life  of  the  West  Indian  planter,  to  whom  it 
must  often  have  appeared  that  the  chief  business  of  the  Com- 
pany was  to  see  how  far  below  the  current  West  Indian  price  it 
could  force  the  planter  to  sell  his  goods.  During  the  depression 
following  the  Peace  of  Utrecht  the  price  of  sugar  at  St.  Thomas 
had  gradually  declined  from  5  rdl.  per  hundred  pounds  until 
finally  it  reached  its  lowest  point  in  1739,  when  it  brought  but 

^'  SecTct-Raadets  Breve  .  .  .  1739-47  (Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI). 

^*  Or  Heyliger.  He  had  been  governor  of  St.  Eustatius,  and  had  apparently 
moved  to  St.  Thomas  with  his  slaves  on  the  outbreak  of  the  war  between  France 
and  England.  See  letter  of  Governor  and  Council  to  Directors,  January  31, 
1744  (Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI). 

**  Land  Lister  for  St.  Croix.  These  census  lists  are  the  sources  for  the 
statistical  information  in  this  chapter  except  where  otherwise  specified. 

w  Martfeldt  MSS..  vol.  VI,  pp.  123  et  seq. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     227 

3  to  3^  rdl.  The  cotton  market  was  slightly  better,  for  whereas 
cotton  brought  13  to  14  sk.  per  pound  in  1716,  it  commanded  a 
price  of  14  to  14)^  sk.  in  1739.^^  In  1741,  not  long  after  John 
Heiliger  and  his  brother  had  come  over  from  St.  Eustatius,  the 
price  of  sugar  had  risen  to  4-4 1^  rdl.  per  hundred  pounds.  To 
what  extent,  if  any,  this  increase  was  due  to  the  outbreak  of  a 
war  in  Europe  which  involved  both  England  and  France,  it  is 
difficult  to  say. 

The  increased  prices  secured  by  planters  for  their  sugar  were 
no  doubt  a  chief  cause  in  bringing  about  the  increase  in  the  slave 
population  already  noted. 

Other  influences  were  at  work  which  tended  to  draw  the 
attention  of  Danish  statesmen  to  the  necessity  of  providing  a 
new  set  of  navigation  laws  for  West  Indian  trade,  or,  indeed,  of 
entirely  reorganizing  the  Company.  By  waging  war  against 
Spain  over  the  matter  of  "Jenkins'  Ear,"  England  had  lost  her 
chance  of  carrying  on  legally  that  trade  with  Spain  which  had 
been  secured  to  the  South  Sea  Company  by  the  Asiento  of  1713. 
With  the  opening  of  the  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession,  when 
it  appeared  inevitable  that  England  would  be  drawn  into  the 
war  against  France,  Danish  statesmen  began  to  incline  toward 
the  latter  state.  By  a  treaty  made  in  1739,  England  had  secured 
from  Denmark  the  promise  of  six  thousand  Danish  troops  to  be 
provided  under  certain  contingencies,  but  when  it  appeared  that 
these  troops  were  desired  rather  to  help  England  hold  Hanover 
than  to  assist  Maria  Theresa  of  Austria  in  her  struggle  with 
Frederick  II  of  Prussia,  the  Danish  ministers,°^  who  were  anxious 
to  keep  out  of  the  complications,  decided  to  cultivate  the 
friendship  of  his  most  Christian  Majesty.  On  March  15,  1742, 
the  very  day  following  the  expiration  of  the  treaty  with  Eng- 
land, a  treaty  of  friendship  was  concluded  with  France.'^^ 

These  events  in  Europe  had  their  significance  for  the  Danish 

^'  Udiog  af  Sekrete-Raads  Protokoller,  1 710-20;  Udtog  af  .  .  .  Breve  til  Direc- 
tionen,  1739-^7.    Marffeldt  MSS..  Vol.  VI.    See  also  Appendix  K. 

^*  Berckentin  and  Schulin. 

^^  E.  Holm,  Den  dansk-norske  Stats  Stilling  under  Krigene  i  Europa  17i0-i2 
{Kjobenkavn,  1891),  p.  55.  This  treaty  marks  the  beginning  of  a  policy  of 
friendship  with  France  which  continued  for  twenty-three  years,  and  was  sup- 
ported first  by  SchuUn  and  later  by  J.  H.  E.  Bemstorff.    Ihid.,  p.  60. 


228  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

West  India  and  Guinea  Company  and  its  islands.  The  mandate 
of  June  18,  1743,  gave  to  i)rivate  traders  an  opportunity  to  carry 
on  with  the  Spanish  islands  an  ilHcit  trade  which  would  be  quite 
beneath  the  Company's  dignity  to  enjoy.  On  July  25,  1742, 
there  went  out  from  San  Ildefonso  a  royal  order  signed  by  the 
Spanish  king's  minister,  Carapillo,  requesting  that  the  Porto 
Rico  government  should  cease  disturbing  the  Danes  in  their 
possession  of  St.  Croix  and  St.  Thomas,  and  should  permit  them 
to  buy — for  cash — such  Porto  Rico  wares  as  they  might  desire.^ 
But  the  matter  of  the  restitution  of  the  slaves  escaped  to  Porto 
Rico  from  St.  Thomas  was  not  clearly  provided  for  and  it  re- 
mained the  chief  stumbling  block  in  the  relations  between  the 
Danes  and  the  Spaniards.^^  A  similar  order  was  issued  on 
May  12,  1745,  with  equally  meager  results.  When  in  1746  a 
canoe  containing  eight  slaves  belonging  to  Governor  Colomo's  ®^ 
secretary,  Manuel  de  Pando,  landed  on  the  west  end  of  St. 
Thomas,  the  Danish  authorities  acted  with  alacrity  to  prevent 
the  slaves  from  returning.  Could  the  tide  of  fugitive  slaves  have 
been  induced  to  turn  towards  St.  Thomas  rather  than  from  it, 
Spain  might  have  made  a  more  serious  effort  to  effect  a  settle- 
ment through  diplomacy .^^  But  the  Spanish  authorities  prob- 
ably knew  that  the  Danes  gained  more  from  forbidden  trade 
than  they  lost  from  escaped  negroes. 

In  concluding  the  treaty  with  Louis  XV  in  1742,  Christian  VI 
had  had  his  eye  on  conditions  in  northern  Europe  rather  than 
on  those  in  the  distant  tropics.  Governor  Schweder  and  his 
council,  in  one  of  their  first  letters  to  the  directors ^^  after  the 

^"  Vest.  Dir.  K.  B.,  1733-5^.  This  communication,  which  is  of  course  only  a 
copy,  and  is  uncertified,  was  addressed  to  Matthias  Abadia,  then  governor  of 
Porto  Rico. 

«i  Manager  MS.,  p.  198. 

*'  Juan  Joseph  Colomo  succeeded  Abadia  as  governor  about  1745. 

*'  The  accumulated  claims  of  the  Company  against  "the  Spanish  Nation  in 
America"  were  estimated  in  1745  at  335,911  rdl.  This  included  104,448  rdl. 
for  two  ships  lost  in  Honduras  Bay  in  1710;  81,467  rdl.  for  negroes  stolen  in 
1702;  150,000  rdl.  for  three  hundred  negroes  escaped  from  St.  Thomas  and  St. 
Croix,  not  to  mention  inhabitants'  ships  that  had  been  seized  and  confiscated. 
Vest.  Dir.  K.  B.,  1733-5^  (May  11,  1745). 

«<  Udtog  af  .  .  .  Breve  til  Directionen.  1739-^7  (July  3.  1744).  Martfeldt 
MSS.,  Vol.  VI. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     229 

resignation  of  Governor  Frederick  Moth,  called  attention  to  the 
absence  of  any  Danish-English  treaties  among  the  documents 
recently  received  from  home,  for  "these  are  the  ones  of  which 
we  can  make  the  best  use,  inasmuch  as  it  is  the  English  alone 
who  have  molested  us  of  late.  ..."  Later  in  the  same  year 
(1744)  an  English  privateer,  one  "Dromgool,"  entered  St. 
Thomas  harbor  one  night  and  seized  and  made  off  with  a  French 
sloop  or  small  bark.''"  A  Spaniard  '^^  who  had  secured  Danish 
passports  and  had  become  a  naturalized  Danish  citizen,  was 
seized  by  an  English  privateer  and  brought  to  Antigua,  although 
the  Danish  authorities  at  St.  Thomas  insisted  that  he  was 
carrying  non-contraband  goods.  The  Antigua  admiralty  court 
actually  made  plans  for  sending  a  commission  to  St.  Thomas  in 
order  to  investigate  the  Spaniard's  status.  Against  such  an 
infringement  of  its  sovereignty  the  St.  Thomas  government 
naturally  protested.^' 

These  examples  will  serve  to  illustrate  the  unstable  conditions 
again  obtaining  in  the  West  Indies  as  the  result  of  a  European 
war.  If  the  Company  wished  to  be  in  a  position  to  share  some 
of  those  advantages  which  enterprising  skippers  had  shown 
themselves  able  to  secure,  it  clearly  needed  to  augment  and 
revitalize  its  resources.^^ 

Von  Plessen,  who  had  assumed  the  presidency  of  the  Com- 
pany in  1735,  remained  in  its  service  until  1749,  and  in  March, 
1750,  his  place  was  taken  by  Adam  Gottlob  Moltke.  During 
these  years  von  Plessen  had  upheld  the  interests  of  the  Com- 
pany against  many  kinds  of  opposition,  from  that  of  the  enter- 
prising ship-owner  Bjorn  to  that  advanced  by  as  experienced  a 
skipper  as  J.  N.  Hoist,  who  in  a  communication  to  the  king  not 
only  delivered  a  scathing  arraignment  of  the  Company's  admin- 
istration but  volunteered  his  opinions  on  matters  of  justice  and 
religion  as  well  as  commerce  and  colonial  administration.^^ 

"  Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  VI.  September  25,  1744. 

^  "Don  Francisco  Hinestroca  Martinez."    See  ibid,  (.\pril  iS,  1745). 

"  Udtog  af  .  .  .  Breve  til  Directionen,  1739-^7  (April  28,  1745). 

**  One  of  the  constant  difficulties  was  with  soldiers  and  marines,  who  were 
likely  either  to  fall  victims  to  the  fever  or  to  desert  to  a  foreign  ship  for  the  sake 
of  the  higher  wages  offered.    See  ibid.  (July  3,  1744).    Martfeldt  MSS..  Vol.  VI. 

'*  "It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  all  monopolies  arc  injurious  to  a  country  in 


230  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

Administrative  difficulties  in  the  islands  added  to  the  cares  of 
the  directors.  Christian  Schweder,  a  lieutenant  of  artillery  in 
Copenhagen,  was  selected  in  1743  to  take  the  place  of  Moth, 
whose  stewardship  was  not  giving  satisfaction/"  Besides  these 
disorders  within,  the  Company  had  suffered  serious  losses  in 
ships.  During  twelve  years  (1735-1746,  inclusive)  five  of  its 
ships,  two  of  them  with  full  West  Indian  cargoes  and  their  entire 
crews,  were  completely  lost.^^ 

With  the  adoption  of  the  plan  of  union  between  the  Company 
and  its  active  commercial  rivals,  the  opposition  in  Denmark  was 
for  the  time  being  silenced.  The  position  of  distinguished 
leaders  like  von  Plessen  was  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  sev- 
eral of  them  had  become  actively  engaged  in  the  planting  busi- 
ness on  St.  Croix;  they  had  retained  and  developed  plantations 
secured  as  a  bonus  with  each  share  of  a  specified  size.  So  the 
situation  was  not  so  very  different  from  that  in  the  English 
sugar  colonies  where  it  was  said  in  1760  that  "  Many  Gentlemen 
of  the  West  Indies  have  seats  in  the  British  House  of  Com- 
mons." ^^  The  Danish  West  India  planters  did  not  lack  ad- 
vocates in  Danish  government  circles,'^  although  they  were 
certainly  not  "represented"  there  in  any  modern  sense. 

The  royal  edict  clinching  the  reorganized  Company's  monop- 
oly of  the  trade  with  the  West  Indies  was  issued  in  March,  1747, 
and  the  news  reached  the  West  Indies  during  the  summer. 
When  the  inhabitants  learned  that  the  king  had  forbidden  that 

the  highest  degree,  likewise  all  monopolistic  companies  except  the  Asiatic  com- 
panies. .  .  ."  On  what  basis  Hoist  arrived  at  this  interesting  conclusion  is 
not  clear;  apparently  he  was  expressing  a  generally  accepted  current  opinion. 
Thottske  Saml.,  No.  515  (September  11,  1746).  Roy.  Libr.  For  Bjorn,  see 
E.  Holm,  Danmark  og  Norgea  Historie,  III  B.,  p.  236. 

'"  Corny.  Prot.,  nU-5k  (April  8,  1744).  Schweder's  health  broke  down 
before  he  had  been  in  oflBce  many  months,  and  he  was  succeeded  by  Christian 
Suhm. 

^'  Manager  MS.,  pp.  205  et  seq.    For  earlier  losses,  see  above,  p.  152. 

'2  Remarks  on  the  Letter  Address'd  to  Two  Great  Men  (London,  1760),  quoted 
in  Beer,  British  Colonial  Policy,  175Jf-65,  p.  136. 

"  Among  the  Danish  owners  of  St.  Croix  plantations  in  1745  were  the  king 
(four  cultivated  plantations),  C.  A.  von  Plessen  (six  plantations),  and  "Com- 
mandeur"  Captain  Lovenorn  (six).  The  other  original  grantees  had  apparently 
Kold  their  West  Indian  holdings. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     231 

trade  by  private  ship-owners  which  had  been  permitted  by  the 
edict  of  April  25,  1735  and  subsequent  mandates,  they  became 
well-nigh  desperate.  A  third  of  a  century  had  passed  since  the 
last  delegation  had  been  sent  by  Danish  West  Indian  planters 
to  present  their  case  before  the  high  and  mighty  lords  of  trade 
in  Copenhagen.  The  projected  restriction  of  their  freedom  to 
trade  and  to  dispose  of  their  produce  seemed  to  strike  at  the 
very  roots  of  their  hard-earned  prosperity. 

Schweder's  successor.  Governor  Christian  Suhm,  and  his 
council  were  alarmed  at  the  opposition  raised  by  the  king's 
edict,  and  expressed  their  fears  for  the  ruin  of  the  islands  and 
the  Company's  trade.^^  All  sorts  of  threats  of  reprisals  against 
the  Company  were  in  the  air, — flight,  boycott,  hoarding  of  the 
sugar  on  hand  and  in  prospect,  to  prevent  the  Company's  ships 
from  securing  cargoes, — "for  they  insist  absolutely  on  being 
masters  over  their  own  property,"  wrote  Suhm,  "and  on  enjoy- 
ing the  same  sort  of  liberties  as  the  French  and  English  subjects 
have.  .  .  ."  The  report  that  the  Danish  planters  were  known 
in  neighboring  islands  as  "the  Company's  negroes"  would, 
they  feared,  frighten  off  planters  who  might  desire  to  move  to 
the  Danish  islands.^^ 

The  thing  most  feared  by  the  planters  as  a  result  of  the  new 
navigation  laws  was  that  the  ships  from  New  York  and  New 
England  would  cease  entirely  to  come  to  the  Danish  islands. 
Not  only  did  the  vessels  from  New  York,  Providence  and  Boston 
bring  provisions  (flour,  dried  codfish,  etc.),  but  such  plantation 
requisites  as  hoops,  barrel  staves  and  bottoms,  planks,  shingles, 

^^Suima  and  council  to  Directors  (February  3,  1748).  Marlfeldt  MSS., 
Vol.  VI,  pp.  76  et  seq. 

^*  To  the  Company's  complaint  that  the  price  of  cotton  and  sugar  had  been 
set  at  too  high  a  figure.  Governor  Suhm  replied  that  formerly,  when  sugar 
brought  only  4j/2  "rdl.  per  100  lbs.  and  brought  a  net  revenue  of  only  2j^  rdl. 
per  100  lbs.  in  Holland,  the  planters  were  able  to  secure  a  good  slave  for  100-150 
rdl.,  while  now  they  must  pay  200-300  rdl.  at  auction.  During  the  same  period, 
the  cost  of  mules  had  risen  from  30-50  to  80-100  rdl.  or  more;  a  good  horse 
from  30-50  to  200-300  rdl.;  staves,  from  12-16  to  35-50  rdl.  per  1,000;  English 
hhd.  hoops,  from  14-18  to  40-60  rdl.  per  1,000;  planks,  from  16-20  to  35-40 
per  1,000  feet;  shingles,  from  3  rdl.  to  6-7  rdl.  and  from  18-20  to  30  rdl..  accord- 
ing to  size.  All  of  these  "  are  things  belongmg  to  a  plantation."  Martfeldt  MSS., 
Vol.  VI,  pp.  76  et  seq. 


232  THE  DANISH^WEST  INDIES 

and  horses/^  for  many  of  the  mills  which  crushed  out  the  cane- 
juice  were  run  by  horse  or  mule  power.  These  North  American 
skippers  naturally  insisted  on  being  allowed  to  secure  sugar  and 
molasses  cargoes  in  return  for  their  lumber  and  provisions,  and 
were  prepared  to  pay  good  prices  for  them.  The  j)rospect  of 
having  so  important  a  competitor  legislated  out  of  the  West 
Indian  field  alarmed  the  planters  deeply. 

The  chief  instrument  by  which  the  planters  made  known 
their  grievances  was  the  burgher  council  '''^  which  usually  con- 
sisted of  four  to  seven  members  who  met  with  the  governor  and 
privy  council  to  consider  matters  of  general  interest.  They  kept 
a  copy  of  the  records  of  these  joint  meetings,  and  not  infre- 
quently did  they  meet  by  themselves  to  consider  ways  and 
means. 

The  directors,  who  had  scarcely  realized  what  a  disturbance 
their  distant  colonists  could  raise,  made  haste  to  stem  the  tide 
of  disaffection.  The  planters  promptly  sent  two  of  the  leading 
members  of  the  burgher  council  to  Copenhagen.  One  of  them 
was  a  planter  of  unusual  shrewdness  named  John  William 
Schopen.^^  The  directors  responded  to  the  planters'  grievances 
with  reasonable  promptness.  They  made  some  concessions  on 
July  24,  1748,  but  these  proved  inadequate,  so  on  August  27, 
1749,  they  met  once  more  in  their  general  assembly  to  consider 
some  mode  of  solution.  They  insisted  on  the  Company's  prior 
right  to  buy  the  products  of  the  islands  at  such  price  as  the  local 
market  and  that  of  the  French  and  English  islands  justified. 
This  price  was  to  be  fixed  at  least  once  a  year,  or  as  often  as  the 
Company's  ships  came  for  cargoes,  by  "the  Government"  and 
the  burgher  council,  meeting  jointly.'^    Although  the  burgher 

'"  Kop.  &  Extr.,  S.  P.  for  St.  Th..  1735-52  (November  12,  1748). 

'^  See  above,  p.  185.  In  1748  the  following  planters  held  seats  in  the  burgher 
council:  P.  J.  Pannet,  A.  Lerke,  Jean  Malleville,  H.  Specht,  Pieter  de  Windt, 
Johannes  von  Bewerhoudt  Glaudison,  and  Johannes  de  Windt.  Cf.  Kop.  & 
Extr.,  S.  P.  for  St.  Th.,  1735-52  (November  12,  1748).  The  records  of  their 
proceedings,  being  non-official,  are  not  to  be  found  among  the  Company's  ar- 
chives in  Copenhagen,  at  any  rate  not  at  the  State  Archives. 

'8  Mariager  MS.,  p.  19G;  Hiist,  Efterretninger  om  Oen  Sanct  Thomas,  p.  139. 

''^Comp.  Prof.,  17Ifl-5It,  '' General-Foraamling''  of  August  27,  1749.  Cf. 
Mariager  MS.,  p.  196. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     233 

council  was  usually  the  larger  body,  and  the  majority  vote  was 
to  decide  the  market  price,  a  sufficient  number  of  the  burgher 
council  members  usually  withdrew  in  order  to  make  the  number 
in  each  council  even  when  they  convened  to  fix  the  prices. 

As  a  further  concession  the  Company  permitted  the  purchase 
of  "provisions  and  other  things  necessary  for  plantation  cul- 
tivation from  New  York  and  other  places  in  New  England"  for 
plantation  products,  but  specified  that  all  other  trade  with 
foreign  lands  must  be  carried  on  through  Copenhagen  alone. 
To  this  the  privy  and  burgher  councils  meeting  in  joint  session 
objected  that  the  desired  quality  of  certain  necessaries,  such 
as  Irish  beef,  butter,  candles,  sugar  kettles  for  the  plantations, 
sugar-mill  repairs,  hoes,  sugar-hatchets,  and  axes,  could  be 
secured  at  a  reasonable  price  in  England  alone. 

Since  1743,  a  number  of  planters  had  taken  advantage  of  the 
trading  privileges  then  granted  by  the  crown.  But  their  ship- 
ping had  been  so  seriously  hampered  by  the  Convention  Plan 
of  1747,  that  the  Company  attempted  in  1749  to  conciliate  these 
disaffected  interests.  The  Danish  colonists  were  to  be  allowed 
to  import  such  products  as  cacao,  coffee,  tobacco,  indigo  and 
other  dyes,  hides  and  skins,  Campeachy  and  similar  valuable 
woods,  free  of  duty,  and  on  exporting  them  were  to  pay  but 
half  of  the  usual  "outgoing  recognition," — namely,  three  per 
cent,  on  St.  Thomas,  and  two  and  one-half  per  cent,  on  St. 
Croix.^"  But  they  must  export  such  goods  in  their  own  ships 
and  take  them  to  Copenhagen,  whence  they  might  be  exported 
to  foreign  ports. 

These  restrictions  did  not  please  the  planters,  who  wished  to 
be  able  to  ship  their  purchases  from  outside — to  say  nothing  of 
their  own  produce — in  any  craft  lying  in  the  harbor  with  which 
agreement  as  to  freight  rates  could  be  made;  they  hoped  espe- 
cially to  establish  trade  with  "tiie  Spanish  places"  in  America. 
The  Company's  attempt  to  limit  the  privileges  to  those  colonists 
who  had  resided  on  the  islands  for  three  years,  also  met  with  a 
vigorous  protest  from  the  burgher  council,  which  insisted  that 
such  a  measure  would  deter  intending  settlers  from  coming, 

^^  Goods  actually  consumed  on  the  islands  were  to  be  subject  to  an  import 
duty  of  five  per  cent. 


234  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

and  drive  off  a  number  who  wore  already  there.  They  likewise 
insisted  tJiat  they  should  not  be  limited  in  their  purchase  of 
ships  to  those  made  in  Danish-Norwegian  lands;  there  were  too 
numerous  opportunities  in  the  West  Indies  for  bargains  in  ships 
of  many  sorts  for  such  a  rule  to  appear  just.^^ 

The  arrangement  whereby  the  burgher  council  was  permitted 
to  share  with  the  privy  council  in  the  fixing  of  prices  on  planta- 
tion produce  certainly  did  not  make  any  less  apparent  the  evi- 
dences of  friction  between  those  governing  and  those  governed. 
It  proved  rather  an  entering  wedge  which  brought  in  its  train 
so  much  of  trouble  for  the  Company  as  to  be  one  of  the 
chief  causes  for  its  dissolution.  In  the  burgher  council  the 
planters  had  a  legally  sanctioned  instrument  which  became 
more  effective  by  use  and  by  which  they  were  able  to  bring 
to  the  Company's  attention  all  manner  of  alleged  abuses  and 
grievances. 

During  the  years  following  the  peace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (1748) 
the  prices  for  sugar  in  Europe  tended  to  decline.  The  demand 
in  New  York  and  New  England,  on  the  other  hand,  remained 
so  persistent  that  with  a  fairly  free  market  the  prices  in  the 
West  Indies  continued  at  about  the  same  level  as  at  the  close 
of  the  war.  The  dependence  of  the  Danish  colonies  upon  the 
New  York  traders  in  lumber  and  provisions  made  the  West 
Indian  government's  position  peculiarly  trying.  Nor  had 
those  West  Indian  planters  who  had  shown  so  active  an  interest 
In  buying  ships  and  developing  a  trade  of  their  own,  made  any 
appreciable  effort  at  exploiting  the  Guinea  slave  trade. 

In  the  hope  of  making  up  for  the  low  European  prices  and 
ostensibly  of  inducing  a  revival  of  the  slave  trade  under  the 
Danish  flag,  the  Danish  West  Indian  government  attempted 
to  enforce  two  new  ordinances:  the  first  raising  the  import  tax 
on  slaves  imported  to  the  islands  in  foreign  vessels,  or  bought 
by  the  inhabitants  in  other  islands;  the  second  increasing  the 
export  tax  on  sugars  sold  to  New  York  skippers  in  exchange 

^'  The  views  of  the  two  colonial  councils  on  the  resolutions  of  1749  are  to  be 
found  in  Kop.  &  Extr.,  S.  P.  for  St.  Th.,  1735-52  (February  17,  1750).  The 
directors  were  willing  to  permit  the  inhabitants  to  purchase  American  vessels 
only  during  war  time.    Comp.  ProL,  17^1-6^  (February  24,  1751). 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     235 

for  their  lumber  and  provisions.^-  The  planters  saw  clearly 
that  the  foreign  merchants  would  shift  the  burden  by  the  simple 
expedient  of  raising  the  prices  on  their  wares.  The  directors 
heeded  the  protest  of  the  burgher  council  and  promptly  dis- 
avowed the  actions  of  their  West  Indian  representatives.^^ 

The  trouble  that  the  Company  had  experienced  with  smug- 
gling during  the  recent  war  did  not  cease  with  its  close.  With 
the  establishment  of  the  town  of  Fredericksted  on  the  west  end 
of  St.  Croix  came  the  necessity  of  providing  proper  means  for 
the  collection  of  customs  duties.  It  was  soon  found  that  a 
customs  house  was  not  sufficient,  but  that  cannon  must  be  pro- 
vided, and  so  placed  as  to  command  the  roads  where  the  ships 
lay  anchored.  In  lack  of  such  a  "water  battery,"  ships  were 
accustomed  to  slip  away  in  the  night-time  without  securing 
papers  or  paying  their  dues.^^  The  bribing  of  Danish  officials 
seems  not  to  have  been  an  impossible  feat.^^ 

The  increasing  ability  of  the  planters  to  make  the  Company 
hear  and  heed  their  grievances  must  not  be  taken  as  a  sign 
of  economic  distress  for  either  party.  By  1754  the  number  of 
negroes  recorded  in  the  census  lists  had  grown  to  seven  thou- 
sand five  hundred  and  sixty-six,  an  increase  of  one  hundred  and 
sixty-two  per  cent,  over  the  figures  for  1745.  In  the  town  of 
Christiansted  were  eighty-three  white  inhabitants,  each  of 
whom  owned  from  a  single  slave  to  sixty-six  of  them.  Of  in- 
dividual holdings  those  of  the  Heiliger  family  may  be  taken  as 
a  fair  index.  From  one  hundred  and  thirty-nine  slaves  in 
1745,  they  increased  to  five  hundred  and  seventy-eight  in  1751, 
fell  to  four  hundred   and   thirty  in  the  year  following,  and 

82  Extr.  Udskr.  af  S.  P.  for  St.  C.  17^-52  (January  12,  17.51).  The  tax  on 
exported  sugar  was  raised  from  five  to  seven  and  one-half  per  cent.,  that  on 
slaves  at  4  rdl.  for  each  one  imported,  and  a  "  premium  "  of  four  per  cent,  on 
such  slaves  as  were  sold  at  public  auction. 

8'^  The  local  government  had  tried  to  permit  the  Company's  debtors  to  sell 
at  a  higher  price  than  the  other  planters,  but  this  position  they  were  unable 
to  maintain. 

8''  General-Forsamlingen  (February  24,  1751).    Comp.  Prot.,  17^1-5^. 

^^  There  was  considerable  stir  over  customs  frauds  in  1743-1744.  The  table 
of  customs  dues  (Appendixes  M  and  N)  gives  an  idea  of  the  vicissitudes  of  this 
branch  of  the  Company's  income. 


236  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

reached  the  respectable  total  of  six  hundred  and  seventy  in 
1753.^^  Considered  as  a  whole,  these  figures  do  not  betoken 
anything  more  serious  than  a  fairly  rapid  growth. 

The  ability  of  the  planters  to  incur  debts  increased  so  rapidly 
during  this  period  that  one  is  forced  to  conclude  that  something 
approaching  a  boom  must  have  been  on.  In  1747  the  Company 
was  credited  on  its  books  with  136,000  rdl.  owed  to  it  by  the 
planters.  By  1753,  the  debts  of  the  planters  to  the  Company 
had  risen  to  the  considerable  sum  of  562,000  rdl.,  an  increase 
of  more  than  four  hundred  per  cent,  in  six  years.  This  state  of 
affairs  is  only  partly  accounted  for  by  the  increase  in  the  planter 
population,  whose  numbers  rose  from  two  hundred  and  seven 
in  1747  to  three  hundred  and  fifty-four  in  1753,  or  at  the  rate 
of  seventy-one  per  cent. 

The  rapid  growth  of  St.  Croix  finally  brought  about  the  sep- 
aration of  its  government  from  that  of  St.  Thomas  and  St. 
John.^^  In  1751  the  latter  islands  received  a  small  measure  of 
tardy  justice  when  their  poll  and  land  taxes  were  lowered  to  the 
same  level  as  those  of  St.  Croix.^* 

To  trace  the  Company's  business  through  the  mazes  of  "Ital- 
ian" bookkeeping  in  records  that  are  scattered  through  scores 
of  books  and  over  thousands  of  pages,  and  to  achieve  thereby 
dependable  results,  are  things  which  the  investigators  may  de- 
sire— and  even  feel  he  deserves — but  scarcely  a  goal  which  he 
may  attain.  It  is,  however,  worth  noting  that  the  "Princess," 
a  St.  Croix  plantation  owned  by  the  Company,  was  recorded  as 
being  three  times  as  valuable  in  1753  as  it  was  when  the  census 
of  1745  was  taken.     While  the  Company's  income  from  poll 

*"  In  1754,  the  last  year  of  the  Company,  the  Heiligers  were  credited  with 
six  hundred  and  forty  slaves,  a  falling  off  of  thirty. 

*'  Host,  p.  136.  Jens  Hansen,  who  was  in  immediate  charge  at  St.  Croix, 
refused  to  submit  to  the  orders  of  Governor  Christian  Suhm,  even  when  the 
latter  was  at  St.  Croix.  The  dispute  was  appealed  to  the  directors  with  the 
splitting  of  jurisdiction  as  a  result.  Hansen  remained  as  governor  of  St.  Croix 
until  relieved  by  Peter  Clausen  in  1751. 

^  Proponenda  .  .  .  (September  14,  1751),  Comp.  Prot.,  1741-5Jt.  The  taxes, 
which  had  amounted  to  23^  rdl.  for  each  working  slave,  8  rdl.  for  each  slave 
imported,  six  per  cent,  on  imports  and  exports,  and  i  rdl.  8  sk.  for  each  million 
square  feet,  were  reduced  to  1  rdl.,  4  rdl.,  five  per  cent,  and  2  rdl.,  respectively. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER    237 

and  land  taxes  naturally  kept  even  pace  with  the  increase  in 
the  planting  population  ,^^  its  receipts  from  customs  duties  re- 
mained at  less  than  twenty-six  dollars  for  each  planter  up  to 

1747,  when  the  receipts  suddenly  doubled.  From  that  year  to 
the  end  of  the  Company's  existence,  they  remained  at  about 
forty-six  dollars  per  capita.^^ 

The  unprecedented  enforcement  of  customs  regulations  which 
made  possible  so  favorable  a  showing  over  so  long  a  period  was 
without  doubt  largely  due  to  the  zeal  with  which  Peter  Clausen, 
who  assumed  the  duties  of  assistant  factor  and  treasurer  in 

1748,  performed  the  functions  of  his  office.^ ^  After  a  little  more 
than  three  years  Clausen  succeeded  Jens  Hansen  as  governor 
of  St.  Croix,^^  and  he  continued  to  fill  this  office  with  pomp  and 
distinction  long  after  the  dissolution  of  the  Company. 

Another  evidence  of  the  extent  to  which  the  Company  at- 
tempted to  revive  and  enlarge  its  business  under  the  Plan  of 
1747  is  to  be  found  in  the  number  of  ships  sent  out  by  the  Com- 
pany. Whereas  previously  to  1747  it  rarely  had  more  than 
three  or  four  ships  on  the  run  to  Guinea  and  the  West  Indies, 
in  1750-1751  it  already  had  not  fewer  than  thirteen  ships  in  its 
possession,  seven  of  them  intended  for  the  West  Indian  trade, 
and  four  for  Guinea.®^ 

In  order  to  protect  the  privileged  refineries  in  Copenhagen, 
of  which  those  of  the  Company  were  the  chief,  an  edict  was 
issued  by  the  king  on  March  31,  1750,  absolutely  forbidding 
the  importation  of  refined  sugars  and  sirups  into  Danish  domin- 

83  In  1742,  eighty-four  planters  paid  2,807  rdl.  in  taxes,  and  the  Company 
took  in  1,267  rdl.  in  duties;  ten  years  later,  there  were  three  hundred  and 
thirty-two  planters,  8,801  rdl.  taxes,  and  13,358  rdl.  of  customs  duties. 

'"  The  figures  for  1751  appear  to  have  been  omitted  from  the  books. 

"  Ekstr.  &  Udskr.  af  S.  P.  for  St.  Cr.,  17U-52  (October  17,  1748). 

92  Ihid.  (December  22,  1751). 

9'  Among  these  ships  with  their  captains  were  the  brigantine  Postillion  (Cap- 
tain Hans  Rieman  Thoersen):  the  frigates  Vesuvius  (Jacob  Grbnberg);  Prin- 
cess Wilhelmina  Carolina  (Nicolaj  Hoyer);  Jwgersborg  (Ole  Erichsen);  Neptune 

(Captain ?);  Prince  Christian  (Captain  Pheiff);  The  Crown  Prince's  Desire 

(Ole  Reinholt);  Christiansted  (Captain  Tofte);  The  Three  Princesses  (Ronne); 
Princess  Sophia  Magdalene  (Jens  Knie);  Sorgenjrey  (Peder  Kxogh  Collin); 
Christian  Frederick  (Joh.  Fred.  Knutzen).  Comp.  Prot.,  nitl-5k  (April  22, 
1750;  February  24,  1751). 


238  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ions,  and  requiring  tlie  recognized  refineries  to  have  on  hand  a 
sufficient  supply  ready  for  disposal  at  a  reasonable  price.^^  This 
measure,  taken  in  the  very  month  in  which  Adam  Gottlob  von 
Moltke  assumed  the  presidency  of  the  Company,  was  no  doubt 
put  forward  by  that  statesman.^' 

But  the  problem  of  distribution  was  difficult,  especially  in 
Norway,  where  the  many  fiords  made  it  almost  impossible  to 
prevent  smuggling.  By  contract  with  the  Company,  refineries 
were  permitted  in  Bergen,  Aggershus,  Christiansand  and  Trond- 
hiem  in  Norway,  and  in  Odense,  Randers,  Aalborg  and  Viborg 
in  Denmark,  all  for  periods  of  thirty  years .^^  It  appears  that 
within  each  diocese  or  district  a  certain  refinery  had  special 
privileges,  although  the  Copenliagen  refineries  retained  the 
right  to  enter  into  competition  with  them.^^ 

But  the  end  of  the  Company's  monopoly  was  clearly  ap- 
proaching. The  idea  of  the  king's  taking  over  the  shares  held 
by  his  subjects  had  indeed  been  broached  in  a  general  assembly 
of  shareholders  held  in  1746.^^  The  Plan  of  1747  had  merely  de- 
layed the  inevitable.  In  1750,  when  the  Company  had  eight 
ships  on  its  various  routes,  the  directors  proposed  to  the  stock- 
holders that  the  Company  avail  itself  of  freight  ships,  rather 
than  attempt,  for  the  time,  to  buy  other  vessels.  An  over- 
supply  of  unsold  raw  sugar  was  given  as  the  reason  for  this 
proposal.  Although  they  later  added  several  new  vessels  to 
the  Company's  fleet,  the  loss  of  three  ships  in  the  years  1751- 
1752  must  have  had  a  depressing  effect.'^ 

*^  Manager  MS.,  pp.  199  et  seq. 

'*  This  is  the  view  held  by  the  Danish  historian,  Edvard  Holm  (Danmark  og 
Norges  Historic  1730-18U,  III  B.,  p.  236). 

^  Mariager  MS.,  pp.  202  et  seq.  The  incorporators  whose  names  were  given  for 
the  various  cities  were  as  follows, — Bergen:  burgomaster  Garboe;  Aggershus  and 
Christiansand:  Carsten  Tank;  Trondhiem:  councilor  of  state  Hans  Ulrich  Moll- 
man;  Odense:  Johan  Christopher  von  Westen;  Randers:  Soren  Simonsen;  and 
Aalborg  and  Viborg:  Ilenrich  Ladigcs.  Within  a  few  years  after  the  dissolution 
of  the  Company,  not  fewer  than  eighteen  licenses  were  granted  permitting  the 
establishment  of  refineries  in  Copenhagen.  It  was  evidently  a  profitable  busi- 
ness.    Cf.  E.  Holm,  Danmark  og  Norges  Historie,  17S0-18H,  III  B.,  p.  164. 

^  E.  Holm,  ibid.,  p.  164. 

98  Comp.  Prot.,  irhl-Slt. 

"The  ship  Christian  Frederick  (Captain  Johan  Friderich  Knudsen)wa8  burned 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     239 

These  losses  were  followed  in  1753  by  the  news  of  the  misfor- 
tune suffered  by  the  Patientia,  one  of  the  Guinea  ships.  While 
sailing  along  the  Guinea  coast  between  El  Mina  and  Cape 
Coast  Castle  with  a  cargo  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-five 
slaves,  three  of  the  negroes  started  a  mutiny  and  drove  off  the 
crew,  after  wounding  the  captain  and  killing  three  of  the  men. 
The  captain  and  crew  were  taken  aboard  an  English  slaver,  the 
Triton,  at  Annaboe.  With  the  assistance  of  the  English,  they 
managed  after  some  trouble  and  great  expense  to  get  back 
their  ship  and  some  remnants  of  their  cargo.  Captain  Erichsen 
finally  arrived  at  St.  Thomas  on  February  28,  1754,^"'^  with  one 
hundred  and  forty-six  slaves. ^''^ 

Before  the  news  of  the  above  disaster  had  reached  Copen- 
hagen, the  St.  Croix  burgher  council,  through  its  capable  repre- 
sentative, John  William  Schopen,  presented  to  Frederick  V 
an  urgent  petition  that  the  West  Indian  colonists  on  St.  Croix 
be  permitted  to  come  under  the  immediate  sovereignty  of  the 
king.  Such  an  act  would  be  considered  by  them  as  an  "inesti- 
mable act  of  grace  and  benefaction,"  from  which  they  would 
expect  great  and  permanent  results.^"- 

These  various  hindrances  to  the  continued  prosperity  of  the 
Company  were  all  set  forth  by  the  directors  and  chief  share- 
holders in  their  Proponenda  of  July  24,   1754.     This  docu- 

on  the  Norway  coast  on  September  14,  1751,  while  homeward  bound  with  a 
full  cargo.  The  frigate  Sorgenfrey  (Captain  Peder  Krog  Collin),  which  had  come 
from  Guinea  and  had  been  sent  out  from  St.  Thomas  on  September  2,  1751,  was 
never  heard  of  again.  The  frigate  Princess  Wilhelmine  Caroline  (Captain  Nicolai 
Hoyer)  while  homeward  bound  from  Guinea  and  St.  Thomas  was  lost  on  the 
west  coast  of  Jutland,  November  5,  1752.    Mariager  MS.,  p.  206. 

^"^  He  had  taken  on  his  cargo  on  September  30,  1753. 

1"  B.  &  D.  indk.fra  Guinea  (September  15,  1753);  B.  &  D.,  St.  Th.  (Febru- 
ary 28,  1754);  Proponenda  of  July  24,  1754,  Comp.  ProL,  1741-6^.  The  cargo, 
when  it  arrived  at  St.  Thomas,  included  sixty-seven  men,  thirty  women,  thirty- 
eight  boys  and  eleven  girls.  Among  the  other  losses  were  1,005  rdl.  worth  of 
gold,  fourteen  ivory  tusks,  and  thirty-seven  "  Creveler.  The  total  loss  was 
estimated  at  about  20,000  rdl. 

"2  Proponenda  of  July  24,  1754,  Comp.  ProL.  17^1-5^.  This  and  Professor 
Holm's  admirable  account  {Danmark  og  Norges  Historie,  1720-18H,  IH  B., 
pp.  164  ei  seq.)  form  the  basis  of  the  following  account  of  the  dissolution  of  the 
Company. 


240  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ment  was  intended  to  lay  the  state  of  the  Company's  affairs 
and  their  recommendation  of  ways  and  means  to  bring  about  its 
dissolution  before  the  stockholders  of  the  Company. 

Schopen's  petition  to  the  king  had  been  referred  to  that  Board 
of  Trade  "'"'  which  a  few  years  earlier  had  pronounced  against 
the  absorption  of  the  Company  by  the  king.  But  the  personnel 
of  the  Board,  as  well  as  the  character  of  the  times,  had  changed. 
Early  in  1752,  J.  H.  E.  Bernstorff  had  become  a  member,  and  he 
is  credited  by  the  historian  Host,  who  was  a  contemporary  of 
Bernstorff,  with  being  the  chief  ministerial  champion  of  the 
St.  Croix  colonists. ^"^^  At  any  rate,  the  Board  of  Trade  reported 
on  May  9,  1754,  in  favor  of  the  plan  and  suggested  how  it  might 
be  carried  out. 

The  debts  due  the  Company  in  Guinea  and  the  West  Indies 
were  estimated  at  1,000,000  rdl.;  its  liabilities  (not  including 
the  refinery)  at  800,000  rdl.  But  the  assets  were  likely  to  shrink 
to  something  like  600,000  rdl.  before  they  actually  could  reach 
Denmark,  for  prices  were  high  in  the  West  Indies  and  low  in 
Denmark.  Under  these  circumstances,  the  directors  and  chief 
shareholders  recommended,  and  the  Company,  in  meeting 
assembled,  accepted  the  offer  of  the  king. 

So  Frederick  V  took  over  at  their  par  value  the  one  thousand 
two  hundred  and  fifty  shares  of  the  Danish  West  India  and 
Guinea  Company,  which  included  its  refinery  stock,  and  pledged 
himself  to  assume  its  obligations.  To  cover  the  expenses  of  the 
purchase,  the  state  issued  notes  to  the  extent  of  2,239,446  rdL, 
of  which  1,250,000  rdl.  were  set  aside  for  the  payment  of  the 
Company's  shareholders. 

The  Danish  government  had  no  intention  of  going  into  busi- 
ness in  the  Company's  stead,  but  to  the  great  joy  of  its  West 
Indian  colonists  it  threw  open  all  of  the  trade  formerly  enjoyed 
by  the  Company  to  all  its  subjects,  whether  they  lived  in  Den- 
mark, Norway,  the  duchies,  or  in  the  West  Indies.    This  in- 

1"'  The  General-Landets-Okonomi-  og  Kommercekollegiet  was  organized  in  1735 
and  continued  until  1768,  when  it  was  combined  with  the  "  Vesiindisk-Guineiske 
Rente-  samt  Generaltoldkammer"  to  form  the  " Generaltoldkammer-  og  Kommerce- 
koUegium." 

"<  Host,  Eflerretninger.  p.  139. 


THE  COMPANY  UNDER  THE  NEW  CHARTER     241 

eluded  the  right  to  take  slaves  from  the  Guinea  coast  and  to 
ship  Danish-Norwegian  as  well  as  East  India  Company  wares 
freely  to  the  West  Indies.  Goods  produced  in  royal  lands  were 
not  to  be  imported  from  other  places,  and  goods  loaded  on 
Danish  subjects'  ships  in  the  West  Indies  were  to  go  to  Den- 
mark alone.  This  was  all  in  strict  accord  with  the  prevailing 
mercantilist  theory,  which  insisted  on  the  one  hand,  that  the 
colonies  must  supply  raw  material  to  be  manufactured  or  pre- 
pared for  consumption  in  the  mother  country,  and  on  the  other 
the  more  recent  idea,  suggested  by  the  growth  of  the  colonies 
in  wealth  and  population,  that  they  must  furnish  a  market  for 
the  surplus  produce  and  manufactures  of  the  home  lands.  How 
the  new  colonial  policy  of  the  Danish  state  was  to  work  out 
upon  the  basis  of  this  new  commercial  freedom  cannot  be  re- 
lated here.  The  story  of  how  that  policy  adjusted  itself  to 
the  rapidly  changing  conditions  that  resulted  from  those  gigantic 
wars  in  which  France  lost  her  New  World  empire  and  England 
her  mainland  colonies,  has  not  yet  been  completely  told. 

The  West  India,  like  the  East  India  Company  had  served  not 
only  as  a  field  of  commercial  investment,  but  as  a  training 
ground  for  those  statesmen  upon  whom  an  absolute  monarch 
had  to  depend  in  the  government  of  his  dominions.  The  coun- 
cil board  of  the  Company  gave  frequent  opportunity  for  the 
display  of  those  talents  which  were  likely  to  prove  of  use  in  other 
and  perhaps  wider  fields  of  endeavor.  The  Company  had  added 
two  fertile  islands  to  its  original  New  World  territory,  and  had 
managed  to  retain  continuous  control  of  them  through  numerous 
European  wars  in  which  the  possession  of  additional  West 
Indian  colonies  was  more  than  once  an  important  consideration 
for  the  larger,  trade-hungry  nations.  With  its  gaze  fixed  upon 
material  rather  than  human  interests,  the  Company  had  too 
often  pursued  a  selfish  policy,  but  it  had  piloted  its  turbulent 
and  heterogeneously  composed  colonies  through  a  period  of 
eighty-four  years,  and  handed  over  to  the  king  a  domain  the 
vigor  of  whose  population  had  been  attested  time  and  again  by 
their  ability  to  protest  effectively  against  alleged  violations  of 
their  rights. 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917 

When  King  Frederick  V  assumed  direct  control  of  the  islands 
in  1754,  Europe  was  on  the  verge  of  a  general  war.  This  con- 
flict, in  which  Prussia  and  Austria  were  the  principals  on  land, 
and  England  and  the  Bourbon  powers  of  France  and  Spain  were 
the  chief  contestants  on  sea,  developed  into  a  world-wide  con- 
test for  colonial  and  naval  supremacy.  The  control  of  India, 
Canada,  and  the  West  Indies  became  the  avowed  object  of  the 
contending  nations.  During  the  struggle, — the  Seven  Years' 
War, — Denmark-Norway  managed  to  maintain  its  neutrality 
and  undisturbed  possession  of  its  islands  in  the  West  Indies. 
The  enforcement  of  the  Rule  of  1756,  proclaimed  by  Great 
Britain  in  the  beginning  of  the  war,  worked  severe  hardships 
on  Danish-Norwegian  commerce,  for  France  had  thrown  her 
colonial  ports  open  to  neutral  shipping,  a  course  that  gave  the 
neutrals  an  advantage  in  time  of  war  that  they  had  not  enjoyed 
in  time  of  peace.  The  Danish  foreign  minister  J.  H.  E.  Bern- 
storff  became  particularly  bitter  in  his  denunciation  of  England's 
course  when  English  privateers  began  seizing  Danish  and 
Norwegian  ships  and  cargoes  from  the  West  Indies  on  the  pre- 
text that  they  contained  French  owned  goods. 

The  English,  Bernstorff  felt,  were  permitting  undue  liberties 
to  privateers  under  cloak  of  fighting  for  the  "freedom  of 
Europe."  By  1759,  an  agreement  was  reached  by  which  a 
skipper  was  allowed  to  proceed  on  giving  surety  for  that  part  of 
the  cargo  which  was  charged  with  being  French  and  paying  the 
costs  incurred  in  the  case.  This  vindication  of  neutral  rights  was 
secured  in  part  through  the  efforts  of  an  expert  on  international 
law.  Dr.  Martin  Hiibner,  sent  to  London  by  Bernstorff  to  repre- 
sent Danish  interests.  As  a  further  safeguard  the  government 
provided  a  convoy  for  vessels  returning  to  Copenhagen  from 
the  West  Indies. 

Among  the  most  persistent  matters  demanding  attention  on 
the  islands,  was  the  collection  of  the  huge  debt  owed  by  the 

[243] 


244  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

planters,  a  debt  which  the  king  had  taken  over  from  the  Com- 
pany. This  task  was  so  zealously  performed  hy  the  St.  Croix 
factor,  Peter  Clausen,  that  the  latter  was  made  governor-general 
in  1766  on  the  strength  of  it.  The  influential  English  element 
of  the  planter  population  of  St.  Croix  particularly  resented  the 
methods  employed  by  Clausen  and  the  government  to  hasten 
the  liquidation  of  these  debts.  Unable  to  secure  an  outlet  for 
their  grievances  in  the  St.  Croix  weekly  newspaper  which  had 
begun  to  appear  in  1770,  they  found  that  the  local  English 
colonial  newspapers  had  no  hesitancy  in  giving  them  space  to 
voice  their  plaints.  In  a  copy  of  the  Caribbean  and  General 
Gazette,  of  February  5,  1774,  published  on  one  of  the  English 
islands,  this  appears:  ^ 

"The  following  little  piece,  whose  greatest  merit  is  that  it  flows  from  the 
Heart,  Spuming  at  dispotic  Insolence  of  Power,  was  sent  by  a  Correspondent 
in  St.  Croix  to  a  Gentleman  here.  We  publish  it  as  a  Tribute  due  to  Natural 
liberty,  and  to  shew  our  own  Countrymen  the  Happiness  they  enjoy  under  the 
mild  Dispensations  of  the  British  Laws. 

When  Heaven,  indulgent,  bless'd  this  land 

With  peace  and  plenty  crown'd 
Like  heavenly  dew  von  Frock's  ^  hand 

Dispensed  his  kindness  round 

But  base  ingratitude  soon  took  place 

In  these  pointed  times 
Heaven  sent  a  Scourge  to  all  our  race 

To  expiate  our  Crimes 

In  pity  to  our  deplored  State 

Heaven  changed  the  mighty  woe 
All  seeing  what  was  wrapt  in  Fate 

Must  prove  our  overthrow 

But  what  repentance  have  We  shewn 

To  Heaven's  indulgent  care 
Tho'  Storms  and  Hurricanes  We  have  known 

When  Roepstorff  ^  governed  here 

1  MS.  bound  with  The  Royal  Danish  American  Gazette  (Feb.  5,  1774),  Royal 
Library. 

-Note  accompanying  poem:  'These  Gentlemen,  when  they  governed  St. 
Croix  made  the  Happiness  of  the  People,  the  rule  of  their  conduct  but — ' 


r^.. 


DiK  In  sfx         1 
S.-VNCrniOMASi 

I 


^'-:^i/\W"rr» 


MAP  OF  ST.   THOMAS    (17(;7; 
(OlJcnilnrp'.s  (ioschiclitc  der  Mission,  Barby,  1777) 


/((     Dir.lNsr.i.      i\ 


MAI'  ()!■  ST.   CKi  ilX     17i;7' 
(Okli'Tulorij'.s  (ipscliiclitc  dor  Mi.s.sioii,  HmiIjv.  1777) 


[Fiiriitg  page  24-'H 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  245 

O!  be  that  Name  forever  dear 

While  age  to  age  shall  roll 
When  Storms  and  Plagues  and  Famines  near 

Think  on  his  generous  Soul 

In  Vain  We  weep  in  Vain  We  Sigh 

His  Loss  lament  in  vain 
No  friendly  aid  no  help  is  nigh 

Nought  but  despair  and  pain 

For  now  behold  an  impious  hand  ' 

To  curse  our  wretched  race 
Has  dealt  destruction  round  the  land 

And  made  the  Stamps  take  place 

May  heaven  appeased  reverse  our  fate 

While  Horrors  haunt  his  bed 
And  Sleepless  vengeance  ever  wait 

To  blast  his  guilty  head  Amen. 

After  Baron  von  Prock  had  turned  the  governor-generalship 
over  to  Clausen,  he  returned  to  Denmark.  In  the  course  of 
defending  himself  against  the  charge  of  too  great  leniency 
towards  the  planters,  von  Prbck  presented  some  interesting 
statistics.  The  yield  of  sugar  on  St.  Croix,  which  amounted  to 
3,457  hhds.  in  1753,  fell  to  1910  hhds.  in  1754.  When  his  term 
began,  in  1755,  there  were  8,897  slaves;  when  it  ended,  in  1766, 
there  were  not  less  than  16,956  slaves;  the  number  had  nearly 
doubled  in  eleven  years.  The  increase  in  sugar  sent  to  Europe 
was  even  more  remarkable.  While  the  governors  under  the 
Company  had  brought  the  exports  from  St.  Croix  from  nothing 
to  three  and  one-half  ship  loads  during  the  interval  from  1733 
to  1755,  von  Prock  boasted  that  he  had  increased  the  number 
of  annual  cargoes  to  thirty-eight  in  1766,  an  increase  of  eleven 
to  one.  During  a  single  year  of  his  term,  forty -five  ships  had 
been  sent  to  Europe  from  the  colonies.  Where  there  had  been 
eight  windmills  for  grinding  sugar  cane  in   1754,  there  were 

^ '  The  present  Governor  has  levied  a  Tax  by  Way  of  Stamp  on  the  Inhabi- 
tants of  that  Island,  which  greatly  distresses  them,  especially  those  who  were 
born  in  the  British  dominions,  who  forget  they  live  in  an  arbitrary  Government.' 


246  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

sixty-three  such  mills  twelve  years  later.'  Wliere  the  Com- 
pany's governors  had  tried  in  vain  for  half  a  century  to  come 
to  an  agreement  with  Porto  Rico,  he  had  by  1766  succeeded 
in  establishing  a  "slave  cartel"  with  the  governor  of  the  island. 
It  was  of  course  not  the  retiring  governor's  business  to  explain 
the  part  played  by  European  conditions  in  bringing  on  this 
prosperous  state  of  affairs. 

The  memory  of  the  St.  John  insurrection  lingered  long  in  the 
minds  of  men.  Various  preventive  measures  were  attempted 
by  the  authorities,  Negroes  were  not  permitted  to  gather  in 
groups  beyond  a  certain  number  and  after  certain  specified 
hours.  Owners  were  required  to  keep  white  managers  con- 
stantly on  the  plantations.  The  negro  rebellion  that  threatened 
St.  Croix  in  1746  was  put  down  by  a  free  negro,  Mingo  Taraarin,' 
who  hunted  down  the  troublesome  runaways  or  Marons,  brought 
them  into  submission  and  prevented  an  outbreak.  The  next 
serious  trouble  occurred  under  the  royal  regime  in  December, 
1759,  after  a  second  interval  of  thirteen  years.  Although  no 
overt  act  had  been  committed,  the  alleged  conspirators  were 
punished  in  exemplary  fashion.  Some  of  them  "confessed," 
implicating  themselves  and  others.  Gibbet,  stake,  wheel, 
noose,  glowing  tong, — all  were  employed  to  impress  upon  the 
community  the  sinfulness  of  rebellion.  Of  the  fourteen  con- 
demned to  lose  their  lives,  one  managed  to  escape  by  suicide, 
but  his  dead  body  was  dragged  up  and  down  the  streets, 
thereafter  suspended  by  one  leg  from  the  gallows,  and  finally 
taken  down  and  burnt  at  the  stake.  The  remainder  suffered 
from  one  and  one-half  minutes  to  ninety-one  hours  of  torture. 
Ten  others  were  condemned  to  be  sold  out  of  the  island,  fifty- 
eight  were  acquitted,  and  six  were  reported  as  being  still  at 

^  The  map  reproduced  on  page  248  may  have  been  submitted  by  von  Prock 
as  part  of  the  evidence  in  his  defence.  It  gives  the  number  of  windmills  by 
"quarters"  as  follows:  West  End  Quarter,  5;  the  Prince's  Q.,  12;  King's  Q.,  14; 
Queen's  Q.,  19;  Company's  Q.,  12;  North  Side  Q.,  "B,"  1. 

*  Mingo  had  6rst  been  made  a  "captain"  of  the  free  negro  "corps"  by  Gov- 
ernor Bredal  in  1721;  he  had  in  1733  been  placed  by  Governor  Gardelin  at  the 
head  of  a  band  of  300  faithful  slaves  and  free  negroes  to  assist  in  hunting  down 
the  St.  John  rebels  and  in  holding  the  fort  there  against  them.  In  1758,  he  was 
again  honored  with  the  captaincy.    Martfeldt  MSS.,  III. 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  247 

large — "free  as  birds."  For  each  of  those  captured  alive,  the 
reward  was  50  rdl.,  for  each  one  killed,  25  rdl.^  The  change  in 
administration  had  evidently  not  affected  the  status  of  the 
negro.  Yet  within  a  third  of  a  century  the  first  important  step 
to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the  African  race  in  America  was 
taken  in  these  selfsame  islands.  In  all  fairness  it  must  be  said 
that  the  treatment  of  the  slave  was  probably  no  worse  in  the 
Danish  than  in  the  English,  French  and  Dutch  islands. 

Denmark  was  the  first  state  to  attempt  by  law  to  prohibit 
its  subjects  from  taking  part  in  the  African  slave  trade.  This 
took  place  in  the  edict  issued  by  King  Christian  VII  on  March 
16,  1792.  The  constitutional  provision  by  which  this  traffic 
was  prohibited  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  did  not  become 
effective  until  sixteen  years  after  the  issuance  of  the  Danish 
edict.  Curiously  enough,  a  humane  owner  of  large  plantations 
in  St.  Croix,  Ernest  Schimmelmann,  himself  a  director  in  a 
slave  trading  enterprise  in  1782,  was  chiefly  responsible  for 
putting  through  this  reform  inaugurated  by  the  A.  P.  Bernstorff 
ministry. 

The  planters  who  transferred  their  allegiance  from  the  Com- 
pany and  king  to  the  king  alone  were  a  curiously  cosmopolitan 
lot.  On  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  the  most  persistent  element 
in  the  population  in  1765,  when  Martfeldt  visited  the  islands, 
was  the  Dutch,  of  which  about  four-fifths  was  of  Zeeland  and 
Holland  origin.  The  Danes  came  next  in  point  of  numbers, 
with  probably  less  than  half  the  strength  of  the  Dutch.  The 
remaining  less  numerous  nationalities,  given  about  in  the  order 
of  their  strength,  were  the  French,  Germans,  English  (from  the 
islands),  and  Irish.  The  names  of  two  families,  one  of  Holland 
and  one  of  French  extraction,  were  listed  by  Martfeldt  as 
"scorched"  to  mdicate  mixture  with  the  black  population.^ 

^  Species  Facti  over  den  paa  Eilandet  St.  Croix  i  Aaret,  1759,  intenderede  Neeger 
Rebellion.    Werlauf  MSS..  No.  22,  Royal  Library. 

'  Martfeldt  MSS.,  Vol.  III.  Twenty  of  the  names  listed  are  marked  St.  Croix, 
though  the  table  is  headed  "Originen  af  Familierne  paa  St.  Thomas  og  St. 
Jans."  In  a  separate  list  of  sixty-eight  of  St.  John's  inhabitants,  Martfeldt 
has  21  as  having  come  from  St.  Thomas,  16  from  St.  John,  six  each  from  "Sab- 
bath" and  Tortola,  five  from  Denmark,  four  from  St.  Eustatius,  three  each 


^48  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

While  the  planters  were  being  threatened  and  cajoled  to  free 
themselves  from  debts,  now  to  Dutch  creditors,  now  to  the 
royal  treasury,  they  managed  to  find  entertainment  in  various 
places,  from  theaters  to  taverns,  and  other  nondescript  "houses 
of  diversion."  No  form  of  diversion  was  too  venal  to  carry 
advertising  space  in  The  Royal  Danish  American  Gazette.  At 
Christiansted  the  planters  and  their  families  might  for  twelve 
shillings  per  ticket  secure  seats  in  the  Bass-End  theater.  Here 
at  half  past  six  in  the  evening  could  be  seen  the  Leeward  Islands 
company  of  comedians  in  their  performance  of  King  Lear, 
Hamlet,  or  Richard  IH.  The  evening  usually  closed  with 
some  dramatic  presentation  in  lighter  vein,  such  as  "The  Mock 
Doctor,"  "Flora,  or  Hob  in  the  Well,"  or  "The  Virgin  Unmaskt, 
or  the  Old  Man  Taught  Wisdom."  ^  Occasionally  it  was  found 
necessary  to  check  undue  curiosity  on  the  part  of  the  blacks  by 
the  warning  "No  negro  whatever  in  the  house,"  while  those 
white  people  who  were  privileged  to  enter  the  charmed  semi- 
circle were  cautioned — in  the  public  press — against  attempting 
to  get  behind  the  scenes.  Fredericksted  in  the  "West  End" 
also  had  its  theater. 

Although  no  utterances  against  the  authorities  were  allowed 
publication,  individuals  not  infrequently  used  this  means  of 
venting  their  spleens  against  their  neighbors.  "King  Liar"  is 
publicly  warned  against  writing  "any  more  impertinent  mes- 
sages" and  against  practicing  "the  servile  trade  of  tale-bearing." 
One  J-c-h  C-nt-r,  apparently  a  Jew,  is  charged  with  a  striking 
resemblance  to  Judas  Iscariot,  and  with  refusing  an  invitation 
to  dine  "upon  a  pale  looking  piece  of  pork,  much  the  color  of 
his  phiz."  ^  At  least  thirteen  taverns  played  their  part  in  the 
life  of  St.  Croix.  Like  Governor  Clausen,  when  he  labored  in 
the  interest  of  the  royal  treasury,  they  too  found  it  necessary 

from  Ireland  and  St.  Martin,  and  one  apiece  from  Germany,  Curagao,  Mont- 
serrat  and  St.  Kitts. 

*  Other  titles  of  popular  farces  and  melodramas  are:  "The  Beaux  Stratagem," 
"The  Fair  Penitent,"  "The  King  and  Miller  of  Mansfield,"  "The  Cheats  of 
Scapin,"  "Miss  in  her  "Teens,"  "The  School  Master's  Ballet,"  "Damon  and 
Philiida,"  "The  Orphan,  or  The  Unhappy  Marriage,"  "The  Inconstant,  or  the 
Way  to  Win  him,"  "The  Reprisal,  or  the  Tars  of  Old  England." 

»/?.  Z>. /I.  G.,  April  10,  1771. 


'^' 


„_^„  <>- 


;-5  c 


«    c 


ite 


/fi 


'/;/ 


/■7<, 
-J 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  249 

to  try  to  get  on  a  cash  basis.  Clausen's  vigorous  administration 
soon  revealed  a  regular  system  of  smuggling,  especially  on  the 
south  side  of  St.  Croix,  opposite  to  the  port  of  Christiansted.^^ 
An  Englishman  was  found  on  the  island  practicing  the  danger- 
ous art  of  counterfeiting. 

Law-abiding  traits  and  the  higher  aspects  of  civilization  are 
not  always  reflected  in  the  public  records  or  the  public  press; 
but  it  seems  clear  that  the  population  of  the  Danish  islands 
was  as  ingenious  and  versatile  as  it  was  cosmopolitan.  If  the 
evidences  of  wickedness  and  extravagance  are  numerous,  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  times  were  good,  and  the  means  of 
indulgence  plentiful. 

The  economic  importance  of  the  sugar  producing  regions  was 
immensely  enhanced  during  the  Seven  Years'  War  and  the 
period  following.  When  in  the  early  seventies  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton was  serving  his  apprenticeship  as  a  counting-house  clerk 
for  the  firm  of  Nicholas  Cruger  on  St.  Croix,  he  was  near  the 
economic  center  of  gravity  in  the  New  World.  The  important 
position  that  sugar  held  in  the  minds  of  European  statesmen  is 
indicated  by  the  fact  that  in  1763,  when  England  and  France 
were  carrying  on  the  negotiations  that  concluded  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  English  statesmen  considered  seriously  whether 
they  should  retain  Canada  or  the  French  sugar  island  of  Guada- 
loupe,  a  bit  of  land  but  little  larger  than  St.  Croix! 

Compared  with  the  few  cargoes  that  the  Company's  oflBcials 
managed  to  send  to  Copenhagen  each  year,  the  commercial 
activities  that  centered  in  St.  Croix  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century  were  indeed  considerable.  Up  to  the  out- 
break of  the  War  of  Independence,  the  mainland  English 
colonies  were  tremendously  active  in  St.  Croix  as  elsewhere  in 
the  West  Indies.  As  the  war  proceeded,  Danish  shipping 
became  more  and  more  brisk.  These  islands  had  learned  to 
look  on  European  wars  as  great  sources  of  prosperity,  and  this 
war  was  no  exception.  The  following  table,  derived  from  the 
files  of  The  Royal  Danish  American  Gazette  of  St.  Croix,  will 
give  a  fair  idea  of  the  relative  strength  of  the  shipping  of  the 

1"  Amer.  Journ.,  1770-71  (July  29,  1770,  Jan.  3,  1771). 


250  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

English  mainland  colonies  and  of  Denmark-Norway  entered 


at  St.  Croix." 

Colon. 

Danish 

Colon. 

Danish 

Total 

Skips 

Ships 

Total 

Ships 

Ships 

1770 14 

7 

7 

1775 

49 

20 

18 

1771 21 

5 

13 

1770 

56 

8 

30 

1772 16 

10 

4 

1777 

58 

5 

37 

1773 49 

35 

7 

1778 

53 

3 

23 

1774 65 

34 

23 

1779 

10 

— 

9 

In  April,  1764,  the  year  following  the  close  of  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  the  trade  of  St.  Thomas  with  other  Em-opean 
colonies  in  America,  was  thrown  open  to  the  ships  of  all  nations; 
trade  to  and  from  Europe  was  reserved  for  royal  subjects,  and 
the  products  of  the  islands,  if  sent  to  Europe  at  all,  could  be 
disposed  of  only  in  the  harbors  of  Denmark,  Norway,  Schleswig, 
and  Holstein.^-  The  European  trade  of  the  islands  was  opened 
in  1767  to  ships  of  other  nations,  though  at  higher  rates.  This 
freedom  lasted  but  a  decade  when  during  the  closing  years  of 
the  American  War,  the  monopoly  plan  was  again  attempted, 
only  to  be  definitely  given  up  in  1782.  Ships  of  Danish  sub- 
jects w^ere  allowed  to  take  their  cargoes  to  any  European  port. 
In  1815,  the  trade  of  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  was  freed  from 
all  restrictions,  so  that  European  skippers  were  allowed  equal 
privileges  with  those  of  America. 

These  changes  did  not  affect  the  trade  of  St.  Croix,  where  the 
royal  ordinance  of  1764  continued  in  force  until  1823.  In  that 
year  a  royal  resolution  was  published,  allowing  the  importation 
of  provisions  and  plantation  accessories  from  any  foreign  port 
to  St.  Croix,  and  the  exportation  of  an  equal  value  of  sugar  to 
any  such  port.  One  result  of  tliis  new  ruling  was  the  serious 
decline  of  the  Copenhagen  trade  with  St.  Croix,  It  was  not 
until  June  6,  1833,  on  the  hundredth  anniversary  of  Denmark's 
possession  of  the  island,  that  all  trade  restrictions  in  favor  of 
Danish  ports  or  Danish  subjects  were  removed,  and  that  St. 

11  The  figures  for  1770  apply  only  to  the  period  from  August  15  to  December  26, 
those  for  1771  to  the  first  five  months,  those  for  1772  to  the  second  half  year. 
Only  the  first  two  months  of  1779  are  included. 

'■^  H.  U.  Ramsing,  "  Handel  og  Skibsfart,"  in  Dansk  Vestindien,  pp.  852-860. 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  251 

Croix  came  to  share  with  its  island  neighbors  the  distinction 
of  being  truly  a  "free  haven." 

The  Peace  of  Versailles  was  followed  by  a  serious  commercial 
depression.  This  affected  the  West  Indian  commercial  enter- 
prises no  less  than  it  did  economic  conditions  in  the  United 
States,  which  were  then  being  forced  into  constitution-making 
by  the  logic  of  events  that  were  largely  economic  in  character. 
This  return  of  good  times  came  very  opportunely  for  those  who 
were  interested  in  the  success  of  the  United  States  under  the 
new  constitution.  An  indication  of  this  general  prosperity  is 
seen  in  the  shipping  situation  in  St.  Croix  in  the  first  two  years 
of  President  Washington's  administration.  In  1789,  not  less 
than  516  vessels  entered  at  St.  Croix.  These  were  of  all  sizes, 
from  schooners  and  sloops  to  brigs  and  ships.  Eighty-two  of 
these  entered  from  ports  in  the  United  States,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-three  from  Porto  Rico,  and  only  sixteen  from  Danish 
dominions  in  Europe.  The  records  for  1790,  though  incomplete 
for  December,  show  a  similar  result.  The  number  that  entered 
was  369,  of  which  ninety-two  came  from  the  United  States, 
forty-nine  from  Porto  Rico,  and  twenty-one  from  Danish  lands. 
In  a  single  week  in  April,  1790,  twenty-three  vessels  were  en- 
tered at  the  St.  Croix  customs  house. ^^ 

In  the  Napoleonic  wars,  Denmark-Norway  became  prac- 
tically an  ally  of  the  French  state.  With  British  sea-power  in 
the  ascendancy  this  meant  that  Denmark's  hold  upon  her  West 
Indian  possessions  would  become  very  uncertain  at  best.  The 
situation  indicated  by  Nelson's  bombardment  of  Copenhagen 
in  1801,  is  reflected  in  the  West  Indies  by  the  British  seizure 
of  the  Danish  islands  in  April,  1801,  and  their  retention  until 
February,  1802,  when  England  and  France  were  preparing  to 
come  to  terms  at  Amiens.  In  1807,  when  the  Danish  capital 
was  bombarded  the  second  time,  the  English  once  more  seized 
the  Danish  islands.  This  time  they  retained  them  until  the 
final  defeat  of  Napoleon  in  1815,  when  the  islands  were  handed 
back  to  Denmark.  The  frontispiece  to  this  volume  is  repro- 
duced from  a  drawing  made  at  this  time  to  show  the  condition 
of  St.  Croix  after  Danish  sovereignty  had  been  restored. 
'^  The  Royal  Danish  American  Gazette,  for  1789  and  1790. 


252  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

As  a  shipping  center  and  distributing  point  for  the  West 
Indies,  St.  Thomas  held  a  fairly  enviable  position  for  the  period 
from  about  1820  to  1850.  In  the  decade  1821-1830  the  tonnage 
of  ships  annually  visiting  St.  Thomas  harbor  was  more  than 
double  what  it  had  been  during  the  two  decades  preceding.  An 
average  of  not  less  than  2,809  ships  of  a  combined  tonnage  of 
177,444  called  there  each  year.  During  the  decade  1831-1840, 
the  ships  averaged  2,557  and  the  tonnage  161,408.  This  was 
rather  less  than  before,  but  after  1835  steamships  begin  to 
affect  the  situation.  In  the  years  1841-1850  the  number  of 
ships  fell  to  2,169  a  year,  but  the  tonnage  rose  to  208,281.  For 
1850,  ninety -one  steamships  are  reported.  The  number  of 
Danish-owned  ships  increased  from  232  vessels  of  an  aggregate 
tonnage  of  17,448  in  1841  to  507  vessels  of  35,507  tons  displace- 
ment in  1850.  This  was  an  increase  of  more  than  one  hundred 
per  cent.,  brought  about  after  Danish  shipping  had  been  obliged 
to  compete  with  foreign  shipping  on  even  terms. 

Commercially  St.  Thomas  was  a  flourishing  port  in  the  forties. 
Its  life  centered  about  the  harbor  and  the  town  of  Charlotte 
Amalia.  Of  the  14,000  inhabitants  of  the  island  only  2,500,  of 
whom  more  than  nine-tenths  were  slaves,  gained  their  living 
from  the  plantations.  In  1839,  there  were  forty-one  large  im- 
porting houses  on  the  islands.  Of  these,  thirteen  were  English, 
eleven  French,  six  German,  four  Italian  and  Spanish,  four 
American,  and  only  three  Danish  or  Danish  West  Indian.  This 
situation  had  not  seriously  changed  by  1850.  The  population 
was  nearly  as  cosmopolitan  in  St.  Thomas  at  that  date  as  in 
the  mining  camps  then  opening  in  California. 

After  the  beginning  of  the  second  half  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury the  ratio  of  steam  craft  to  sailing  vessels  steadily  rose.  It 
became  possible  to  an  increasing  extent  for  the  British  and 
Spanish  islands  to  import  their  goods  direct  from  the  producers. 
Islands  like  Porto  Rico,  Barbados,  and  Santa  Lucia  availed 
themselves  less  and  less  of  St.  Thomas  as  a  staple  port.  Only 
as  a  coaling  place  does  St.  Thomas  manage  to  attract  attention 
as  the  nineteenth  century  closes.  In  the  opening  years  of  the 
twentieth  century  the  increased  use  of  the  harbor  by  the  Danish 
East  Asiatic  Company  and  the  German  Hamburg-American 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  253 

Line  has  greatly  increased  the  importance  of  St.  Thomas  as  a 
coaling  station.  The  tonnage  has  been  larger  in  recent  years 
than  in  the  golden  forties,  but  cargoes  are  no  longer  unloaded 
on  the  wharves  and  in  the  warehouses,  hence  tonnage  is  no 
index  of  the  commercial  situation.  The  following  table  shows 
the  situation  in  St.  Thomas  harbor  for  the  three-year  period 
1908-1910. 

1908  1909  1910 

Ships  entered  [over  25  tons] 682  690  749 

Boats  entered  [under  25  tons] 1,918  1,877  1,895 

Coal  imported  [in  tons] 77,555  103,505 

The  ships  entered  in  1910  included  38  war-ships,  446  mer- 
chant steamers  and  265  sailing  ships. 

Two  events  must  be  held  mainly  responsible  for  the  decline 
in  the  importance  of  sugar-cane  plantations  in  the  Lesser  An- 
tilles during  the  nineteenth  century.  The  first  is  no  doubt  the 
development  of  the  process  discovered  by  the  Berlin  chemist 
Achard  of  making  sugar  from  beets.  The  second  disturbing 
circumstance  was  the  demoralization  of  the  labor  market  by 
the  abolition,  first  of  the  slave  trade,  and  later  of  slavery  itself. 
For  a  communitj^  that  had  learned  to  depend  almost  solely 
upon  a  single  staple  as  a  means  of  livelihood,  the  shock  was  all 
but  fatal.  The  following  statistics  of  population  will  serve  as 
an  index  to  the  economic  condition  of  the  islands.  ^^ 

St.  Croix 

1773 21,809, J. 

1796 28,803 

1835 26,681 

1850 23,720 

1860 23,194 

1880 18,430 

1890 19,783 

1901 18,590  Ji 

During  the  period  of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  the  rise  in  the  price 
of  sugar  led  to  the  practical  abandonment  of  cotton  culture 

'^  Bergsoe,  den  danske  Stats  Stalistilc  (Kjobeahavn,  1853),  IV,  600;  Folketml- 
lingen  paa  de  dansk  vestindiske  Oer  for  1860,  etc. 


-  ?;  St.  Thomas 

St.  John 

Total 

-'H  '^%   4,371 

2,402 

28,582 

;    - .  4,734 

2,120 

36.657 

r^'t  14,022 

2,475 

43,178 

'Hv-.  13,666 

2,228 

39.614 

!  .^p  '  13,463 
IP    14,389 

1,574 

38.231 

944 

33,763 

'  ^  "  f  12,019 

984 

32.786 

lE^:  11.012 

925 

30,527 

254  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

on  the  Danish  islands.  St.  Croix's  maximum  cotton  export 
was  reached  in  1792  with  157,000  lbs.;  the  average  annual  ex- 
port for  the  decade  was  perhaps  60,000.  An  attempt  at  reviving 
the  cultivation  of  cotton  was  made  in  the  era  of  high  prices 
just  preceding  the  Civil  War.  A  fresh  attempt  was  made  in  the 
course  of  that  war,  when  the  acreage  was  increased  from  sev- 
enty in  1863  to  eight  hundred  in  1865.  In  the  year  1865-1866, 
71,000  lbs.  were  exported  from  St.  Croix.  Again  cotton  grow- 
ing fell  into  disuse,  not  to  be  revived  until  the  first  decade  of 
the  twentieth  century.  Since  the  failure  of  the  plan  to  sell  the 
islands  to  the  United  States  in  1902,  patriotic  Danes  have  or- 
ganized an  association  for  developing  the  agricultural  resources, 
— a  plantation  society  called  "The  Danish  West  Indies."  This 
corporation  has  brought  cotton  culture  to  a  higher  point  than 
has  been  attained  hitherto. ^^ 

Sugar  planting  probably  reached  its  maximum  about  1796.^^ 
The  acreage  figures  for  that  year  make  an  instructive  com- 
parison with  those  for  1847,  the  year  before  slavery  was  abol- 
ished, and  with  1851,  five  years  after  abolition.^^  The  sugar 
acreage  of  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  had  already  dwindled  to 
insignificance  by  1851. 

St.  Croix  St.  Thomas  St.  John 

1796 27,655  A.  2,496  A.  1,863  A. 

1847 23,971  1,125  843 

1851 19,736 

The  plow  was  rarely  seen  on  a  plantation  in  the  eighteenth 
century.  Emancipation  brought  the  plow;  here  as  elsewhere 
free  labor  had  to  compete  with  machinery.  In  1796,  Oxholm 
reports  119  windmills  and  211  treadmills  on  the  islands,  of 
which  115  of  the  former  and  144  of  the  latter  were  on  St.  Croix. 
The  first  steam-power  sugar  mill  was  erected  on  the  Hogens- 
borg  plantation  on  St.  Croix  in  1816,  and  the  second  in  1838. 
Power  machinery  raised  the  percentage  of  extracted  cane-juice 
to  seventy;  wind  or  treadmills  could  yield  only  fifty-six  per 

"Capt.  H.  U.  Ramsing,  "Landbrug  og  Havebnig"  in  Dansk  Vestindien, 
pp.  790-810. 

^^  P.  L.  Oxholm,  Dc  Danske  Vesfindiske  Oer.s  Tilstand,  "Statistisk  Tabelle." 
*^  H.  U.  Ramsing,  in  Dansk  Vestindien,  795. 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  255 

cent.  By  1852  there  were  forty  steam-propelled  sugar  mills  on 
St.  Croix.  In  1908,  there  was  but  a  single  sugar  mill  upon  each 
of  the  islands  of  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John,  and  only  the  St.  John 
mill  was  in  operation. 

A  period  of  drought  in  the  early  seventies  led  to  the  establish- 
ment of  an  elaborate  cooperative  sugar  factory  at  Christiansted 
in  1877-1878.  It  was  hoped  by  centralization  to  reduce  the 
expense  of  manufacture.  The  new  machinery  could  extract 
eighty  per  cent,  of  the  juice,  and  the  idea  spread  to  various  of 
the  larger  plantations.  The  "Danish  West  Indies"  corporation 
has  carried  the  idea  of  centralization  in  production  and  manu- 
facture to  a  far  higher  point  than  has  formerly  been  attempted. 
In  1910  there  were  on  St.  Croix  four  large  factories  producing 
crystallized  sugar.  Six  smaller  establishments  still  produced 
"muscovado"  sugar  in  the  ancient  way. 

The  annual  sugar  yield  on  the  two  older  islands  at  specified 

periods  was  as  follows: 

St.  Thomas  St.  John 

About  1796 1,300,000  lbs.  850.000  lbs. 

1821-26 1,444,000   "  1,100,000   " 

1838-40 1,164,000   "  993,000   " 

As  early  as  1755,  when  the  period  of  royal  government  began, 
St.  Croix  was  already  producing  one  and  one-half  million 
pounds  of  sugar.  This  was  more  than  St.  Thomas  produced  at 
any  time  in  its  history.  By  1770,  the  production  on  St.  Croix 
had  increased  to  about  17,000,000  lbs.,  nearly  twelve  times;  in 
the  early  eighties  it  had  risen  to  25,000,000.  In  the  mid-eighties, 
in  that  "critical  period  "  preceding  the  adoption  of  the  American 
constitution,  the  yield  fell  to  16,650,000  lbs.  In  the  opening 
years  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  annual  production  rose  to 
about  32,460,000,  the  maximum  apparently  being  reached  in 
1812,  with  46,000,000  lbs.  Since  the  Napoleonic  period  the 
yearly  sugar  production  on  St.  Croix  at  various  dates  was  ap- 
proximately as  follows: 

1820 24,300,000  lbs.  1860-70 15,730,000  lbs. 

1830 23,690,000   "  1872-77 9,300,000   " 

1840 20.000.000   "  1874 4,577.000   " 

1850-55 15,000.000   "  1880-90 19,000.000   " 

1855-60 13,400,000   "  1900-10 24,700,000   " 


256  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

More  advanced  methods  of  cultivation  and  manufacture  have 
finally  brought  the  production  up  almost  to  the  point  that  it 
was  ninety-six  years  ago,  and  that  from  a  smaller  area.  An 
evidence  of  this  greater  efficiency  is  seen  in  the  increase  in  the 
annual  yield  per  acre  from  18,638  lbs.  of  cane  in  1878-1883  to 
26,020  lbs.  in  1897-1902.  The  increasing  difficulties  to  which 
the  growing  of  sugar  cane  was  subjected  as  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury ran  its  course,  made  the  islands  more  and  more  dependent 
upon  the  Danish  treasury.  Whereas  they  had  earlier  in  the 
century  been  colonies  commanding  respect,  they  were  like  the 
British  islands  rai)idly  lapsing  into  the  position  of  dependencies 
calling  for  state  subsidies.  With  no  relief  in  sight  except  sub- 
sidies, it  only  required  a  favorable  opportunity  to  suggest  the 
feasibility  of  selling.  Such  an  opportunity  presented  itself  as  a 
result  of  the  situation  growing  out  of  the  Civil  War. 

Before  taking  up  the  diplomacy  that  eventually  led  to  the 
sale  of  the  islands  to  the  United  States,  a  brief  consideration 
of  recent  local  conditions  upon  the  islands  should  not  be  with- 
out interest,  especially  to  American  readers.  "The  Danish 
West  Indies"  plantation  company  above  referred  to  was  or- 
ganized largely  from  patriotic  motives.  The  impulse  came 
after  the  collapse  of  the  attempted  negotiations  for  sale  to  the 
United  States  in  1901-1902.  With  a  maximum  capital  of 
1,316,316  kroner  ($365,277),  and  despite  the  introduction  of 
steam  plows,  new  breeds  of  live  stock,  new  varieties  of  plants 
including  the  spineless  cactus  from  Burbank's  California  gar- 
dens, despite  increased  rotation  of  crops,  such  as  banana  and 
alfalfa,  despite  the  advice  of  British  West  Indian  experts,  this 
plantation  experiment  has  been  a  losing  proposition  as  a  business 
enterprise.  The  company's  books  showed  a  net  gain  in  only 
four  years  of  the  eleven-year  period  from  1904-1914,  inclusive. 
The  total  net  loss  for  the  eleven-year  period  was  not  less  than 
618,638.77  kroner  ($171,650).  The  chief  reasons  advanced  for 
this  unfortunate  outcome  were,  a  series  of  unusually  dry  sea- 
sons, and  a  number  of  severe  storms. 

The  company  has  also  had  considerable  trouble  with  its  labor 
supply  during  its  career.  The  demand  for  workers  on  the 
Panama  Canal  drew  many  negroes  off  the  Danish  as  it  did  off 


H^^HHHM^MiJ' SHMHl 

'■■    '-%fek--'.  ■ 

^^^  'Q^'  ^ '  "^SS^^^^^^^^^^^B^i 

^K 

HP^'' 

JIm     ■•          nw 

BP^>  N:l;-::f  t 

Mi 

f  ■       "^ 

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7"'^ 

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■o^'-Zii-'" -^¥^;tf^^' 

S        .  UyiJ 

1 

SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  257 

the  other  West  Indian  islands.  Hence  the  price  of  labor  rose 
higher  than  local  conditions  would  warrant.  As  on  previous 
occasions,  hard  times  has  brought  unrest  among  the  negro 
population.  In  1915,  the  negroes  decided  among  themselves 
that  their  condition  was  so  serious  that  it  merited  the  immediate 
attention  of  the  Danish  government  and  people.  They  ap- 
pointed one  of  their  number,  Mr.  D.  Hamilton  Jackson,  as  their 
special  representative,  and  sent  him  to  Copenhagen  to  present 
their  claims  for  amelioration  of  their  condition.  For  a  time 
the  situation  looked  so  threatening  in  St.  Croix,  the  center  of 
the  disturbance,  that  the  Danish  government  decided  to  send  a 
warship  to  Christiansted.  Mr.  Jackson's  visit  received  a  great 
deal  of  attention  from  the  Danish  public  and  press.  After  his 
return,  in  November,  1915,  he  started  a  newspaper.  The  Labor 
Union,  which  is  still  being  published. 

Previous  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War,  the  interest  of  the 
United  States  in  Caribbean  lands  had  mainly  been  directed 
towards  Cuba  by  the  slave-holding  interests  which  looked  there 
for  possible  extension  of  slavery  territory.  But  during  the  war, 
the  lack  of  a  naval  base  in  the  Caribbean  Sea  proved  so  costly 
an  experience  to  the  United  States  in  its  efforts  to  prevent 
blockade-running  that  the  Lincoln  administration  decided  to 
do  what  was  possible  to  remedy  this  situation.  The  program 
of  Secretary  of  State  Seward  included  a  larger  number  of  proj- 
ects than  was  practicable  under  the  confused  political  condi- 
tions following  the  assassination  of  Lincoln.  The  expulsion 
of  the  French  from  Mexico  and  the  purchase  of  Alaska  were 
accomplished,  but  the  purchase  of  a  Canal  strip  and  the  Danish 
West  Indian  islands  was  deferred  to  a  later  date  and  then 
consummated  at  a  far  higher  cost  than  would  have  been  neces- 
sary in  Seward's  time.^^ 

Seward  broached  the  purchase  project  to  General  Raasliiff, 
the  Danish  minister  at  Washington,  in  January,  1865,  but  with- 
out securing  any  assurance  that  Denmark  was  willing  to  sell. 
In  December,  1865,  after  Seward's  recovery  from  the  wounds 

'^  See  W.  F.  Johnson,  "The  Story  of  the  Danish  Islands,"  in  The  North  Amer- 
ican Revieiv  for  Sept.,  1916,  for  a  useful  summary  of  recent  efforts  at  purchase. 
This  comprehensive  review  forms  the  basis  for  much  of  what  follows. 


258  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

he  had  received  at  the  same  time  that  Lincoln  was  attacked, 
the  Secretary,  with  President  Johnson's  approval,  again  brought 
the  matter  forward.  Following  the  defeat  of  Denmark  by  the 
combined  Austro-Prussian  forces,  and  her  loss  of  the  duchies  of 
Schleswig  and  Holstein,  the  Danish  Ministry  that  assumed 
control  of  the  government  under  these  circumstances  proved 
willing  to  consider  the  matter  formally  and  inquired  what  the 
United  States  was  willing  to  pay.  The  negotiations  were  con- 
ducted mainly  in  Copenhagen  where  the  United  States  was 
represented  by  George  H.  Yeaman.  After  making  a  personal 
tour  of  investigation  to  the  islands  and  listening  to  the  report 
of  an  army  officer  who  had  been  sent  to  make  an  appraisal  of 
their  worth,  Seward  concluded  to  offer  the  Danish  government 
five  million  dollars  in  gold.  By  this  time  (1866),  the  situation 
in  Europe  had  undergone  a  change.  Prussia  was  now  engaged 
in  a  struggle  with  her  former  ally,  Austria,  for  the  hegemony 
of  the  German  Empire,  and  until  that  was  settled,  Denmark, 
still  smarting  under  the  loss  of  the  duchies  was  not  in  a  position 
to  take  a  step  that  seemed  likely  to  be  resented  by  Prussia. 
The  English  foreign  office  under  Earl  Russell  had  also  shown 
its  distrust  of  the  plan. 

Another  serious  obstacle  was  France.  By  the  treaty  nego- 
tiated with  France  in  1733,  for  the  purchase  of  St.  Croix,  Den- 
mark had  bound  herself  not  to  sell  that  island  to  any  other 
power  without  the  consent  of  the  French  king.  The  Mexican 
situation  was  seriously  straining  the  relations  of  the  United 
States  with  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III,  who  refused  his  con- 
sent to  the  transaction.  Denmark,  unwilling  to  risk  the  dis- 
pleasure of  France,  made  an  offer  in  the  spring  of  1867  for 
the  sale  of  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  to  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment for  the  sum  of  five  million  dollars,  and  indicated  her 
willingness  to  sell  St.  Croix  for  a  similar  price,  provided  France 
could  be  induced  to  give  its  consent.  Minister  Yeaman  finally 
made  a  treaty  with  the  Danish  government  in  October,  1867, 
providing  for  the  purchase  of  the  two  northern  islands  for 
$7,500,000.  The  consent  of  the  Danish  Senate  or  Landsthing 
was  necessary,  as  was  that  of  the  United  States  Senate.  Seward 
gave  his  unofficial  consent  to  the  holding  of  an  election  on  the 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  259 

islands  to  ascertain  the  will  of  the  inhabitants.  He  did  not  wish 
to  hamper  Congress  in  any  action  it  might  take  to  settle  the 
status  of  the  islands.  It  turned  out  that  both  houses  of  the 
Danish  diet  gave  their  consent,  and  that  the  plebiscite  on  the 
islands  carried  in  favor  of  annexation  by  the  nearly  unanimous 
vote  of  1,244  to  22.  The  sole  remaining  obstacle  was  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  and  there  the  chairman  of  the  Foreign 
Relations  Committee  was  Senator  Charles  Sumner,  the  im- 
placable enemy  of  President  Johnson.  A  considerable  share 
of  the  wrath  that  was  piling  up  against  the  President  had  to 
be  borne  by  the  head  of  his  cabinet.  To  have  followed  up  the 
purchase  of  Alaska  by  the  purchase  of  the  Danish  islands  might 
have  enhanced  popularity  of  the  administration,  and  this  was 
not  desired  by  Sumner  and  the  anti-administration  forces. 
The  treaty  was  consequently  pigeonholed.  Denmark  granted 
an  extension  of  time  for  ratification,  first  to  Seward,  and  then 
to  his  successor,  Hamilton  Fish.  But  the  Grant  administra- 
tion was  only  less  distasteful  to  Sumner  than  the  one  it  dis- 
placed, so  on  April  14,  1870,  the  treaty  was  allowed  to  lapse, 
and  the  government  was  placed  in  the  position  of  refusing  its 
assent  to  a  treaty  which  it  had  initiated. 

The  United  States  was  saved  from  an  exceedingly  embarrass- 
ing position  through  the  circumstance  that  Denmark  made  no 
attempt  to  sell  the  islands  to  any  other  power.  The  Danish 
government  broached  the  matter  again  late  in  Harrison's  ad- 
ministration, during  the  secretaryship  of  John  W.  Foster,  but 
the  matter  was  not  pressed  because  of  fear  that  the  incoming 
Cleveland  administration  might  repudiate  the  transaction  be- 
fore it  had  been  completed.  The  third  time  that  the  matter 
was  called  to  the  attention  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States  was  in  Cleveland's  administration,  but  the  administra- 
tion that  refused  to  consider  the  annexation  of  Hawaii  could 
not  be  expected  to  purchase  the  Danish  islands.  Denmark  con- 
tinued its  considerate  attitude  by  refraining  from  seeking  other 
purchasers. 

When  after  the  Spanish-American  war  the  question  of  pur- 
chase came  up  for  a  fourth  time,  the  chances  for  successful 
negotiation  seemed  promising.    Secretary  John  Hay,  the  head 


260  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

of  President  Roosevelt's  cabinet,  and  the  Danish  minister, 
Count  Constantino  Brun,  discussed  the  project  late  in  1901, 
and  a  treaty  was  promptly  formulated  providing  for  the  pur- 
chase of  the  islands  at  the  price  first  offered  by  Seward,  five 
million  dollars.  The  French  government — now  the  Third 
Republic — made  no  objection  to  the  inclusion  of  St.  Croix. 
The  treaty  was  negotiated  in  January,  1902.  On  February  17, 
the  United  States  Senate  atoned  for  its  previous  dog-in-the- 
manger  position  by  prompt  ratification.  This  time  the  opposi- 
tion came  from  another  quarter.  The  Folkething,  the  popular 
house  of  the  Danish  Parliament,  readily  gave  its  assent  but 
in  the  Landsthing  the  treaty  failed  of  confirmation  by  a  tie 
vote.  This  adverse  vote  has  been  generally  assumed  in  the 
United  States  to  have  been  due  to  German  influence.  Several 
circumstances  have  lent  color  to  this  view.  During  the  Spanish- 
American  war,  popular  opinion  in  Germany  was  very  strongly 
opposed  to  the  United  States.  The  attitude  of  Admiral  Diet- 
richs  indicated  an  unexpected  impatience  on  the  part  of  the 
German  government  towards  American  plans  in  the  Orient. 
Likewise  in  the  Caribbean  Sea  that  government  found  itself 
arousing  the  apprehension  of  the  United  States  in  its  dealings 
with  Latin  American  states,  much  as  England  had  done  in  the 
Venezuela  affair  during  Cleveland's  administration.  The  rapid 
development  of  the  great  German  shipping  lines,  such  as  the 
Hamburg-American,  gives  the  observer  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  Germany  would  welcome  the  chance  to  acquire  St.  Thomas 
or  any  other  suitable  port  or  coaling  station  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Panama  Canal.  Whatever  may  have  been  the 
actual  facts,  the  treaty  was  not  confirmed  by  the  Danish  upper 
house,  and  apparently  German  commercial  interests  were  not 
displeased  with  having  St.  Thomas  remain  under  Danish  rule. 
The  reasons  for  the  bungling  that  took  place  in  1911-1912  when 
the  scheme  was  again  considered,  have  not  yet  fully  come  to 
light.  Through  the  injudicious  actions  of  certain  private  in- 
dividuals, the  diplomatists  found  themselves  obliged  to  defer 
formal  action  to  a  more  opportune  time.  It  is  significant  of  the 
American  position  that  when  the  Danish  company,  that  had 
been  formed  to  deepen  and  improve  St.  Thomas  harbor,  con- 


SUPPLEMENTARY  CHAPTER:  1755-1917  261 

sidered  the  securing  of  foreign,  and  especially  German,  capital 
for  assistance  in  carrying  through  its  original  plans,  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  promptly  indicated  that  such  a 
measure  would  not  meet  with  its  approval.  The  plans  of  the 
company  were  modified  and  carried  out  on  a  smaller  scale  with 
Danish  capital. 

The  plan  to  sell  the  islands,  when  finally  disclosed  to  the 
Danish  public  by  the  Zahle  ministry  in  1916,  met  with  vigorous 
and  determined  opposition.  There  is  no  apparent  reason  for 
suspecting  German  influence  as  a  factor  of  importance  in  this 
connection.  Several  of  the  most  influential  anti-German  news- 
papers labored  most  valiantly  to  defer  the  sale,  at  least  until 
after  the  war.  University  professors,  economists,  men  of 
science,  well  known  religious  leaders,  men  of  business, — all 
classes  furnished  ardent  opponents  to  the  sale  of  the  islands  at 
this  time;  and  these  men  were  probably  overwhelmingly  anti- 
German.  There  appears  to  have  been  considerable  quiet  but 
effective  activity  exerted  in  favor  of  the  proposed  sale  by  some 
of  the  leading  business  men,  especially  those  connected  with  the 
Danish  East  Asiatic  Company.  When  the  matter  came  before 
the  Danish  people  for  their  decision  in  December,  1916,  the 
vote  in  favor  of  the  ministerial  plan  for  sale  stood  283,694  to 
157,596. 

And  now,  more  than  half  a  century  after  negotiations  were 
initiated,  and  in  the  progress  of  a  mighty  world  war,  the  United 
States  has  finally  purchased  the  Danish  West  Indian  islands. 
The  purchase  price,  $25,000,000,  represents  a  greater  sum  than 
has  been  paid  for  any  of  its  acquisitions,  not  excepting  Louisiana 
and  the  Philippines.  The  islands  passed  under  the  sovereignty 
of  the  United  States  on  January  17,  1917,  when  Secretary  Lan- 
sing and  Minister  Brun  exchanged  ratifications  of  the  treaty 
of  cession.  The  United  States  flag  was  hoisted  on  the  three 
"  Virgin  Islands  of  America  "  on  March  thirtj^-first.  Rear- 
admiral  James  H.  Oliver  was  named  as  the  first  American 
governor. 

It  is  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  since  the  oldest  of 
the  islands  first  came  into  Danish  possession.  As  they  have 
long  been  economically  American,  they  will  henceforth  be  polit- 


262  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 

ically  American.  Their  future  lies  in  the  lap  of  Fate  and  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States.  In  annexing  them  the  United 
States  has  acquired  a  harbor  that  shares  with  Samana  Bay, 
San  Domingo,  the  distinction  of  deserving — to  quote  the  words 
of  Admiral  Mahan — "paramount  consideration  in  a  general 
study  of  the  Caribbean  Sea  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico."  The 
United  States  has  taken  another  distinct  and  important  step 
towards  establishing  American  influence  in  the  lands  that  lie  to 
the  north  of  Panama  in  securing  the  Leeward  gateway  to  the 
American  Mediterranean. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

•  The  chief  repository  of  first-hand  material  dealing  with  the 
Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company  is  the  Danish  State 
Archives  {Rigsarkivet)  in  Copenhagen.  The  entire  official 
records  of  the  Company,  except  such  portions  as  are  to  be  found 
in  the  Landsarkiv,  are  piled  high  on  the  shelves  of  the  topmost 
story  of  the  archives  building,  where  their  repose  has  rarely 
been  disturbed.  The  materials  in  the  Landsarkiv,  or  provincial 
archives,  consist  chiefly  of  oflBcial  documents  dealing  presum- 
ably with  the  local  history  of  the  Danish  islands.  It  appears 
that  these  records  were  brought  to  Denmark  from  the  West 
Indies  only  about  twenty-five  years  ago,  but  have  suffered  so 
from  climatic  conditions  and  the  ravages  of  tropical  insects 
that  they  are  not  available  for  the  use  of  scholars.  The  Gardelin 
and  Schweder  letter-books  now  in  the  Bancroft  Collection  at 
Berkeley,  California,  were  presumably  a  part  of  these  local 
archives. 

The  Company's  records  kept  at  Copenhagen  do  not  appear 
to  have  been  accessible  until  J.  F.  Krarup,  who  became  assist- 
ant in  the  state  archives  in  1870  and  first  secretary  and  registrar 
in  1882,  proceeded  to  arrange  and  label  the  materials.  The 
Company's  archives  are  divided  into  three  parts,  correspond- 
ing to  the  principal  scenes  of  its  activity — Copenhagen,  the 
West  Indies,  and  Guinea — and  each  department  contains  the 
matter  which  normally  gravitated  towards  that  place. 

The  manuscript  materials  in  the  Copenhagen  municipal 
archives  {Raadstuearkivet)  and  in  the  Royal  Library  which  deal 
with  the  Danish  West  Indian  possessions  are  few  in  number 
but  of  real  importance.  Their  source  will  be  noted  in  the 
bibUography.  The  fibrary  of  the  University  of  Copenhagen 
apparently  contains  little  of  vital  importance  that  cannot  be 
found  in  one  or  the  other  of  the  above  collections. 

One  repository  remains  to  be  considered,  the  Bancroft  Col- 
lection at  Berkeley,  California,  referred  to  above.  The  manu- 
script material  there  to  be  found,  necessarily  fragmentary,  but 
by  no  means  negligible,  was  collected  about  thirty  years  ago 
by  Alphonse  Pinart,  who  made  a  tour  of  investigation  and 
collection  over  Spanish,  English,  French,  Dutch  and  Swedish, 
as  well  as  Danish  islands.  The  part  secured  at  St.  Thomas 
consists  not  only  of  copies  of  official  orders  and  correspondence, 

[263] 


^64  RIBTJOGRAPIIY 

but  of  a  number  of  originals.  These  materials  were  later  ac- 
quired by  Mr.  H.  H.  Bancroft  and  are  now  in  the  custody  of  the 
University  of  California. 

In  the  writing  of  Chapter  I,  the  author  has  in  the  main  fol- 
lowed the  work  of  J.  Frederick  Krarup,  whose  long  service  in 
the  archives  gave  him  a  unique  opportunity  to  work  out  an 
authoritative  and  indeed  a  microscopic  account  of  the  first 
Danish  governor.  A  careful  checking  up  of  Krarup's  work  on 
Governor  Iversen  soon  revealed  the  futility  of  retracing  his 
footsteps.  Krarup's  biography  of  Milan  has  also  been  followed 
in  Chapter  III  in  so  far  as  it  deals  with  the  West  Indian  career 
of  that  strange  character.  In  the  chapter  dealing  with  the 
Brandenburg  African  Company's  experience  in  the  West  Indies, 
Schuck's  exhaustive  account  (q.  v.)  has  been  freely  used,  but 
it  has  been  checked  up  and  supplemented  with  documentary 
material  from  the  Company's  archives  which  Dr.  Schiick  did 
not  examine.  In  the  remainder  of  the  work  the  author  has  had 
to  rely  chiefly  upon  unpublished  documentary  material. 

Although  the  major  part  of  the  materials  are  in  Danish,  a 
few  are  in  German,  the  language  of  the  court,  some  in  French, 
and  a  considerable  number  in  Dutch,  which  was  the  prevailing 
tongue  among  the  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John  planters  in  the 
seventeenth  and  eighteenth  .centuries. 

Manuscript  Sources 

Note:  The  abbreviations  employed  in  the  text  are  enclosed 
in  brackets  [  ]. 

A.  The  Danish  State  Archives  (Rigsarkiv) : 
I.  The  Records  of  the  Company: 

Gouverneurernes  Copi-Boger  (1686;  1694-1700;  1700-1703; 

1703-1715).      Volumes    containing    correspondence    of 

governors.    [Gouv.  C.  B.,  1686,  etc.] 
Gouverneurens   Journaler    (1688-1689;    1689-1691;    1696- 

1702).    Official  diaries  of  A.  Esmit,  Heins  and  Lorentz. 

{Heins\  Lorentz^s,  etc.,  Journ.] 
Diverse  Dokumenter  vedr.  Interimsgouv.  Adolph  Esmit,,  Hans 

Emhedsforelse,  Fcengsling,  m.   m.   (1682-1689).     [A.   E. 

1682-1689.] 
Diverse  Dokumenter  vedk.  Gouverneuren  paa  St.  Thomas,  de 

la  Vigne  (1692-1695).    [Delavigne  papers.] 
Kopie-Bogfor  St.  Thomas  (1703-1715). 
Kopier  og  Exfrakter  af  Sekret-Protokoller  for  St.    Thomas 

(1699-1714;  1723-1735;  1735-1752).    The  privy  council 

records  of  St.  Thomas  from  1715  to  1722,  inclusive,  are 

missing. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  265 

Sekret-Protokol  for  St.  Thomas  (1694-1714;  1723-1727; 
1729-1730).    [S.  P.,  St.  Th.] 

Lands-Protokol  for  St.  Thomas  (1694-1711). 

Kopier  af  Plakater,  Breve,  og  Ordrer  udsiedte  paa  St.  Thomas 
og  St.  Jan  (1683-1729).    [P.  B.  0.,  1683-17S9.] 

Negotie  Journaler  forte  paa  St.  Thomas.  These  account 
books  of  the  Company  are  practically  complete.  Sales 
of  slaves  were  usually  recorded  in  them.  Their  ponder- 
ous size  and  lack  of  indexes  make  them  difficult  to  use. 
[N.  J.  for  St.  Th.\ 

Negotie  Journaler  forte  paa  St.  Croix.  These  begin  about 
1736,  and  are  not  quite  complete.    [N.  J.  for  St.  C] 

Land  Lister  for  St.  Thomas.  The  first  census  was  taken  in 
1688.  After  the  expiration  of  Thormohlen's  proprietor- 
ship, the  tax  list  was  made  out  annually,  and  the  series 
is  very  nearly  complete.    [L.  L.  for  St.  Th.] 

Land  Lister  for  St.  Jan.  The  first  census  seems  to  have  been 
taken  in  1728.  The  lists  here  are  less  complete  than  on 
the  other  islands.    [L.  L.  for  St.  J.] 

Land  Lister  for  St.  Croix.  Begins  with  1742.  [L.  L.  for 
St.C] 

Breve  og  Dokumenter  indkomne  til  Vestindisk-Guineiske 
Kompagnies  Direction  fra  Vestindien  (1683-1689;  1706- 
1710;  1711-1713;  1714-1717;  1717-1720;  1721-1724; 
1724-1727;  1732-1734).  The  correspondence  of  the 
West  Indian  officials  with  the  directors  in  Copenhagen 
forms  an  invaluable  first-hand  source  of  information. 
[B.  ct  Z>.] 

Copie  Bog  holden  ved  Compagniets  Contoir  i  Kiobenhavn  fra 
den  13  Feb.  1690,  til  A[nn]o  1713,  over  "hvad  der  er  pas- 
seret  ved  det  vestindiske  Comp."  soerlig  vedr.  St.  Thomas. 
[C.  B.,  1690-1713.] 

Americanske  og  Africanske  Copie  Bog  (1716-1726). 

Europceisk  Copie  Bog  (1698-1702). 

Dansk-  Vestindisk-Guineiske  Compagnies  Breve-Copie-Bog 
(1698-1702). 

Vestindisk  og  Guineisk  Compagniets  Directions  Resolutions 
og  Forhandlings  Protocol  (1697-1734).  [Comp.  Prot., 
1697-1734.] 

Vestindisk  og  Guineisk  Compagniets  General  Forsamlings 
Protokol  (1741-1754).    [Comp.  Prot.,  17Jtl-5Jt.] 

Vestindisk  Guineisk  Comp.  Rets  og  Kommissions  Doku- 
menter (1709-1719). 

Kopihog  for  Vestindisk  og  Guineisk  Compagniets  Direction 
(1733-1754).    [Vest.  Dir.  K.  B.,  1733-54.] 


266  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Extrad-Udslcrifter  af  Secret-Protocoller  for  St.  Croix  (1744- 
1752).    [S.  P.,  St.  C.,  17U-1753.] 

Vestindiske  og  Guineiske  Kompagnies  Kasseboger  forte  paa 
St.  Croix  (1735-1754).  The  volumes  for  1736,  1740, 
and  1744  are  missing. 

The  same  for  St.  Thomas  (1680-1754).     These  volumes 
give  the  detailed  accounts  of  receipts  and  expenditures 
of  all  sorts,  e.  g.,  customs  duties,  weighing  fees,  etc. 
II.  The  State  Archives  proper: 

Christian  Martfeldt.    Samlinger  om  de  Danske  Vestin- 
diske Oer  St.  Croix,  St.  Thomas,  St.  Jan.     These  six  for- 
midable quarto  volumes  contain  the  materials  collected 
and  the  observations  made  by  a  distinguished  Danish 
economist  of  the  eighteenth  century  who  paid  an  ex- 
tended visit  to  the  islands  about  1765-1768.     "He  who 
would  study  thoroughly  the  history  of  the  islands,"  says 
Bergsoe  {Den  danske  Stats  Statistik,  Kjobenhavn,   1853, 
IV  B.,  p.  559),  "will  find  here  amid  considerable  rubbish, 
much  that  is  of  value  for  the  period  before  1765."     Vol- 
ume I  contains  copies  of  orders  issued  by  various  West 
Indian  governments  from  1733  to  1767,  inclusive.     Vol- 
ume II  with  its  "Collegial  Breve  fra  Kjobenhavn;  Ordon- 
nancer,   Instructioner,   Reglementer  fra  Gouvernementet" 
deals  with  the  period  from  Sept.   3,   1756,  to  Oct.  4, 
1760,  and  includes  a  number  of  West  Indian  letters  and 
mandates  for  the  period  1741-1745.      Volume  III  con- 
sists of  a  large  variety  of  documentary  and  statistical 
material  concerning  the  history  and  government  of  the 
islands,  and  the  character  of   their  population.      Vol- 
ume IV  begins  with  statistics  of  St.  Thomas's  planta- 
tions; the  remainder  being  devoted  to  the  story,  in  fif- 
teen long  chapters,  of  "the  Danish  Island  St.  Thomas 
in  the  West  Indies,"  an  interesting  though  prolix  ac- 
count of  all  the  islands  from  administrative  and  political 
viewpoints.      The   remaining    nine   chapters  are  to  be 
found  in  Vol.  V.     The  last  volume  (VI)  contains  copies 
and  extracts  of  West  Indian  archival  material  between 
the  dates  1688  and  1766.     [Martfeldt  MSS.]. 
Sja;llandske   aabne   Breve    (1654-1655   and    1662).     These 
contain  references  to  West  Indian  voyages  of  private 
adventurers    before    the    establishment    of    the    Com- 
pany. 
Registrant  over  vestindiske  Sager  (1671-1699).    [Vest.  Reg.] 
Registrant  over  vestindiske  aabne  Breve  og  Missiver  (1699- 
1771.)     The  above  two  entries  contain  copies  of  pass- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  267 

ports  to  ship  captains  and  confirmations  of  Lutheran 
and  Reformed  ministers,  issued  by  the  King. 

Vestindisk-Guinceiske  Koncepter  og  Indloeg  (1671-1699). 

Vestindiske  Koncepter  og  Indlceg  (1700-1771). 

Protokol  over  ComrnissionoBrerne  udi  Raadstuen  for  Slottet, 
Vols.  Ill  and  IV  (1695). 

Kronologisk  Samling  af  Offentlige  Aktsiykker  vedk.  de  dansk- 
vestindiske  Oer  og  scerlig  negernes  Forfatning  betrwffende 
(1733-1788). 

Oresundstoldboger.     The  records  of  the  Sound  duties  are 
especially   valuable   in   locating   and   identifying   ships 
outward  or  homeward  bound. 
B.  The  Royal  Library  at  Copenhagen: 

Werlauf  MS8.  No.  22.  (a)  [Pierre  Joseph]  Pannet:  Relation 
de  r Execrable  Conspiration,  mise  en  Oeuvre  par  les  Negres 
Minoes  en  VIsle  Danoise  St.  Jan  en  Amerique  1733;  (b) 
Specification  paa.  .  .  .  Compagniets  Participanter  og 
Actier  udi  Compagniet  og  Raffinaderiet  indtil  den  Anno 
1751. 

Ny  Kgl.  Saml.  426  fol.  Peder  Manager:  Een  saavidt 
mueligt  fuldstcendig  Historisk  Efterretning  extraheret  of 
Det  Vestindiske  og  Guineiske  Compagnies  Archiv,  Roger 
og  Protocoller,  angaaende  bemelte  Compagnies  Etablisse- 
menter  udi  Vestindien  og  Guinea,  fra  begyndelsen.  .  .  . 
(Dated  at  Company's  office,  July  30,  1753.)  The  222 
folio  pages  in  this  volume  constitute  the  official  account 
of  the  Company's  activities  from  its  establishment  in 
1671  up  to  within  a  year  or  so  of  its  dissolution.  Manager 
had  been  employed  in  the  Company's  office,  most  of 
the  time  as  bookkeeper,  for  upwards  of  thirty  years,  and 
was  intimately  acquainted  with  its  affairs.  On  the 
whole,  it  is  written  with  remarkable  accuracy,  and  it  is 
unique  in  being  an  authoritative  exposition  written  from 
the  viewpoint  of  the  Company's  Copenhagen  head- 
quarters. Compared  with  this  manuscript  history,  the 
published  works  of  Host,  and  his  successors  and  transla- 
tors, are  weak  indeed.  [Mariager  MS.] 
Uldallske  Saml.,  No.  30  fol.  Adskillige  Placater  og  An- 
modninger  samt  Kongelige  Rescripter  Vestindien  vedkom- 
mende. 
Thottske  Saml.,  No.  515  fol.  J.  N.  Hoist,  Om  hvad  der  kunde 
vwre  Eilxnderne  St.  Jan,  St.  Croix;  og  St.  Thomas  til 
Opkomst  (1746-1755).  A  series  of  proposals  concerning 
the  West  Indies  by  an  experienced  ship  captain. 
Thottske  Saml.,  No.  1298  (4°).    R.  Haagensen,  Beskrivelse 


268  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

over  Eilandet  St.  Croix.  (Dated  1751.)  This  account, 
dedicated  to  the  newly  elected  president  of  the  Com- 
pany, Count  Adam  Gottlob  von  Moltke,  was  published  in 
1758,  and  constitutes  the  first  known  printed  account 
of  the  island  of  St.  Croix  under  Danish  rule. 

Thottske  Saml.,  No.  764  b.  Soren  Sommer,  En  Kort  Besk- 
rivelse  om  St.  Thomas  og  St.  Croix.  .  .  .  (Dated  April  29, 
1738.) 

Kallske  Saml.,  No.  103  fol.  C.  A.  von  Plessen,  Resolution 

og  Beskeed.  .  .  .  (Dated 'i)    This  is  an  order  relating 

to  the  treatment  of  the  Moravian  Brethren. 

C.  The  Municipal  Archives  at  Copenhagen  (Raadstuearkivet) : 

Politi-  og  Commerce-Collegiets  Resolutions  og  Missive  Proto- 

coller,  vol.  3  (1704-1709). 
Politi- og  Commerce-Collegiets  Memorial  Bog,  vols.  21  (1716- 

1720)  and  22  (1720-1723). 

D.  The  Bancroft  Collection  at  Berkeley: 

Governors  of  St.  Thomas.  Orders  issued  for  observance 
by  inhabitants  (1672-1726).  Copies  of  80  orders  pub- 
lished during  the  governorships  of  Iversen,  Milan,  A. 
Esmit,  Heins,  Lorentz,  Crone,  Bredal,  Thambsen,  and 
Moth. 

Gardelin,  Phillip.  Letter-book  containing  correspondence 
with  oflScials  on  St.  John  and  St.  Thomas  (x\pril  22, 1733- 
August  21,  1734).  The  letters  and  orders  in  this  frail 
and  yellowed  termite-burrowed  volume  throw  interest- 
ing sidelights  on  the  St.  John  insurrection  of  1733-1734. 

St.  John  Planters.  Five  letters  written  to  Gardelin  and 
Horn  (Dec.  7,  1733-April  19,  1734).    [Bancroft  Coll.] 

Moth,  Frederick.  Porto  Rico  letter-book  containing  copies 
of  correspondence  with  Spanish  officials  (1734-1743). 

Schweder,  Christian.  Letter-book  containing  copies  of 
correspondence  with  St.  Croix  officials  (June  13,  1744- 
Nov.  24,  1745.) 


Printed  Sources 

Algreen-Ussing,  T.    ed. 

Kongelige  Rescripter,  Resolutioner  og  Reglementer,  Instruxer 
og    Fundatser,   samt    Kollegialbreve,    med  flere    Danmarks 
Lovgivning  vedkommende  offentlige  Akistykker.    Kjobenhavn, 
1806-1850.    56  v. 
[Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company.] 

Kongelige  Octroyerede  Danske  Westindiske  og  Guineiske  Com- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  269 

pagnie.      Ordre   og   Instruction  for   Assistenterne   paa   det 
Kongelige  Octroyerede  Danske   West-Indiske  og   Guineiske 
Skibe.    Kjobenhavn  [1698].    4°. 
[Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company.] 
Det  Kongelige  Danske  Westindiske  og  Guineiske  Compagnies 
Participanters    Convention,    Reglement    og    Foreening   ind- 
gaaet   og  sluttet  d.   26   Sept.,   1733.      Kjobenhavn,    1733. 
20  p. 
[Denmark.] 

Patent  om  it  Guineiske  Compagnies  Oprettelse  i  Kiohenhaffn. 
Dec.  10,  1672.    [Kjobenhavn]  1672. 
[Denmark.] 

Verordnung  wegen  des  West-Indischen  und  Guineischen  Handels 
Mar.  3,  1680.    [Kjobenhavn,  1680.]    4  p.    4°. 
[Denmark.] 

Skibsartikler  hvorefter  Wi  Christian  V.  .  .  .     [Kjobenhavn] 

1698.    15  p.    4°. 
This  concerns  West  Indian  and  Guinea  Company's  ships' 
rules.    (Dated  March  26.) 
[Denmark.] 

Octroy  for  det  Kgl.    Danske  West-Indiske  og  Guineiske  Com- 

pagnie.    February  5.    Kjobenhavn,  1734.    28  p. 
An  abstract  of  this  charter  is  given  in  Host,  Efterretning  .  .  .  , 
pp.  115  et  seq. 
[Denmark.] 

Placat   om   Foringen   ved   det   Kongelige   octroierede   Danske 
Westjndiske  og  Guineiske  Compagnie.    October  14.    Kjoben- 
havn] 1747.    "Fol.  pat." 
[Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company.] 

Plan  og  Convention  hvorefter  det  Kongelige  Octroyerede  Danske 
Westindisk  og  Guineiske  Compagnies  Augmentation  have 
subscriberet,  d.  6  Feb.  11 1^1.    Kjobenhavn,  1748.    8  p. 

FOGTMAN,  LaURITZ. 

Alphabetisk  Register  over  de  Kongelige  Rescripter,  Resoluiioner 
og  Collegialbreve,  Aar  1660-1800.  Kjobenhavn,  1806. 
iV  V.  1-2  Part. 

FOGTMAN,    LaURITZ.    [cd.] 

Kongelige  Rescripter,  Resolutioner,  og  Collegial  Breve  for  Dan- 
mark  og  Norge,  1660-1813.    Kjobenhavn,  [date  ?]  v. 
Great  Britain:  Master  of  the  Rolls. 

Calendar  of  state  papers.     Colonial  series;  America  and  the 
West  Indies.     (1669-1708.)    Vols.  1-18.     1669-70  -[1706- 
08.]    London,  1885-1916.    [Cal.  Col] 
These  volumes  contain  valuable  materials  on  Anglo-Danish 
relations  in  the  West  Indies. 


270  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Host,  Georg. 

Efterretning  om  Oen  Sand  Thomas.  .  .  .  (See  under  Second- 
ary' Works.) 
Maanedlige  Relationer  (periodical,  Copenhagen)  for  April  and 

June,  1683. 
Contemporary  account  of  Governor  Iversen's  death,  and  of 
punishment  of  responsible  mutineers. 
Paludan,  Capt.  C.  F. 

"  Blade  af  de  dansk-vestindiske  Oers  Historic,"  in  Museum 

(Kjobenhavn,  1894),  341-366. 
An  account  of  the  St.  John  slave  insurrection  of  1733-1734 
and    its    suppression,    illustrated    by    unpublished    documents 
from  the  St.  Thomas  archives,  copied  before  their  removal  to 
Copenhagen. 

RORDAM,  HOLGER  Fr.  [ed.] 

"  Bidrag  til  Historieskriveren  Anders  Hojers  Levned,"  in  His- 
toriske  Samlinger  og  Studier  vedr.  Danmarks  Forhold  og 
Personligheder  isner  i  det  17.  Aarhundrede,  III,  144  et  seq. 
Kjobenhavn,  1898.    4  v. 

Of  tifie  commission  appointed  in  1726  to  report  on  the  affairs 
of  the  Danish  East  India  Company,  some  mention  is  made. 

RORDAM,    HOLGER   Fr. 

"  Kirkelige  Forhold  paa  St.  Croix  1741  og  danske  Prsester  paa 

de  vestindiske  Oer  i  Midten  af  1 8.    Aarhundre  "  in  KirJcehis- 

toriske  Samlinger,  ser.  4,  v.  II.    (Kjobenhavn,  1891),  55-100. 

This  article  includes  an  interesting  letter  from  the  Lutheran 

minister  H.  J.  O.  Stoud  to  President  C.  A.  von  Plessen  of  the 

West  India  and  Guinea  Company,  dated  Jan.  11,  1741,  and 

biographical  sketches  of  the  Danish  Lutheran  ministers  on 

St.  Croix,  1735-1769,  and  of  the  ministers  on  St.  Thomas  and 

St.  John,  1732-1765. 

RoTHE,  Casper  Peter,    [ed.] 

Kong  Christian  den  Femtes  skrevne  Befalinger  og  Anordninger, 
eller  Rescripter  for  Norge,  Island,  Ferroerne  og  de  Indiske 
Besiddelser  fra  .  .  .  Ode  Februarii  1670  til  .  .  .  25  Au- 
gusti,  1699.    Kjobenhavn,  1777.    2  v.    (1153  p.) 
Vol.  II,  993  et  seq.,  contains  the  text  of  the  ordinances,  etc., 
issued  by  Christian  V  during  his  reign,  and  which  concerned 
the  West  Indies  and  Guinea. 
ScHou,  Jacob  Henric.    [ed.] 

Chronologisk     Register     over     Kongelige    Forordninger.  .  .  . 
Kjobenhavn,  1777-1814. 
ScHtJcK,  Richard. 

Brandenburg-Preussens  Kolonial-Politik  .  .  .  (1647-1721). 
Leipsig,  1889.  2  v. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  271 

Volume  II  contains  many  documents  bearing  on  Denmark's 
and  Brandenburg's  relations  with  respect  to  Guinea  and  West 
India  matters. 
[Swedish  Ambassadors.] 

Reports  in  "  Danske  Samlinger  for  Historic  "  (periodical  edited 
by  Chr.  Bruun,  O.  Nielsen,  and  A.  Peterson).  Kjobenhavn, 
1865-1875.    6  vols. 

The  letters  of  Swedish  ambassadors  at  Copenhagen  to  their 
royal  masters  afford  glimpses  of  the  early  career  of  the  Com- 
pany. 

Secondary  Works 

Special  Works  on  the  Danish  Colonies: 
Alberti,  C. 

"  Den  danske  Slavehandels  Historic,"  in  Nyt  historisk  Tids- 

skrift,  3  B.  (Kjobenhavn,  1850,  201-245). 
A  valuable  account,  based  on  printed  primary  and  secondary 
material.    The  author  was  not  permitted  to  inspect  the  state 
archive  materials. 
Borgeson,  F.,  and  Uldall,  F.  P. 

Vore  vesiindiske  Oer.    Kjobenhavn,  1900.    55  p. 
Catteau-Calleville,  J.  R.  G. 

Tableau  des  Stats  danois,  consideres  sous  le  rapport  du  me- 
canisme  social.    Paris,  1802.    3  vol. 
"De  danske  Atlanterhavsoer." 

"  Dansk  Vestindien:  Naturforhold,  Befolkning,  Hjalpekilder, 
og  Nseringsveje  "  in  "De  danske  Atlanterhavsoer"  Afsnit  IV. 
Kjobenhavn,  1908.    300  p.    Maps. 
A  copiously  illustrated,  collaborative  work,  with  brief  re- 
sumes of  early  history,  but  with  main  emphasis  on  present 
conditions.    Lists  of  authorities  are  appended  to  many  of  the 
articles. 
Dewitz,  a.  von. 

In  Ddnisch  Westindien.     Anfange  der  Briidermission  in  St. 
Thomas,  St.  Croix,  and  St.  Jan,  von  1732-1760.    Herrnhut, 
1899.    322  p. 
Dewitz,  A.  von. 

In   Ddnisch    Westindien.      Ilundert   und  fiinf^ig   Jahre   der 
Briidermission  in  St.  Thomas,  St.  Croix,  und  St.  Jan.  .  .  . 
Niesky,  1884.    374  p. 
Eggers,  H.  F.  a.  Baron. 

"  St.  Croix's  Flora  "  in  Videnskabelige  Meddelelserfra  Naturhis- 
torisk  For ening  i  Kjobenhavn  for  Aaret  1S76.  Kjobenhavn, 
1876.    pp.  33-158. 


272  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

An  admirable  description  of  St.  Croix,  particularly  from  the 
botanical  and  meteorological  points  of  view,  with  an  exposition 
of  historical  changes  in  plant  life  there. 
Griffin,  Appleton  Prentiss  Clark. 

A  list  of  books  on  the  Danish  West  Indies.  Washington,  1901. 
20  p. 

The  only  special  bibliography  on  the  subject,  limited  to  books 
in  Library  of  Congress. 
Haagensen,  Richard. 

Beskrivelse  over  Eylandet  St.  Croix  i  America  i  Vestindien. 
Kjobenhavn,  1758,    72  p. 

Probably  the  earliest  printed  book  describing  St.  Croix.    The 
university  and  royal  libraries  in  Copenhagen  each  have  MS. 
as  well  as  printed  copies. 
Hoffmeyer,  H. 

Vor  Kirke  i  Vestindien.    Kjobenhavn,  1905. 
Host,  Georg.  Hersing. 

Efterretninger  cm  den  Sanct  Thomas  og  dens  Gouverneurer, 
optegnede  der  paa  Landetfra  1769  indtil  1776.  Kjobenhavn, 
1791.    203  p. 

This  is  the  first  attempt  at  a  chronological  history  of  the 
Danish  West  Indies.  The  author  had  access  to  the  Company's 
archives,  and  used  some  of  the  documents  for  his  book.  From 
1769  to  1776  he  lived  in  the  islands,  first  as  a  member  of  the 
privy  council  of  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John,  and  later,  on  the 
death  of  his  father-in-law.  Governor  Jens  Kragh,  as  governor-ad 
interim  for  a  few  months.  During  1760-1767  he  had  served  as 
an  employee  in  the  Danish  factory  in  Morocco,  and  on  his 
return  he  became  a  secretary  in  the  department  for  foreign 
affairs,  under  Guldberg.  He  died  in  1794.  (Nyerup  and  Kraft, 
Forjatter-Lexicon,  p.  280.) 
Isert,  p.  E. 

"  Reise  nach  Guinea  und  den  Carabaischen  Inseln,"  in  Colnm- 
bien,  in  Brief  en  an  seine  Freunden  beschreiben.  Kjobenhavn, 
1788.    376  p. 

Although  inclined  to  exaggeration,  the  author,  who  had  been 
chief  physician  in  the  Danish  factory  in  Guinea  and  had  served 
on  slave  ships,  presents  a  valuable  picture  of  the  dark  side  of  the 
slave  trade.  Letter  12  is  headed  "Reise  von  Guinea  nach  Wes- 
tindien.  Zustand  eines  Sklavenschiffes.  Rebellion  der  Sklaven. 
Beschreibung  von  St.  Croix." 
Knox,  Hugh. 

A  discourse  delivered  on  the  6  of  Sept.  1772  in  the  Dutch  Church 
of  St.  Croix.     On  the  occasion  of  the  hurricane  which  hap- 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  273 

pened  on  the  31  of  Aug.    St.  Croix,  1772.    The  copy  in  the 
Bancroft  Collection  is  incomplete.  ' 

Knox,  John  P. 

A  historical  account  of  St.  Thomas,  W.  /.,...  and  incidental 
notices  of  St.  Croix  and  St.  Johns.  New  York,  1852.  271  p. 
This  book  has  long  been  practically  the  only  available  book 
in  English.  The  first  part  of  it  is  really  a  faulty  translation  of 
Host's  work  (q.  v.),  the  last,  a  loose  compilation.  The  author 
was  a  minister  in  St.  Thomas. 
Koch,  Hans  Ludvig  Schielderup  Parelius. 

"  Den  danske  mission  i  Vestindien,"  in  Kirhehistoriske  Sam- 
linger,  ser.  5,  vol.  3  (Kjobenhavn,  1905),  144-181. 
An  account  of  those  missionary  efforts  begun  by  the  govern- 
ment in  1755. 
Krarup,  Janus  Fredrik. 

*'  Jorgen    Iversen    (Dyppel),  Vestindisk    Compagnies  forste 
Gouverneur  paa  St.  Thomas,"  in  Per.sonalhistorisk  Tids- 
slcrift,  n  R.  6  B.    (Kjobenhavn,  1891),  23-45. 
An  exhaustive  study  of  Governor  Iversen's  career  and  the 
planting  of  the  St.  Thomas  colony,  based  on  a  minute  examina- 
tion of  primary  materials  in  the  state  archives  at  Copenhagen. 
Krarup  became  an  assistant  in  the  state  archives  in  1870,  and 
chief  secretary  in  1882. 
Krarup,  Janus  Fredrik. 

"  Gabriel  Milan  og  Somme  af  hans  Samtid  "  in  Personalhis- 
torisk  Tidsskrift,  3  R.  2  B.  (Kjobenhavn,  1893),  102-130, 
and  3  R.  3  B.  (1894),  1-51. 
A  detailed  and  accurate  account  of  the  life  of  the  fourth 
governor  of  St.  Thomas,  based  upon  exhaustive  researches  in 
the  state  archives  at  Copenhagen. 
Lawaetz,  H. 

Brodremenighedens    Mission:    Dansk-Vestindien,    1769-181^8. 

Kjobenhavn,  1902.    256  p. 
The  main  account  is  prefaced  by  a  good  summary  of  the  early 
Moravian  missionary  efforts  in  the  Danish  West  Indies. 
Lose,  Emil  Valdemar. 

"Folkekirken  paa  St.  Thomas"  in  Kalkars  Theologisk  Tids- 
skrift (Kobenhavn,  1878),  265-297. 
Lose,  Emil  Valdemar. 

The  Lutheran  Church  in  the  West  Indies.    St.  Croix,  1887.    6  p. 
Lose,  Emil  Valdemar. 

"  Kort  Udsigt  over  den  danske  lutherske  Missions  Historic 
paa  St.  Croix,  St.  Thomas,  og  St.  Jan,"  in  Nordisk  Missions 
Tidsskrift,  I  (Kjobenhavn,  1890),  1-37. 
This  account,  according  to  Pastor  L.  Koch,  is  the  most  au- 


274  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

thoritative  one  dealing  with  the  history  of  Danish  missions  in 

the  West  Indies. 

Oldendorp,  Christian  Georg  Andreas. 

Geschichte  der  Mission  der  evangelischen  Briider  auf  der  cara- 
haischen  Inseln  S.  Thomas,  S.  Croix  und  S.  Jan.    Barby, 
1777.    2v. 
Still  the  most  accurate  and  comprehensive  account  of  the 
early  history  of  the  Moravian  brethren  in  the  Danish  islands. 
[Oldendorp,  Christian  Georg  Andreas]. 

FuldstoBndigt  Udtog  af  C.  G.  A.  Oldendorps  Missions-Historie 
am  den  evangeliske  Brodres  Mission  paa  de  carabaiske  Oer 
St.  Thomas,  St.  Crux  og  St.  Jan.  .  .  .  Kjobenhavn,  1784. 
184  p. 
A  Danish  abridged  version  of  the  German  edition. 
Oldendorp,  Christian  Georg  Andreas. 

Historisk   Beretning  om  de  hedenske  Neger-Slavers  Omvendelse 
paa  de  danske  Oer  i   Vestindien.  .  .  .  Kjobenhavn,   1784, 
184  p. 
A  translation  from  the  German  of  part  of  the  author's  larger 
work  (q.  v.). 
[Orsted,  Ander  S.,  and  others.] 

"  De  danske  vestindiske  Oer,"  in  Bergsoe,  Den  danske  Stats 

Statistik,  I^de  Bd.    (Kjobenhavn,  1853),  pp.  557-712. 
A  good  summary  of  the  history,  geography,  etc.,  of  the  islands, 
based  on  available  published  material.     The  notes  give  some 
valuable  bibliographical  hints. 
Oxholm,  Peter  Lotharius. 

De  danske  vestindiske  oers  Tilstand  i  Henseende  til  Population, 
Cultur  og  Finance-Forfatning  i  Anledning  of  nogle  Breve 
fra  St.  Croix.  .  .  .  Kjobenhavn,  1797.    84  p. 
A  careful  study  of  the  sugar  industry  on  St.  Croix  based  on 
personal  observation;  contains  four  plans  and  an  appended 
statistical  table. 
[Anonymous.    Answer  to  Oxholm.    (q.  v.).] 

Berigtigelsen  ved  Hr.  Major  Oxholms  Skrijt  om  de  danske  Oers 
Tilstand.    Kjobenhavn,  1798.    30  p. 
Oxholm,  Peter  Lotharius. 

Urigtighederne  i  de  saakaldte  Berigtigelser  ved  Afhandlingen 
om  de  danske  vestindiske  Oers  Tilstand.    Kjobenhavn,  1798. 
23  p. 
An  answer  to  Berigtigelsen.  .  .  . 
Petersen,  Bernhardt  von. 

En  historisk  Beretning  om  de  dansk-restindiske  Oer  St.  Croix, 

St.  Thomas  og  St.  Jan.    Kjobenhavn,  1855. 
Mainly  a  translation  of  Knox's  work,  checked  up  by  some 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  275 

reference  to  Host.    His  name  is  not  to  be  found  among  those  of 

the  nobility. 

RoHR,  Julius  Philip  Benjamin  von. 

Anmerkungen  iiber  den  Cattunbau.  Mil  einer  Vorrede  von 
P.  G.  Hensler.    Altona  und  Leipzig,  1791-1793.    2  parts. 

Part  1:  ''Zum  Nutzen  der  Ddnischen  Westindischen  Colonien 
anf  Allerhochsten  Koniglichen  Bejehl  geschrieben." 
RoTHE,  Dr.  C. 

Lidt  om  Vestindien.    Kjobenhavn,  1900.    55  pp. 

A  patriotic  appeal  against  the  sale  of  the  islands;  a  brief  but 
fairly  accurate  historical  summary  is  included. 
Schmidt,  J.  C. 

[Articles  on  St.  Croix]  in  Samleren,  v.  II  (Kjobenhavn,  1788), 
198-206;  214-250;  259-263. 

A  series  of  articles  by  a  visitor  describing  plantation  life  on 
St.  Croix. 
Taylor,  Charles  Edward. 

Leaflets  from  the  Danish  West  Indies;  descriptive  of  the  social, 
political,  and  commercial  condition  of  these  islands.  London, 
1888.    228  p. 

One  of  the  few  writers  who  has  made  use  of  archival  material 
for  the  early  history  of  St.  Thomas.    The  author  was  a  physician 
and  book-dealer  in  St.  Thomas,  and  had  access  to  the  Company's 
archives  before  their  removal  to  Copenhagen. 
Trier,  C.  A. 

"Det  dansk-vestindiske  Negerindeforselsforbud  af  1792,"  in 
Historisk  Tidsskrift,  ser.  7,  v.  5  (Kjobenhavn,  1904-1905), 
405-508. 

A  scholarly  study  of  the  edict  abolishing  the  slave  trade  in 
Danish  dominions,  and  of  the  circumstances  leading  up  to  it. 
United  States. 

Fifty-seventh  Congress,  first  session.  House  document,  vol.  47 
(Washington,  1902),' 2767-2847. 

A  geographical  and  historical  description  of  the  islands  com- 
piled by  Oscar  Phelps  Austin  and  drawn  mainly  from  Knox  and 
Host;  summary  of  commercial  conditions  since  1884;  extracts 
from  consular  reports,  histories,  etc.,  including  Prof.  C.  W. 
Tooke's  article  in  the  Amer.  Econ.  Assoc,  report  for  1900 
(pp.  2782  et  seq.),  a  concise  summary  of  the  administrative  ar- 
rangements. The  treaty  of  1902  with  Denmark  is  quoted  and 
the  various  efforts  at  purchase  by  the  U.  S.  traced  out  and 
illustrated  with  documents  (pp.  2788  et  seq.). 
Werfel,  Johannes. 

Efterretning  om  de  danske-restindiske  Oers  St.  Croix's,  St. 
Thomas's  og  St.  Jans.    Kjobenhavn,  1801. 


276  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

West,  Hans. 

"  Beretning  om  det  danske  Eiland  St.  Croix  i  Vestindien,  fra 
Juniimaaned    1789   til    Juniimaaneds    Udgang   1790,"    in 
Maanedskriftet  Iris  (Kjobenhavn)  Julii  1791,  pp.  1-88. 
An  article  on   plantation    economy   in  the  Danish   islands, 
based  on  a  brief  stay  there  as  rector  of  a  school.    This  article 
was  expanded  into  the  book  "...  Beskrivelse  over  St.  Croix 
.  .  ."  (1793). 
West,  Hans. 

Bidrag  til  Beskrivelse  over  Ste.  Croix,  med  en  kort  udsigt  over 
St.  Thomas,  St.  Jean.  Tortola,  Spanishtown,  og  Craheneiland. 
Kjobenhavn,  1793.    363  p. 
An  enlarged  edition  appeared  in  a  German  translation  in 
1794. 

General  Works  on  Danish  and  West  Indian  History: 

Allen,  C.  F. 

Histoire  de  Danemark.  .  .  .  (E.  Beauvois,  tr.).    Copenhague, 
1878.    2v. 

This  work  has  been  superseded,  especially  in  its  treatment  of 
economic  history,  by  the  more  recent  work  of  Professor  Edward 
Holm  (q.  v.). 
[Anonymous.] 

The  Importance  of  the  British  plantations  in  America  to  this 
kingdom  .  .  .  considered.    London,  1731.    114  p. 

"Santa  Croce"  (St.  Croix)  is  mentioned  as  being  abandoned, 
and  St.  Thomas  as  remarkable  only  for  its  harbor,  which  is  a 
free  port,  and  for  smuggling  (c/.  Macpherson,  Annals,  III,  161). 
[Anonymous]. 

The  Present  state  of  the  West  Indies,  containing  an  accurate 
description  of  what  parts  are  possessed  by  the  several  powers  in 
Europe.  .   .  .  London,  1788.     95  p. 

Pp.  72-74,  Virgin  Islands;  pp.  93-94,  Danish  Islands. 
BoNNASsiEux,  Jean  Louis  Pierre  Marie. 

Les  grandes  compagnics  de  commerce.    Paris,  1892.    562  p. 

A  cursory  review  of  the  activities  of  the  Danish  West  India 
and  Guinea  Company  (p.  441)  and  of  the  Danish  African  Com- 
pany (pp.  442-443),  based  largely  on  Beausobre's  work  (1791). 
Burney,  James. 

History  of  the  Buccaneers  of  America.    London,  1816.    326  p. 

Mentions  St.  Thomas  as  a  "Danish  factory"  (p.  300)  plun- 
dered by  "  Flibustiers "  from  Hispaniola  in  1688  (cf.  Labat). 
Cheyney,  Edward  Potts. 

European    background  of   American   history:    1300-1600,   in 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  277 

American  Nation  ser.  A.  B.  Hart  ed.     New  York  and 
London,  1904.    343  p. 

List  of  commercial  companies,  1554-1698,  pp.  137-139. 
Davies,  John. 

The  history  of  the  Caribby-I stands,  viz.  Barbados,  St.  Chris- 
tophers, St.  Vincents,  Martinico,  etc.,  etc.,  .  .  .  in  all 
XXVIII.    London,  1666.    2  v. 

St.  Croix  under  the  French  in  I,  28. 
Dessalles,  Adrian. 

Histoire  generate  des  Antilles.    Paris,  1847.    3  v. 

Brief  mention  of  the  Danish  islands. 
Douglass,  William. 

A  summary,  historical  and  political,  of  the  first  planting,  pro- 
gressive improvements,  and  present  state  of  the  British  settlements 
in  North  America.    Boston,  1755.    3  v. 

Pp.  140-141:  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John. 
Du  Tertre,  Le  R.  p.  Jean-Baptiste. 

Histoire  generate  des  Antilles  habitees  par  les  Francois.  Paris, 
1667-1671.    4  vols,  in  three. 

Contains  a  map  of  St.  Croix  under  the  French  (1671);  a 
valuable  work  for  the  history  of  the  Danish  islands  previous  to 
Danish  occupation. 
Edwards,  Bryan. 

The  history,  civil  and  commercial,  of  the  British  colonies  in  the 
West  Indies.     London,  1793.    2  v. 

Makes  a  bare  mention  of  the  Danish  possessions.    St.  John 
"is  of  importance  as  having  the  best  harbour  of  any  island  to 
the  leeward  of  Antigua;"  while  St.  Croix  is  notable  for  its  sugar 
smuggling  (I,  458-459). 
Fiske,  Amos  Kidder. 

The  West  Indies  ...  in  Story  of  the  Nations  ser.  New 
York,  1902.    414  p. 

Pp.  293-301 :  the  Danish  islands. 
Fridericia,  J.  A.    See  Steenstrup. 
Froude,  James  Anthony. 

The  English  in  the  West  Indies.  .  .  .  New  York,  1908.  550  p. 
GiGAs,  Emil. 

Grev  Bernardino  de  Rebolledo,  spansk  Gesandt  i  Kjobenhavn, 
1648-1659.    Kjobenhavn,  1883.    413  p. 
Haring,  Clarence  Henry. 

The  buccaneers  in  the  West  Indies  in  the  XVII  century.  New 
York,  1910.    298  p. 

The  relations  of  early  Danish  governors  in  the  West  Indies 
(the  Esmits  and  Iversen)  to  the  pirates  there  is  discussed  in  a 


278  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

rather  one-sided  account  based  solely  upon  the  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  Colonial,  West  Indies. 
Holm,  Edvard. 

Danmarks-Norges  Indre  Historie,  under  Enevoldenfra  1660  til 
1720.    Kjobenhavn,  1885.    2  v. 

All  of  Professor  Holm's  work  is  based  on  a  careful  study  of 
first-hand  material.     His  treatment  of    economic  problems  is 
especially  thorough. 
Holm,  Edvard. 

Den  Dansk-NoTske  Stats  Historie  fra  1720  til  1814.    Kjoben- 
havn, 
Holm,  Edvard.  See  Steenstrup. 
Jameson,  John  Franklin. 

"  St.  Eustatius  in  the  American  Revolution,"  in  The  American 
Historical  Review,  VIII  (New  York,  1903),  pp.  683-708. 

St.  Croix  is  reported  to  be  the  first  foreign  port  to  salute  the 
American  flag  (p.  691). 
Johnston,  Sir  Harry  H. 

The  negro  in  the  Neiv  World.    New  York,  1910.    499  p. 

"Slavery  under  the  Danes"  (344-351)  is  a  brief,  inaccurate 
resume  of  the  history  of  Danish  slave  trade  and  West  Indian 
colonization. 
Keller,  Albert  Galloway. 

Colonization.    New  York,  1908.    630  p. 

Although  mainly  based  on  secondary  works,  this  is  the  most 
recent  and  reliable  summary  in  English  on  the  Danish  islands 
(497-508).    The  book  is  provided  with  a  bibliography. 
Koch,  Hans  Ludvig  Schielderup  Parelius. 

Kong  Christian  den  Siettes  Historie.  Kjobenhavn,  1886.  354  p. 
Lab  AT,  Jean  Baptiste. 

Nouveau  voyage  aux  isles  de  VAmerique.  ...  A  la  Haye, 
1724.    2v.    4°. 

The  author  was  a  cheerful,  if  not  very  accurate,  Jesuit  priest 
who  visited  St.  Croix  after  its  abandonment  by  the  French  in 
1695  or  1696,  and  St.  Thomas  in  1700.    He  gives  a  lively  de- 
scription of  the  Danish  and  Brandenburg  factories. 
Ledru,  Andre  Pierre. 

Voyage  aux  isles  de  Teneriffe,  la  Trinite,  Saint-Thomas,  Saint- 
Croix  et  Porto-Rico,  execute  far  ordre  du  gourernement 
Frangais  depuis  le  30  Septembre,  1796  jusquau  7  juin,  1798, 
contenant  des  observations,  etc.  Paris,  1810.  2  v.  Folded 
map. 

Pp.  160-188  of  the  German  translation  of  1812  contains  a 
description  of  the  Danish  West  Indies. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  279 

Leroy-Beaulieu,  Pierre  Paul, 

De  la  colonisation  chez  les  peuples  modernes.  Paris,  1902. 
2  V. 

A  brief  account  of  Danish  West  Indian  colonization  (Vol.  I, 
pp.  182-186). 
Macpherson,  David. 

Annals  of  commerce,  manufactures,  fisheries,  and  naviga- 
tion. .  .  .  London,  1805.    4  v. 

This  compilation,  gleaned  from  many  sources,  has  a  number 
of  extracts,  including  quotations  from  treaties,  dealing  with 
the  Danish  islands. 
Martel,  Henri. 

Etude  pratique  sur  les  colonies  anciennes  et  modernes  et  sur 
leurs  grandes  compagnies  commerciales.  Ghent,  1898. 
355  p. 

Pp.  332,  335:  Danish  West  Indies. 
Martin,  Robert  Montgomery. 

History  of  the  West  Indies,  comprising  Jamaica,  Honduras, 
Trinidad,  .  .  .  and  the  Virgin  Isles.    London,  1836.    2  v. 

Vol.  1,  pp.  288-312:  Virgin  Isles,  especially  Tortola. 
Morris,  Henry  Crittenden. 

The  history  of  colonization  from  the  earliest  times  to  the  present 
day.    New  York,  1900.    2  v. 

The  few  pages  (284-286)  devoted  to  the  Danish  West  Indian 
colonies  are  full  of  errors  and  misstatements.    The  work  bears 
evidence  of  hasty  compilation.     A  revised  edition  has  recently 
appeared. 
Nathanson,  M.  L. 

Historisk-statistisk  Fremstilling  af  Danmarks  National-og 
Stats-Huusholdning  fra  Frederick  den  Fjerdes  Tid  indtil 
Nutiden.    Kjobenhavn,  1844.    2d  ed.  revised.     1062  p. 

Numerous  comments  on  the  West  Indian  and  Guinea  trade, 
with  statistics  drawn  from  Thaarup,  and  other  sources;  par- 
ticularly valuable  for  period  after  1765. 
Nielsen,  Oluf. 

Kjobenhavns  Historic  og  Beskrivelse.  .  .  .  Kjobenhavn,  1871- 
1792.    6v. 

A  reliable  history  of  Copenhagen,  based  on  careful  study  of 
first  hand  materials  and  giving  due  emphasis  to  the  economic 
development  of  the  city.     The  interest  of  Copenhagen  mer- 
chants in  the  India  trade  is  brought  out. 
d'Orbigny,  M.  Alcide. 

Voyage  dans  les  deux  Ameriques.    Paris,  1854.    615  p. 

A  paragraph  mentioning  St.  Thomas's  position  as  a  free  port, 
smuggling,  trade,  etc.  (p.  31). 


280  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Payne,  Edward  John. 

History  of  European  colonies.    London,  1877.    408  p. 
Pflug,  Henrich  Ovesen. 

Den  Danske  Pillegrim.    Kbhn.,  1707. 

A  discursive  work,  containing  descriptions  of  many  parts  of 
the  world.    It  gives  an  account  of  the  dispute  concerning  Crab 
Island,  in  which  Danes,  Spaniards  and  English  participated. 
Quoted  in  Host,  16,  79. 
PoNTOPPiDAN,  Erik. 

Origines  Hafniensis,  etc.    Kjobenhavn,  1760. 
Raynal,  Guillaume-Thomas. 

A  philosophical  and  political  history  of  the  settlements  and  trade 
of  the  Europeans  in  the  East  and  West  Indies.  London,  1798. 
6  V. 

Vol.  4,  256-265,  Danish  settlements  in  St.  Thomas,  St.  John 
and  Santa  Cruz.      Translated  from  the  French. 
Rod  WAY,  James. 

The  West  Indies  and  the  Spanish  Main.  London  and  New 
York,  1896.    371  p. 

Pp.  238-240;  St.  Thomas,  brief  historical  sketch. 
[Royal  Society.] 

Philosophical  Transactions  and  Collections.     London,  1700- 
1701. 
An  account  of  the  Darien  expedition  which  touched  at  St. 
Thomas  in  1698.    See  also  Host,  pp.  39  et  seq. 
Schlegel,  Johan  Frederik  Wilhelm. 

Siatistisk  Beskrivelse  of  defornemste  europceiske  Stater.  I  Del. 
Kjobenhavn,  1793. 

This     work     corresponds     closely    to     that     of     Thaarup 
(q.  v.). 
ScHUCK,  Richard. 

Brandenburg-Preussens    Kolonial-Politik.  .  .  .  (1647-1721). 
Leipsig,  1889.    2  v. 

A  minute  exposition  of  the  colonial  policy  of  the  Great  Elector 
and  his  immediate  successors,  based  on  an  extensive  study  of 
the  archival  materials  in  Berlin,  Emden,  and  Aurich.  The 
main  defect  in  the  work,  so  far  as  concerns  the  author's  treat- 
ment of  the  Brandenburg  African  Company's  experience  at 
St.  Thomas,  is  due  to  his  failure  to  consult  the  Danish  West 
India  and  Guinea  Company's  archives  in  Copenhagen. 
Smith,  Adam. 

An  inquiry  into  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  wealth  of  nations. 
Oxford,  1880.    2v.    (2nd  ed.,  by  J.  E.  T.  Rogers.) 

Pp.  149-150:  the  Danish  West  Indian  colonies  are  cited  to 
show  the  evils  of  government  by  an  exclusive  company. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  281 

SouTHEY,  Capt.  Thomas. 

Chronological  history  of  the  West  Indies.    London,  1827.    3  v. 

A  compilation  from  many  works  of  many  sorts,  quite  regard- 
less of  their  reliability.    The  direct  quotations  from  treaties  and 
other  primary  documents  are  of  value. 
Steenstrup,  Johannes,  and  others. 

Danmarks  Riges  Historie.     Kjobenhavn  [1897-1907].     6  v. 
and  index. 

This  cooperative  history  of  Denmark  is  an  authoritative 
summary  by  modern  Danish  scholars,  each  of  whom  is  a  spe- 
cialist in  his  particular  field.  Vol.  IV  (1588-1699)  is  by  Prof. 
J.  A.  Fridericia,  and  Vol.  V  by  Prof.  Edvard  Holm.  The  latter 
has  paid  considerable  attention  to  the  East  and  West  India 
companies  and  has  not  hesitated  to  make  use  of  their  records 
in  his  study. 
Thaarup,  Frederick. 

Veiledning  til  det  Danske  Monarkies  Staiistik.  Kjobenhavn, 
1794.    2ded.    767  p. 

This  work  appeared  in  a  number  of  new  editions  during  the 
next  quarter  century.     It  presents  a  considerable  body  of 
bibhographical,  statistical,  and  descriptive  material  (pp.  420- 
443). 
Winterbotham,  W. 

An  historical,  geographical,  commercial  and  philosophical  view 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  and  of  the  European  settle- 
ments in  America  and  the  West  Indies.  New  York,  1812. 
(1st  Am.  ed.)    4  v. 

Vol.  IV,  pp.  329-330:  Danish  West  Indies. 

Maps  and  Illustrations 

(Unpublished) 

"Carte   des   kiinigl.     Danischen    Westindische   Eilandes   8t, 
Thomas  unter  den  [       ]  Grad.  [       ]  Minut.  nordlicher  Breite 
belegen.''    Size:  28  x  48  cm. 
This  undated  manuscript  map  of  St.  Thomas  appears  on  the 
same  sheet  with  the  map  of  St.  Croix  listed  below.     It  was 
probably  made  between  1715  and  1730.    It  is  the  earliest  known 
map  showing  St.  Thomas  under  Danish  possession,  and  is  here 
reproduced  for  the  first  time.    (Royal  Library,  Copenhagen.) 
"Carte  De  LTsle  De  Sainte  Croix  Danoise  situee  sous  le 
18me  m.  de  Lat.  Septen."    Size:  28  x  48  cm. 
This  map,  the  names  on  which  are  written  in  the  same  hand 
as  in  the  preceding  map,  has  in  its  upper  left-hand  corner  the 
following  legend:  "Maison  de  Monsieur  du  Bois  dernier  Vice 


282  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Gouverneur  de  I'isle  pour  sa  Majes.  tres  Chretienne  I'an  1734." 
From  this,  it  would  appear  that  the  island  was  occupied  when 
the  Danes  came  over  to  take  it  in  full  possession  in  January, 
1735,  As  there  is  no  evidence  indicating  occupation,  however, 
it  is  possible  that  the  map  is  misdated. 

"KoRT  over  Eylandet  St.  Croix  udi  America  Saaledes  som 
del  ved  en  acurat  udmaaling  er  befunden  med  Qvarterernes 
Navne  og  enhver  Plantagies  Nunimer  .  .  .  tegnet  af  I.  M. 
Beck"    Size:  47  x  72.5  cm. 

This  map  was  engraved  in  1754  and  dedicated  to  Adam 
Gotlob  Moltke.  On  a  copy  in  the  Royal  Library,  on  which  is 
written  "Saaledes  befunden  i  July  Maaned  1766,"  is  to  be  found 
filled  in  ink  the  names  of  all  the  plantation  owners  and  the 
locations  of  the  sugar  mills.  The  plans  of  the  towns  "Chris- 
tianstaed"  and  "  Frederickssta?d  "  are  inserted  in  the  engraving. 
(Royal  Library.) 
"Af  Teigning  ofr.  St.  Croussis  Bye." 

This  crude,  undated  representation  of  "St.  Croix's  town" 
was  apparently  made  shortly  after  the  occupation  of  the  island, 
and  intended  to  show  the  appearance  of  Christiansted.  (State 
Archives.) 

"  Forestilling  af  Wocrjet  paa  Oen  St.  Croix  i  Westindien  .  .  . 
forfcerdiget  af  H.  G.  Beenfeldt  1815." 

Although  made  long  after  the  Company's  dissolution,  the 
lively  scene  on  the  Christiansted  waterfront  at  St.  Croix  is 
fairly  typical  of  the  eighteenth  century  on  that  island.  The 
sailing  ships  riding  at  anchor  in  the  harbor,  the  fort,  the  bat- 
teries, and  the  provision  houses,  the  red-coated  soldiers  and  the 
negroes  with  their  burdens,  the  white  aristocrats  in  their  car- 
riages or  on  horseback,  the  sugar  casks  piled  up  on  the  square, 
even  the  ubiquitous  goat  and  the  humble  mule, — all  are  typical 
of  St.  Croix  in  its  palmy  days.  Vessels  flying  the  flag  of  the 
United  States  may  be  seen  in  the  harbor.    (State  Archives.) 


Early  Printed  Maps 

(Eighteenth  Century) 

"Die  Insel  Sanct  Thomas  mit  den  mehresten  Plantagen  1767." 
"Die  Insel  Sainte  Croix  mit  den  Namen  der  Plantagen  die 
bestcFudig  sind  .  .  .  1767." 
These  two  maps,  engraved  by  Paul  Kuffner  of  Nuremberg, 
are  to  be  found  in  Oldendorp's  Geschichte  der  Mission  (listed 
among  the  printed  works  above).  Both  show  locations  of  plan- 
tations and  mills. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY  283 

OxHOLM,  Peter  Lotharius.     Charte  over  den  Danske  Oe  St. 

Croix  i  America  forfaerdiget  i  Aaret  179 J^  og  udgivet  i  Aaret 

1799.  .  .  .  Size:  67  x  174  cm. 
Oxholm's  map  (engraved  by  G.  N.  Angelo,  Copenhagen) 
was  reproduced  by  Laurie  and  Whittle  of  London  in  1804,  The 
legend  on  the  English  map  is  misleading  in  that  it  states  that 
the  map  is  made  "From  an  actual  surv^ey  made  in  1794-1799." 
Another  edition  of  the  Oxholm  map  was  published  by  the 
Hydrographical  office  in  London  on  March  1,  1831. 
Oxholm,  P.  L.     Charte  over  den  Danske  Oe  St.  Jan  i  America 

Optaget  i  Aaret  1780,  og  Udgivet  i  Aaret  1800.  .  .  .  Size:  60 

X  98.5  cm. 

Maps  Printed  Since  1800 

HoRNBECK,  H.  B.    St.  Thomas  Dansk  Americansk  0  optaget  i 
1835-39  ved  Barometer  og  Vinkel  Maaling  .  .  .  tegnet  i  1845 
af  J.  Chr.  Petersen  Tegner  ved  Sokaart  Archivet. 
This  map  is  reproduced  in  J.  P.  Knox,  Historical  account  of 
St.  Thomas. 

"De  danske  Atlanterhavsoer "   (publ.).     Kort  over  Dansk 
Vestindien. 
Maps  of  all  three  islands  are  printed  in  AJsnit  IV,  Dansk 
Vestindien  (Kjobenhavn,  1908). 
Borgesen,  F. 

Map  of  the  Danish  West  Indian  Islands. 
Reproduced  in  Botanisk  Tidsskrift.    Bd.  29.    The  reefs  and 
depths  of  surrounding  waters  are  indicated. 
Eggers,  H.  F.  a.  (Baron).     "  Vegetationskort  over  St.  Croix," 
in  Vide7iskabelige  Meddelelser  fra  Naturhistorisk  Forening  i 
Kjobenhavn  for  Aaret  1876. 
A  map  showing  the  distribution  of  vegetation  on  St.  Croix. 


APPENDIXES 
APPENDIX  A 

GOVERNORS  IN  THE  WEST  INDIES  AND  IN  GUINEA 

(1)     GOVERNORS     IN     THE     WEST     INDIES     FROM     THE     BEGINNING,     IN     THE 

YEAR     1671  1 

In  the  West  Indies,  the  first  governor  who  took  possession 
of  the  island  of  St.  Thomas  on  May  25,  1672,  was 

JoRGEN  IvERSEN,  who  was  succeeded  by 

NicoLAi  EsMiT,  who  received  his  appointment  on  Septem- 
ber 10,  1679,  and  was  deposed  by 

Adolph  Esmit,  his  brother,  who  was  to  have  been  relieved 
by  Jorgen  Iversen,  who  again  started  out  [for  the  West  Indies] 
in  November,  1682,  on  the  ship  Hafmanden  (Merman)  y  where 
he  was  killed  by  mutineers,  whereupon  the  said  Adolph  Esmit 
was  supplanted  by 

Gabriel  Milan,  who  was  appointed  in  1684;  but  because  of 
bad  conduct,  Gabriel  Milan  and  Adolph  Esmit  were  sent  home 
as  prisoners  by  Commissioner  Michel  Michelsen,  and  [they] 
arrived  here  in  October,  1686,  and  meantime 

Christopher  Heins  was  vice  governor  until  March,  1688, 
when 

Adolph  Esmit  again  arrived  in  St.  Thomas  and  took  com- 
mand, having  gone  thither  in  the  ship  Maria  [under  the  com- 
mand of]  vice  admiral  Hoppe,  but  vice  admiral  Hoppe  took 
him  home  a  prisoner  and  arrived  here  in  October,  1688,  so  that 

Christopher  Heins  again  became  vice  governor  until  1690 
[when]  he  died  and  was  succeeded  by 

Johan  Lorensen.2  In  that  year  the  lesseeship  [of  St. 
Thomas]  began  under  Jorgen  Thormohlen,  who  installed 

Frans  de  la  Vigne  as  governor  of  St.  Thomas,  but  Johan 
Lorentz  remained  in  the  meanwhile  as  vice  governor  and 
looked  out  for  the  Company's  interests,  also  made  a  journey 
home,  during  the  period  of  the  lease,  and  went  out  again  [to 

^  From  P.  Mariager,  flisforisk  Eflerretmng  .  .  .  pp.  213  et  seq.  The  spell- 
ing of  proper  names  employed  by  Mariager  is  followed  here.  This  work  is 
dated  1753,  hence  was  compiled  nearly  two  years  before  the  Company's  dissolu- 
tion.   The  translation  is  avowedly  literal. 

2  Rendered  as  John  Lorentz  in  text. 

[285] 


286  APPENDIX  A 

St.  Thomas],  and  remained  as  vice  governor  until  February  19, 
1702,  when  he  died  and  was  succeeded  by 

Claus  Hansen,  who  was  advanced  on  the  spot  [to  governor] 
ad  interim,  and  was  confirmed  [by  the  directors  remaining  in 
office]  until  his  death,  February  8,  1700,  when 

JocHi  M  VON  HoLTEN  succeeded  him  [and  remained  in  office] 
until  December  21,  1708,  when  he  died.  His  place  was  taken  by 
the  interim  commandant 

DiDERicH  MoGENSEN,  who  was  relieved  in  1710  by 

Michel  Crone,  who  died  August  8,  1716,  and  was  succeeded 

by 

Erich  Bredal,  in  whose  time  the  island  of  St.  John  was 
occupied.    He  was  succeeded  in  April,  1724,  by 

Friderich  Moth  ^  who  was  succeeded  late  in  May,  1727,  by 

Hendrich  Suhm,  "Commandeur  Capitain"  who  came  from 
Fort  Christiansborg  in  Guinea,  and  until  February  21, 1733,  he 
remained  on  St.  Thomas  when  he  was  relieved  by 

Phillip  Gardelin  in  whose  time,  namely  in  the  above  year, 
1733,  the  rebellion  of  negroes  on  St.  John  began.  Later,  on 
February  21,  1736,  his  place  was  taken  by 

Friderich  Moth,  who  became  governor  of  the  island  of  St. 
Croix  on  June  12,  1734,  which  island  was  occupied  by  him  in 
that  same  year,  and  [who]  was,  on  February  21,  1736,  made 
governor  general  of  all  the  Company's  three  islands,  St.  Thomas, 
St.  John  and  St.  Croix,  [remaining]  until  April  13,  1744,  when 
he  was  succeeded  by 

Christian  Schweder,  who  was  commissioned  as  command- 
ant of  the  fort  (Castellet)  and  Christiansfort  on  St.  Thomas 
and  St.  John,  and  head  *  of  the  privy  council  in  matters  affect- 
ing all  three  islands;  and  he  was  relieved  on  April  25,  1747,  by 

Christian  Suhm,  who  was  installed  as  vice  commandant  and 
governor  over  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John,  and  head  of  the  privy 
council  of  St.  Croix,  but  later  in  the  same  year  he  was  exempted 
from  [his]  St.  Croix  duties,  since  a  governor  and  pri\'y  council 
have  been  placed  over  St.  Croix  alone,  so  that  he  is  still  vice 
commandant  and  governor  of  the  islands  St.  Thomas  and  St. 
John  in  the  West  Indies. 

On  St.  Croix,  on  the  other  hand,  there  have  been  since  the 
beginning  of  the  year  1734: 

Friderich  Moth,  and  during  his  absence 

Gregers  Hog  Nissen  was  named  on  February  24,  1736,  as 

^  Otto  Jacob  Thambsen  served  as  governor  for  a  few  months  after  Bredal. 
See  above,  p.  184. 
*  "Forsle  Stemme." 


APPENDIX  A  287 

"chief"  ad  interim''  and  judge  on  the  said  [island  of]  St.  Croix, 
[where  he  continued]  until  April  16,  1744,  when  he  was  replaced 

by 

Paul  Lindemark,  who  was  likewise  "chief"  ad  interim^  and 
treasurer  on  St.  Croix  in  Commandant  Schweder's  absence. 
He  continued  until  May  15,  1747,  when  his  place  was  taken  by 

Jens  Hansen,  who  was  commissioned  as  governor  of  St. 
Croix  in  the  same  year,  [in  which  position  he  remained]  until 
December,  1751,  when  he  was  relieved  by 

Peder  Clausen,  who  is  still  governor  on  the  said  island  of 
St.  Croix. 

(2)    GOVERNORS  IN  GUINEA  FROM  THE  YEAR   1650  * 

So  far  as  is  known  from  the  account  of  H[artwig]  Meyer  ">  to 
the  Company,  hereinbefore  referred  to, 

Henning  Abrecht  appears  in  the  year  1650  to  have  estab- 
lished a  "lodge"  on  the  Guinea  coast  near  Ac[c]ra,  and  to  have 
resided  18  [Danish?]  miles  from  that  place  at  the  Danish  cita- 
del,8  Friderichsberg,  which  lodge  was,  in  1659,  made  into  a 
small  fort  at  which  there  was  placed  in  charge 

Christian  Cornelisen  as  factor,  and  [who]  had  it  changed 
to  a  fortress,  which  is  now  Christiansborg,  after  which 

Peter  Valck  is  said  to  have  been  in  command  of  the  fort, 
Fredericksberg,  but,  because  of  his  bad  conduct,  held  as  a  slave 
by  the  black  king;  and 

Peter  Bolt  the  then  factor,  did  in  the  year  1679  in  traitorous 
fashion  sell  the  fort  Christiansborg  to  the  Portuguese  nation, 
thereafter  fleeing  from  the  coast  of  Guinea. 

Magnus  Pranger  arrived  at  Fort  Friderichsberg  in  Guinea, 
from  Copenhagen,  in  February,  1681,  bringing  with  him  his 
majesty's  orders  to  the  then  provisional  commander,  Peter 
Vitth  and  commissioner  Johan  Ulrich,  as  well  as  [to]  all  those 
who  were  in  authority,  to  the  effect  that  they  were  to  seize  the 
forts  Fridericksberg  and  Christiansborg  together  with  the  lodges 
in  Guinea,  [and  they]  bestirred  themselves  to  retake  the  said 
fort,  Christiansborg,  from  the  Portuguese,  but  in  vain;  mean- 
time Magnus  Pranger  died  in  that  same  year,  1681,  and  was 
succeeded  by 

'  As  Interims  Cheff  Nissen  was  to  officiate  in  Governor  Moth's  place  during 
the  latter's  absence. 

*  P.  Manager,  llistorisk  Efterretning.  .  .  .  The  peculiar  form  of  these  lists 
has  made  a  rather  literal  translation  seem  desirable. 

"  Ibid.  pp.  75  et  seq.    Cf.  above,  p.  21. 

8  Hoved  Castell. 


288  APPENDIX  A 

Conrad  Bijkcii,  chief  factor,  who  remained  but  10  days  at 
the  hchn  of  llic  ^'ovcrnincnt  of  Fort  Fridcrichsberg,  when,  be- 
cause of  his  bad  conduct,  he  was  rcphiccd  by 

IIanh  LiicKK,  liojiten.ant  at  said  fort,  Fridcrichsl)crfj,  [and] 
who,  after  the  Portuguese  had,  in  1682,  acting  on  royal  orders, 
abandoned  it,  took  possession  of  Fort  (Christ  iansborg  in  the 
('ornpany's  name,  iind  phic<'d  in  charge  there 

Pktkk  IIoi'MAN,  factor,  who  liad  come  out  from  (llUekstad 
to  (luinca;  iirid  Fori  Fridcrichsberg  was  sold  by  the  above  Hans 
Liicke  and  Pclcr  llofman  to  the  Fnglish  connnandant  at  Cape 
('ors,  who  look  it  info  possession  in  the  year  lOHij,  whereupon 
Liicke,  logelhcr  with  Hofnian  and  I^orens  Lassen  came  to 
Christiansborg.  'I'hcrcafter  Lyke  (Liicke)  died  and  Hofman  • 
and  Lassen  returnc'd  to  Denmark  so  that 

NK.or.Ai  Fensman  in  the  year  1688  became  governor  at  the 
fort  of  Christiansborg  after  which 

JfiRfjKN  Mf;ykr,  [who  had  been  appointed]  commander  [in] 
1(501,  for  and  by  Nicolai  .lanscn  Arf[f],  look  possession  of  Fort 
('hristiansborg,  and  in  161)2,  Nicolai  Fensman  again  came  out 
[to  (Juinca]  in  Nicolai  Jansen  Arf[f]'s  service,  but  returned,  and 
tluTcafter 

IIaiidtnc;  Pktkrson  was  made  governor.  In  the  same  year, 
16!)'5,  be(!ause  of  said  TLirding  Petersen's  <-areless  supervision, 
the  fort  was  taken  by  the  blacks.  Hut  when  two  of  Nicolai 
Jansen  Arf[f|'s  ships  canu'  out,  the  merchants  who  accompanied 
lluMU,  Hartwig  Meyer  and  .lohan  Tranc,  concluded  a  treaty  by 
which  KortChristijMisborgwasdclivcredback  to  them,  whereupon 

Thomas  Jacomkion  was  installed  as  governor;  and  when 
Ni<-olai  J.mscn  ArfF  abandoned  the  trade, 

ICiticn  Oi.sKN  LY(!AAur)  was  in  the  year  1698  placed  as  gov- 
<>rnor  of  said  (Christiansborg  in  the  name  of  the  Company,  as  it 
had  taken  up  the  (luinea  trade;  and  he  was  relieved  by 

.louAN  'I'ltANK,  who  Icft  licrc  in  August,  1698,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by 

IIautvkj  Meyer,  who  left  here  in  August,  1702  [and  re- 
mained there]  until  April,  1704,  when  he  died  and  was  succeeded 
ad  inter im  by 

PioDioR  SvroRDRiip  wlio  Hkcwisc  died,  in  May,  1705,  when  he 
was  suc(;ecded  by 

Peder  Pederhen.  Meantime,  in  order  to  release  Hartvig 
Meyer,  there  was  sent  out  from  here  once  more 

Fricu  Olsen  LY(iAARi),  who  left  (\)penhagen  in  December, 
1701,  [and]  who  died,  and  was  succeeded  by 

*  Dcrejler  dodc  /jI/Icc  og  llojniaii  oy  Ijusaen  repatrierede  saa  at  .  .  . 


APPENDIX  A  289 

Frans  Boye,  who  in  the  year  1711  departed  over  Holland  or 
England  to  relieve  the  said  Lygaard;  and  he  was  in  turn  re- 
lieved in  1717  by 

Knud  Rost,  who  died  and  was  succeeded  by 

David  IIerrn,  who  left  in  the  capacity  of  factor  on  Janu- 
ary 22,  1723,  [and]  into  whose  place  advanced,  ad  interim 

Christian  Synderman,  who  was  relieved  in  April,  1724,  by 

Hendricii  Suhm,  "Commandeur  Capitain,"  who  was  sent 
to  St.  Thomas  and  sailed  thither  March  4,  1727, 

Fredericii  Paul  advancing  into  his  place,  and  shortly  there- 
after dying.     The  latter  was  followed  ad  interim  by 

Andreas  Willumsen,  who  was  succeeded  on  December  24, 
1728,  by 

Andreas  Pedersen  Waeroe,  who  was  to  have  been  relieved 
by  "Cammer  Raad"  Andreas  Jcirgensen,  who  left  in  June, 
17.'}'J,  but  [who]  died  en  route,  so  that  he  [Waeroe]  remained 
until  August  12,  173.5,  when  his  place  was  taken  by 

Severin  Sciiiellerop,  councilor  of  chancery,*"  who  died 
June  15,  1736,  and  was  succeeded  ad  interim,  by 

Enevold  Nielsen  Borris,  who  died  June  20, 1740,  and  was 
succeeded  ad  interim  by 

Peter  Nicolai  Jorgensen,  who,  on  May  25,  1743,  gave  up 
his  position  to 

Christian  Glob  Dorpii  who  was  relieved  by 

JoROEN  BiLLSEN  on  February  3,  1744,  and  when,  on  March 
11, 1745,  he  died,  he  was  succeeded  ad  interim  by 

Thomas  Broek,  who  died  on  the  23rd  [of  March,  and]  on 
whose  place  there  stepped  ad  interim, 

JoHAN  Wilder,  who  died  April  23,  1745,  and  likewise  was 
succeeded  ad  interim  by 

August  Fridericii  Hackenburg,  whose  place  was  taken  in 
June  21,  1746,  by 

JoosT  Platfus,  who  was  relieved  on  March  6,  1751,  by 

Magnus  Christopher  Lutzow,  Major,  who  arrived  at  the 
fort  of  Christiansborg  on  March  6,  1751,  and  passed  away  on 
the  8th  of  the  same  month,  when  he  was  succeeded  ad  interim 

i>y 

Magnus  Hachsen,  who  died  July  21,  1752,  and  was  followed 
ad  interim  by 

Cakl  Engman,  who  is  now  governor  ad  interim  of  Fort 
Christiansborg  in  Guinea. 

*"  Cancellie  Raad. 


APPENDIX  B 

DIRECTORS    AND    BOARD    OF    SHAREHOLDERS    IN    COPENHAGEN 

DIRECTORS   OF    THK    COMPANY  ' 

Name  Appointed  Term  closed 

Jens  Juel Mar.  11,  1671 1681 

Peder  Pedersen  Lerke "  "    Mar.  (?)  1680 

Hans  Nansen "  "    "  " 

Herman  Meyer  ^ Apr.     7,  1680 July      1,  1681 

Peder  Bladt "  "    " 

Mauritz  van  der  Thy  ' "  "     "  " 

Claus  Sohn "  "     "  " 

Herman(?)  Meyer July     1,  1681 168i8 

Hans  Nansen "  "  " 

Edvard  Hoist " 

Jens  Juel 1682 1700 

Albert  Gyldensparre  * "    1697  (?) 

Jorgen  Ehlers « 1688 1697  (?) 

IverHoppe "    1697  (?) 

Jens  Juel 1697 

Mathias  Moth [before     1697] 

Kristian  Braem  ^ 1697 

Jochum  F.  Rohde. 

Johan  Gotf ried  Becker " 

Jacob  Lerke " 

Kristian  Schupp May  28,  1700 

Karl  Ahlefeldt May    7.  1703 

Laurens  de  Boysset Sept.  12,  1712 

Frederik  Rostgaard "  " 

Kristen  Berregaard Jan.    11,  172J{ 

Ferdinand  Anthon "  " 

Severin  Junge Dec.     4,  1727 

1  Modem  Danish  usage  has  been  followed  as  far  as  possible  in  the  spelling  of 
the  proper  names  here  listed.  Many  of  the  names  are  of  men  prominent  in 
Danish-Norwegian  history,  whose  biographies  may  be  found  in  Dansk  Biog- 
rafisk  Lexikon,  edited  by  C.  F.  Bricka. 

"^  Meyer  and  his  three  colleagues  were  elected  ad  interim. 

'  Or  Morits  v.  de  Thee. 

*  Albert  Schumacher,  a  brother  of  Griffenfeld. 

» Or  Elers. 

^  Braem,  Rohde,  Becker  and  Lerke  were  merely  "acting  directors." 

[290] 


APPENDIX  B  291 

Name  Appointed  Term  doted 

Hans  Jorgen  Soelberg Dec.  4,  1727 

Abraham  Klocker 

Gregorius  Klauman June  16,  1730 

Ferdinand  Anthon  (Laurwigen) 1732 Sept.  12,  1732 

Severin  [de]  Junge  ^ 

Kristen  Berregaard 

Hans  J.  Soelberg 

Gregorius  Klauman 

Otto  Blome,  chairman Sept.  26,  1733 

Severin  [de]  Junge 

Thomas  Bartholin 

Frederik  Holmsted 

F[rederik]  Seckman "  " 

H.J.  Soelberg " 

Gregorius  Klauman 

Ernst  Ulrick  Dose Apr.   14,  1735 

Lorens  Kreyer  * 

Karl  Adolf  von  Plessen Sept.  10,  1735 

Adolf  Andreas  von  der  Liihe Nov.  17,  1736 

Peter  Lemvig Dec.  28,  1737 

Jacob  Kling 

Herman  L.  Klocker May     9,  1741 

Johan  Frederik  Wewer Mar.  18,  1747 

Joost  von  Hemert 

Andreas  Biorn 

[Gotthilf]  Just  Fabritius  ^ "  " 

Adam  Gotlob  Moltke  i« Mar.    3,  1750 

Johannes  Valeur  " Sept.  14,  1751 

DIRECTORS   OF   THE   SUGAR   HEFINERT  ^' 

F.  Seckman 1729 1734 

G.  Klauman "    

H.  J.  Soelberg "    

F.  Holmsted 1735 Dec.  28,  1737 

G.  Klauman "     


'  Junge  received  his  patent  of  nobility  in  1731, 

*  Or  Laurents  Kreyer. 

'  Resigned  very  soon  after  his  appointment. 

^''  Presses  or  chairman. 

"  When  Manager  wrote  (1753),  the  directors  were  Moltke,  Klocker,  Wewer, 
Hemert,  and  Valeur. 

'■^  The  management  of  the  refinery  was  taken  over  by  all  the  directors  of  the 
Company  on  March  9,  1750. 


292  APPENDIX  B 

Name  Appointed  Term  closed 

F.  Holmsted 1737 Mar.    3,  1750 

G.  Klauman "    "  " 

P.  Lemvig "    " 

BOARD  OF  SHAREHOLDERS  OP  THE  COMPANY 

(Hovedpa  rticipanter) 

Kort  Adder Mar.  11,  1671 1679 

Frederik  Poggenberg "  "    

Niels  Juel Sept.         1679 July     1,  1681 

Claus  Sohn "  "    *'  '* 

[Mikkel]  Wibe July     1,  1681 

Meyer "  " 

Gregorius  J'leischer " 

Jens  Tolder  (Rosenheim) Dec.  " 

[Jorgen]  Ehlers  " "  " 

Abraham  Wust " 

WUhelm  Mule  " 1697 

Paul  Winding 

Peder  Lemvig " 

PaulEggers 

Laurens  de  Boyssett Apr.  29.  1698 Sept.  12,  1712 

Vincens  Lerke June  26,  1703 

Kasper  G.  von  Moltke May,         1704 

Kristen  Berregaard May     1,  1713 Jan.    11,  1723 

Severin  Junge "  "    Dec.     4,  1727 

Olaus  Judicher Jan.    11,  1723 

Hans  J.  Soelberg "  "     Dec.     4,1727 

Abraham  Klocker "  "    

Gregorius  Klauman  " Mar.  13,  1728 June  16,  1730 

[Frederik]  Seckman "  " 

Urban  Bruun "  " 

Frederik  Holmsted  ^^ Apr.     7,  1728 

K.  A.  von  Plessen Sept.  26,  1733 

Ernst  Ulrik  Dose "  "    April,       1735 

Laurents  Kreyer "  "    

Peter  Lemvig "  "    Dec,        1737 

Herman  Lengerken  Klocker "  "  ♦ May,        1741 

Adolf  Andreas  v.  d.  Liihe Apr.  14,  1735 Nov.,       1736 

"  Or  Elers. 

i<  Or  Muhle. 

1°  The  sugar  refinery  was  united  with  the  Company  and  managed  by  a  com- 
mittee of  the  directors.    Soelberg  and  Klauman  were  elected  on  October  7. 

'« Reappointed  in  1732. 


APPENDIX  B  293 

Name  Appointed  Term  closed 

Jacob  Kling Apr.  14.  1735 Dec,        1737 

Hans  Gram Nov.  17,  1736 

Johannes  Valeur Dec.  28,  1737 Sept.  14,  1751 

Iver  Jentofft "  " 

Frans  Fseddesen "  " 

Kristian  Lucas  Klauman Mar.    9,  1741 

(Kristian]  Stockfleth Mar.    3,  1750 

Jesper  Richardt "  " 

OlufBlach " 

Peter  Boertman Feb.   24,  1751 

Adam  Christian  Oelgod " 

Lyder  Schilderop  '^ Sept.  14,  1751 

"  At  the  time  that  Manager  wrote  (1753)  the  board  of  shareholders  consisted 
of  Blach,  Boertman,  Oelgod,  and  Schilderop. 


APPENDIX  C 

THE  FIRST  CHARTER  OF  THE  DANISH  WEST  INDIA  COMPANY  i 

On  March  11,  1671,  by  a  charter  most  graciously  granted  by 
his  royal  Majesty,  King  Christian  the  Fifth,  the  Company  was 
established  for  the  benefit  of  commerce  and  for  the  general  wel- 
fare which  thereon  depends.  .  .  . 

In  the  said  .  .  .  charter  the  Company  is  graciously  per- 
mitted to  have,  use,  enjoy  and  retain  in  its  possession  the  island 
of  St.  Thomas  in  the  Caribbees,  and  other  islands  in  the  vicin- 
ity or  on  the  mainland  in  America,  with  the  following  privileges, 
namely : 

(1)  To  be  permitted  in  the  name  of  his  Majesty  to  form 
alliance  with  either  governments  in  the  West  Indies; 

To  be  allowed  in  case  of  violence  or  attack  to  employ  means 
adequate  for  defense  and  offense; 

But  in  case  European  lords,  potentates,  or  states  cause 
trouble  to  the  Company,  it  must  first  refer  the  matter  to  the 
king,  although  if  the  others  should  begin  the  use  of  violence,  the 
Company  must  defend  itself. 

If  it  shall  be  considered  necessary,  his  Majesty  will  not  alone 
furnish  the  Company  with  the  needed  credentials  but  will  also 
send  to  all  foreign  potentates  such  communications  as  the  Com- 
pany's interests  may  require. 

(2)  The  Company  may  build  such  forts,  lodges  and  oflSces 
as  they  may  deem  necessary  [upon  St.  Thomas],  and  also  upon 
such  islands  and  lands  as  are  uninhabited  and  belong  to  no 
other  power,  and  if  such  possession  is  eflFected  by  the  Company, 
the  lands  must  belong  to  the  Company. 

His  Majesty  will  appoint  and  ordain  commandants  and 
governors  suitable  for  the  Company's  service,  after  considering 
the  recommendation  of  the  Company,  and  will,  moreover, 
especially  order  them  to  labor  for  the  Company's  best  interests; 
nor  shall  they  be  paid  higher  salaries  than  the  condition  of  the 
Company's  finances  will  justify. 

*  Translated  from  P.  Mariager,  Historiske  Efterretninger,  pp.  2  et  scq.  The 
original,  with  which  this  has  been  compared,  is  to  be  found  in  Registrant  over 
Vestindiske  Soger,  1671-1699.  See  also  C.  P.  Rothe's  Rescripter  for  Norge, 
Island  .  .  .  og  de  Indiske  Besiddelser  ...  2  Bd.  Mariager's  paragraphing  has 
been  retained. 

[294] 


APPENDIX  C  ^95 

(3)  The  commandants  and  others  in  the  Company's  employ 
must  not  do  any  trading  except  on  the  Company's  account.'' 

(4)  During  the  first  three  years,  his  Majesty  will  loan  the 
Company  a  ship,  which  will  be  fitted  out  with  all  necessities, 
and  for  the  use  of  which  the  Company  will  pay  nothing  during 
the  first  year,  on  condition  that  the  Company  shall  give  [to  the 
king]  one-half  of  all  woods,  pock-wood  or  other  kinds,  which 
they  carry,  and  likewise  one-half  of  such  quantity  of  salt  as 
they  may  secure  there.  But  if  they  carry  other  goods,  then  they 
must  pay  30  rdl.  in  freight  for  each  4,000  lbs.'' 

But  for  the  succeeding  years,  they  are  to  give  40  rdl.  per 
LoBst  or  4000  lbs.  although  they  are  not  to  pay  for  woods  and  the 
like  which  are  used  as  ballast,  nor  to  pay  freight  on  more  than 
is  delivered  here  on  their  return. 

And  in  order  that  they  may  in  the  course  of  time  the  more 
easily  come  to  own  their  own  ships,  the  Company  shall  be  per- 
mitted, as  soon  as  their  means  will  allow  it,  to  furnish  them- 
selves a  flute  ship  for  securing  salt  from  Spain,  in  which  [trade] 
they  may  enjoy  the  same  privileges  as  the  largest  mounted 
ships  sailing  to  Spain,  although  such  ships  be  not  built  especially 
with  a  view  to  defence. 

His  Majesty  will  also  loan  the  Company  one  of  his  small 
yachts,  which  they  may  retain  there  in  the  islands  for  three 
years,  and  if  it  cannot  be  sent  hither  then,  the  Company  shall 
not  be  held  liable  to  pay. 

Similarly,  his  Majesty  will  loan  to  the  Company  sailors  to  go 
with  the  Company's  ships,  on  condition  that  the  Company  pay 
the  men  as  high  wages  as  they  have  enjoyed  in  the  king's  service, 
and  furnish  them  with  the  needed  provisions  and  board  so  long 
as  they  are  on  board  ship. 

And  the  Company's  ships  may  fly  his  Majesty's  flag,  and  are 
also  to  be  provided  with  the  proper  passports. 

(5)  Those  ministers  of  the  gospel  who  return  from  thence 
and  have  comported  themselves  well  will  be  appointed  by  his 
Majesty  to  such  places  as  may  be  vacant,  and  are  to  be  sup- 
ported during  the  interval  by  the  funds  of  the  marine  department. 

(6)  His  Majesty's  seamen  who  are  placed  in  the  service  of 
the  Company  are  to  be  subject  to  the  directors'  orders  so  long 
as  the  journey  lasts,  and  the  latter  are  to  include  them  in  their 
oath  of  allegiance. 

^  They  were  also  forbidden  to  enter  into  any  war  or  to  take  an  offensive  action 
against  either  Europeans  or  Indians,  except  on  the  advice  and  with  the  consent 
of  the  directors,  and  under  no  circumstances  were  they  to  wage  war  against  a 
European  power  without  the  royal  consent.    Cf.  C.  P.  Rothe,  Rescripter. 

*  One  Lcest  contained  four  thousand  Danish  pounds. 


5^96  APPENDIX  C 

(7)  So  long  as  the  Company  exists,  none  other  than  it, 
neither  his  Majesty's  own  subjects  nor  foreigners,  shall  receive 
any  passports  or  permission  to  trade  with  the  West  Indies  in 
any  fashion  whatsoever,  upon  penalty  of  confiscation  of  ship 
and  goods;  and  such  ships  as  the  Company  is  able  to  seize,  either 
by  its  own  ships  or  freight  vessels,  it  may  retain,  except  the 
tenth  part,  which  share  of  all  prizes  goes  to  his  Majesty's 
Admiral  of  the  Realm.' 

(8)  The  Company's  ships  or  property,  either  in  general  or 
in  particular,  is  not  to  be  subject  to  seizure  or  to  any  other  use 
whatever  without  the  Company's  consent,  nor  shall  any  other 
obstacle  be  placed  in  its  way  whether  in  time  of  peace  or  in 
time  of  war,  but  trade  shall  always  be  permitted  to  run  its 
free  and  undisturbed  course. 

(9)  Everything  needed  for  the  equipment,  cargo  and  fitting 
out  of  the  Company's  ships  shall  be  exempt  from  duty,  but  all 
goods  brought  in  from  the  [West]  Indies  shall  be  carefully 
listed,  .  .  .  those  exported  to  foreign  lands,  shall  be  subject  to 
a  duty  of  one  per  cent,  and  those  remaining  within  the  realm, 
to  two  and  one-half  per  cent.,  for  which  account  must  be  ren- 
dered at  the  close  of  each  year. 

(10)  The  Company  is  also  permitted  to  have  its  own  weights 
and  measures,  and  to  use  these  in  all  cases  although  they  must 
conform  to  those  weights  and  measures  which  are  in  use  here  in 
Copenliagen. 

(11)  And  since  the  said  Company  is  an  entirely  new  enter- 
prise, and  no  one  has  yet  been  placed  in  charge  of  it,  and  since 
it  is  highly  necessary  that  persons  be  appointed  at  once  to  take 
charge  of  the  collecting  of  capital  and  of  securing  the  necessary 
goods  [for  the  venture]  [at  the  proper  time],  these  persons  are 
hereby  chosen  and  authorized  to  act  as  directors:  Jens  Juul  ^ 
chancery  councilor  and  vice  president  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
Peter  Pedersen  Lerche,  justice  in  the  supreme  court  and  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  Hans  Nansen,"  likewise  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Board  of  Trade.  To  these  three  shall  be  added  three 
of  the  Company's  shareholders,  by  a  majority  vote,  as  soon  as  a 
sufficient  number  of  shareholders  have  joined  the  Company. 
His  Majesty  has  also  .  .  .  granted  the  sharieholders  the  right 
to  fill  vacancies  on  the  board  of  directors,  provided  the  places 
are  filled  from  among  the  stockholders  who  have  invested  not 

*  Rigsadmiral. 

s  Juel. 

°  Rendered  incorrectly  as  Hansen  in  C.  P.  Rothe's  Rescripter. 


APPENDIX  C  297 

less  than  2,000  sldl.  in  the  Company, — all  in  accordance  with 
the  proposals  of  the  Reglemeni  drawn  up  by  the  Board  of  Trade. 

(12)  The  said  Company  is  also  to  be  allowed  to  have  its  own 
court,  so  that  the  directors  may  try  and  render  judgment  in 
all  disputes  and  cases  concerning  themselves  and  their  employees, 
which  arise  out  of  the  [West]  Indian  trade;  from  which  forum 
there  shall  be  no  appeal,  except  to  the  supreme  court. 

(13)  And  all  artisans,  laborers  and  seamen  who  come  from 
foreign  places  to  enter  the  Company's  service,  shall  enjoy  the 
same  treatment  that  his  Majesty's  subjects  enjoy,  and  they  as 
well  as  their  surviving  wives  and  children,  shall  be  exempt  from 
the  payment  of  sixths  and  tenths  when  they  receive  a  furlough 
from  the  Company  and  proceed  out  of  the  kingdom.  .  .  . 

(14)  And  inasmuch  as  the  Company  has  need  of  men  to 
build  and  defend  the  places  and  lodges  which  they  need  for 
their  security,  as  well  as  for  the  peopling  of  the  colonies  and  the 
cultivation  and  settling  of  the  land,  it  is  permitted  to  take  two 
enlisted  men  from  each  company  from  among  the  strong,  in- 
dustrious men  who  are  married  and  know  some  trade,  and  also 
as  many  as  may  be  needed  of  those  who  have  been  condemned 
to  prison  or  put  In  irons,  for  use  on  plantations  or  elsewhere; 
and  of  women,  as  many  as  may  be  desired  from  among  those 
whose  unseemly  lives  have  brought  them  into  prison  or  a  house 
of  correction.^ 

(15)  The  Company  is  also  permitted,  by  royal  favor,  to  have 
as  much  space  as  they  may  need  for  meetings,  the  safe-keeping 
of  moneys,  and  for  offices,  in  the  upper  part  of  the  stock  ex- 
change, while  for  pack  houses  and  magazine  it  is  to  have  the 
vaults  and  space  formerly  occupied  by  the  salt  company,  which 
places  shall  be  assigned  them  by  the  Board  of  Trade, 

(16)  It  is  permitted,  moreover,  that  if  the  Gliickstadt 
African  Company  is  unable  to  give  satisfactory  assurances  of 
its  ability  to  continue  its  career  on  the  lines  already  planned, 
the  West  India  Company  shall  be  allowed  to  take  up  said  Com- 
pany's work  with  the  same  privileges  and  exemptions  as  the 
Gliickstadt  company  now  has,  although  in  such  a  case  they  shall 
pay  said  company  for  all  its  entire  stock  of  pieces,  guns,  and 
ammunition,  and  also  permit  it  to  remove  such  goods  as  it  may 
have  on  hand,  and  to  collect  its  outstanding  debts  there,  unless 
some  other  arrangement  is  made  between  the  two  com- 
panies. 

But  inasmuch  as  the  forts  revert  Exdirelicto  to  his  Majesty, 

'  Spindehuset  eller  andetsteds. 


298  APPENDIX  C 

he  will  hand  them  over  to  the  Company's  possession  and  reten- 
tion without  any  dues. 

Finally,  the  privilege  of  using  his  Majesty's  seal  in  such  cases 
as  the  advancement  of  commerce  seems  to  require  is  by  especial 
royal  favor  and  grace  granted  to  those  servants  of  the  Company 
in  the  [West]  Indies  who  have  charge  of  its  business. 

Which  most  gracious  charter  is  dated  [at]  Copenhagen, 
March  11,  A[nn]o  1671. 


APPENDIX  D 

CHARTER  OF  1697  FOR  THE  WEST  INDIA  AND  GUINEA  COMPANY  ^ 

C[hristiaii]  5  to  whomsoever  this  may  come,  greeting:  Inas- 
much as  we  have  most  graciously  recommended  the  directors 
of  our  West  India  Company  to  take  up  the  Guinea  trade,  in 
order  the  better  to  facihtate  the  said  commerce,  we  have  most 
graciously  furnished  our  West  India  and  Guinea  Company  with 
this  our  charter. 


The  Company  is  to  continue  in  possession  of  the  island  of 
St.  Thomas  in  the  West  Indies,  likewise  Crab  island,  St.  John, 
item  the  fortress  Christiansborg  in  Guinea,  together  with  such 
lands  and  forts  as  they  might  hereafter  secure  possession  of,  and 
is  alone  to  be  permitted  to  trade  therewith,  and  is,  without  pay- 
ment of  dues  to  us,  to  enjoy  any  and  all  profit  which  might 
therefrom  ensue. 

2 

The  Company  may  take  and  retain  in  full  possession  all 
those  islands  which  it  owns  and  which  are  still  uninhabited, 
such  as  Crab  Island,  St.  John,  and  the  like,  as  well  as  all  those 
places  on  the  mainland  of  Africa  and  America  which  are  not 
already  taken  possession  of  by  other  European  nations,  and  [it 
may]  permit  forts  and  lodges  to  be  built  thereon;  and  any  profit 
that  may  result  from  such  occupation  shall  likewise  be  the 
Company's  to  enjoy  and  to  retain,  without  any  dues,  let  or 
hindrance. 

3 

The  Company  may  enter  into  such  contracts  and  alliances 
with  governments  in  Africa  and  America  as  seem  best  for  the 
furtherance  of  commerce,  and  when  it  is  necessary,  we  shall 
assist  it  with  our  credentials  and  recommendations,  but  it  must 
not  enter  into  negotiations  with  European  potentates  or  states 
without  previously  securing  our  consent;  for,  when  the  Com- 
pany requests  it,  we  shall  graciously  take  it  [i.  e.,  such  nego- 
tiations] up,  and  labor  for  the  welfare  of  the  Company. 

^Translated  from  Registrant  over  Vestindiske  Sager,  1671-1699  {Rigaarkiv). 

[299] 


800  APPENDIX  D 


No  one,  whether  he  be  a  subject  or  a  foreigner,  excepting  the 
Company  alone,  may  hereafter  enjoy  the  use  of  our  .  .  .  pass- 
ports,=  or  be  permitted  to  sail  to  Africa  or  America,  and  still 
less  to  trade  with  the  Company's  lands,  forts  or  lodges,  but  if 
some  of  our  subjects  should  nevertheless  venture  to  trade  with 
the  places  and  lands  indicated,  without  the  Company's  per- 
mission, they  shall  be  liable,  whenever  they  may  be  found,  to 
lose  ship  and  cargo  and  whatever  they  may  have  with  them, 
which  shall  all  fall  to  the  Company,  without  any  dues  to  us. 


All  goods  of  whatever  kind,  without  exception,  which  the 
Company  may  ship  from  our  lands  and  dominions  to  Africa  and 
America,  as  well  as  all  sorts  of  goods  which  the  Company  may 
order  and  import  from  foreign  places  or  from  our  own  lands  for 
the  furtherance  of  trade  [or  for]  the  fitting  out  and  provisioning 
of  ships,  shall  be  entirely  free  and  exempt  from  customs  duties, 
food  taxes,  excise,  and  all  other  dues,  by  whatever  name  they 
might  be  known,  which  shall  include  those  which  are  already 
forbidden,  as  w^ell  as  those  which  may  hereafter  be  forbidden. 
So  also  all  ships  and  vessels  which  the  Company  now  owns  or 
hereafter  may  own  shall  be  exempt  from  all  harbor  and  tonnage 
dues  as  well  as  from  all  other  burdens  aforementioned.  But 
those  goods  which  the  Company  ships  from  Africa  or  America 
to  Denmark  (excepting  gold,  which  shall  be  exempt  from  cus- 
toms dues  or  any  other  kind  whatsoever)  shall  be  subject  to  the 
following  tariffs:  one  per  cent,  on  such  goods  as  are  shipped  to 
foreign  states  (.'')  [fremmede  ster],  and  two  and  one-half  per  cent, 
on  goods  consumed  in  our  realms  and  lands. 


The  Company's  ships  and  effects  must  not  be  liable  to  seiz- 
ure, except  in  such  cases  where  someone  has  advanced  an  appre- 
ciable sum  of  money  for  the  Company's  benefit  in  return  for 
the  notes  of  the  directors  and  in  such  cases,  the  person  who  has 
in  his  possession  the  directors'  notes  may,  in  case  of  default  of 
payment,  have  the  directors  summoned  before  our  supreme 
court  and  may  there  secure  judgment  against  them,  after  which 
judgment,  he  may  seize  any  of  the  Company's  effects,  and  se- 
cure his  payments  out  of  those. 

*  Soe  paaaer. 


APPENDIX  D  301 


And  in  order  that  the  trade  of  the  Company  may  the  better 
be  continued  and  directed,  we  have  seen  fit  to  permit  and  to 
order  that  the  shareholders  may  select  from  among  them- 
selves, by  a  majority  vote,  six  men,  or  a  greater  number  if  need 
be,  who  are  to  serve  as  directors,  of  which  six  or  more,  one-third 
shall  be  of  our  ministers  or  servants,  and  the  other  two-thirds 
reputable  merchants  from  this  city,  although  no  one  may  be 
selected  to  act  as  director  unless  he  has  invested,  at  the  very 
least,  1,000  rixdollars  in  the  Company;  which  directors  shall 
have  full  power  and  authority  to  dispose  of  all  the  Company's 
means  and  effects,  in  Europe  as  well  as  in  Africa  and  America, 
and  to  make  all  needful  arrangements  upon  the  Company's  be- 
half; and  when  any  of  the  directors  die,  others  shall  be  selected 
in  the  aforesaid  manner. 

8 

The  said  directors  are  herewith  authorized  to  appoint  and 
to  dismiss  all  employees  of  the  Company  who  serve  on  land  or 
sea,  whether  in  Europe,  Africa,  or  America,  and  to  issue  such 
instructions  to  them  as  they  may  deem  needful  for  the  Com- 
pany's interests;  which  employees  shall  be  duly  bound  to  carry 
out  the  orders  of  the  directors  on  pain  of  punishment  according 
to  the  gravity  of  the  case.  But  such  as  are  chosen  by  the  direc- 
tors, acting  for  the  Company,  as  governors  and  commandants 
of  the  forts  in  Africa  or  in  America,  must  be  furnished  with  our 
.  .  .  confirmation  of  their  office,  which  shall  in  due  course  be 
granted  upon  the  application  of  the  directors. 

9 

The  Company  is  also  to  be  permitted  to  have  its  own  court, 
so  that  the  directors  may  either  themselves  try  all  cases  and 
decide  all  difficulties  concerning  the  Company's  employees  (so 
long  as  they  are  actually  in  the  Company's  service  and  have  not 
rendered  proper  account  of  their  stewardship),  or  [they  may] 
name  two  or  more  shareholders,  who  may  do  this  work  on  the 
Company's  behalf;  and  such  judgments  shall  not  be  appealed 
from,  uriless  someone's  honor  or  life  is  involved;  for  in  such 
cases,  and  such  only,  shall  it  be  permitted  to  the  condemned  to 
come  before  the  supreme  court  in  a  new  trial. 

10 

Likewise  the  Company  is  also  to  be  permitted  to  have  its  own 
weights  and  measures,  and  to  use  these  in  all  cases,  although 


302  APPENDIX  D 

they  must  conform  to  those  weights  and  measures  which  we 
have  ordained  shall  be  used  throughout  our  realms  and  lands. 

11 

The  Company's  own  artisans,  as  well  as  the  master  here  in 
the  city,  are  to  be  permitted  without  let  or  hindrance  to  carry 
through  all  that  the  directors  have  asked  them  to  do  for  the 
furtherance  of  the  Company's  trade,  and  to  do  this  in  such 
manner  as  the  directors  may  deem  that  the  best  interests  of  the 
Company  demand. 

12 

The  Company  is  permitted  to  use  unstamped  paper  in  all  its 
departments  of  business,  which  shall  be  accepted  in  all  places 
and  in  every  court  at  just  as  high  a  [legal]  value  as  though  it 
were  stamped. 

13 

The  directors  are  to  be  allowed  to  pay  such  a  rate  of  interest 
on  moneys  which  they  may  have  borrowed  for  the  Company's 
use  and  for  the  promotion  of  its  trade  as  they  can  agree  upon 
with  those  concerned,  and  those  notes  which  the  directors  thus 
issue  on  the  Company's  behalf  are  in  all  ways  to  be  as  valid  as 
though  all  the  shareholders  had  signed  them,  and  they  are  to  be 
accepted  as  letters  of  exchange. 

14 

The  directors  may  themselves  select  God-fearing  decent  and 
learned  persons  as  ministers,  who  shall  teach  the  pure  Lutheran 
doctrine  on  the  islands  and  in  the  forts  of  the  Company  in 
Africa  and  America  as  well  as  on  its  ships,  and  who  shall  serve 
the  people  in  matters  affecting  their  souls'  welfare.  Whenever 
they  have  been  named  and  called  by  the  directors,  we  shall  con- 
firm them  in  their  office,  and  if  they  show  themselves  to  be  well 
instructed  and  of  proper  behavior,  we  shall  in  due  time,  on  the 
application  of  the  directors,  give  them  preference  to  others  in 
the  matter  of  securing  positions  as  ministers  in  these,  our 
realms  and  lands. 

15 

We  do  also  herewith  grant  to  those  servants  of  the  Company 
who  do  business  for  it  in  the  [West]  Indies  permission  to  use 
our  seal  in  cases  involving  the  general  welfare  and  the  further- 
ance of  commerce.  Forhydendes,  etc. 

Copenhagen,  September  28,  [16]97. 


APPENDIX  E 

LETTER  OF  CHARITE  ESMIT  TO  ADOLPH  ESMIT  ' 

My  dearest! 

We  thank  God  for  the  good  news  regarding  your  safe  arrival 
in  Barbados;  though  nine  weeks  old,  it  was  very  welcome  to 
everybody.  I  had  heard  from  various  sources  about  town  that 
letters  had  arrived.  Madame  Hoppe  had  kept  hold  of  her 
letters  three  days  before  she  had  allowed  me  to  see  them.  I 
hope  all  my  letters  have  arrived,  and  that  you  will  answer  them 
before  the  supreme  court  begins  its  session  and  calls  upon  me 
for  them.2  Last  week  Milan  had  the  smith,  Anna,  Karen  and 
the  negro  Sent  called  up  before  the  magistrate  and  had  two 
hundred  questions  put  to  them.  We  had  no  one  there;  Munch  is 
out  of  town  on  orders  from  the  king,  T.,  our  good  friend,  is  on 
Fiinen,  Mickelsen  and  Captain  Meyer  have  been  there  [at  the 
magistrate's?].  Milan  has  managed  it  so  that  Sent  has  taken 
the  sacrament  at  the  French  ambassador's. 

Your  brother  5  will  appeal;  he  has  "taken  orders"  from 
Sidenborg,  which  has  cost  half  a  hundred  rixdollars,  and  is  to 
cost  me  an  equal  sum,  but  whence  I  shall  get  it  I  do  not  know. 
I  am  in  great  hopes  that  you  will  send  me  some  [money]  but  I 
fear  that  you  will  not  be  able  to. 

May  God  bless  you  on  your  mission,  otherwise  your  reputa- 
tion here  is  gone.  People  here  are  all  awaiting  eventualities 
eagerly;  I  cannot  write  all  that  they  say.     Be  sure  that  you 

^  Breve  og  Dokumenter,  1683-1689  (Rigsarkiv).  This  letter,  according  to  a 
statement  signed  by  C.  Heins,  H.  Irgens,  J.  Delicaet,  and  J.  Lorentz,  arrived  in 
St.  Thomas  after  Adolph  Esmit's  enforced  return  in  company  with  vice  admiral 
Hoppe.  It  had  come  vid  France  and  a  Brandenburg  bark  had  brought  it  from 
St.  Eustatius.  The  letter  was  written  in  English,  Madame  Esmit's  native 
tongue,  but  only  the  Danish  translation  is  to  be  found  in  the  Company's  ar- 
chives. 

The  paragraphing  is  that  of  the  translator. 

*  Jeg  forhaaber  at  i  alle  mine  Brefve  har  hekommet,  i  mile  snarl  sende  mig  Svar 
derpaa  forend  dend  Hoyeste  Rcett  Kommer  og  bestille  dem  til  mig  som  jeg  Eder 
hafver  beedet. 

*  Nicholas  Esmit.  See  above,  p.  46,  et  seq.  The  Sidenborg  referred  to  can- 
not be  Jacob  Sidenborg,  since  the  latter  died  March  31,  1685,  after  having 
been  secretary  to,  and  a  member  of,  the  Board  of  Trade. 

[303] 


304  APPENDIX  E 

don't  forget  to  write  to  Luxdorph,^  Harbo,^  and  Baron  Juell; « 
you  must  also  write  to  Moth,^  Mule »  and  to  those  whom  you 
wish  to  retain  as  your  friends.  They  are  all  expecting  it.  Do 
not  forget  the  directors,  for  we  are  under  their  thumbs. 

There  are  no  news  from  the  Red  Cock  and  the  schooner.^  I 
have  had  the  matter  herewith  enclosed  with  me  for  six  days, 
but  I  don't  think  that  it  amounts  to  much.  He  complains  of 
lack  of  money,  and  has  told  me  that  you  were  to  send  him  five 
to  six  hundred  dollars  on  account."'  I  find  that  the  account 
appears  to  be  quite  large.  I  hope  that  it  will  please  God  to 
bless  you  to  the  end  that  we  may  get  away  from  this  people.  I 
believe  in  my  good  God,  who  has  never  during  my  life  left  me 
in  need,  and  if  he  wills  to  spare  my  life,  I  shall  not  remain  here 
in  this  place  after  your  case  is  closed. 

With  this  post  came  letters  from  Guinea  [stating]  that  all  the 
people  were  rebellious.  I  believed  that  it  was  on  St.  Thomas. 
Rosenheim  ii  has  been  in  England  and  has  sold  the  Guinea  fort 
for  4,000  rdl.  I  have  inquired  about  your  instructions  but  can 
get  no  reply.  For  God's  sake,  be  careful  that  you  are  not 
caught  in  others'  snares.  You  must  write  in  quite  friendly 
fashion  to  the  Old  Man  i"  so  long  as  I  am  here. 

Verily,  I  am  quite  melancholy,  full  of  fear,  grief  and  distress. 
I  have  been  [so]  unwell  .  .  .  that  I  have  hardly  been  able  to 
draw  my  breath.  I  have  taken  a  purgative,  and  have  had  some 
blood  let.    Thank  God,  I  am  now  somewhat  better. 

1  am  unable  to  get  any  money  from  Madame  Westervyck; 
she  has  none.    The  president  "  here  in  Copenhagen  is  dead.    I  do 

*  Bolle  Luxdorph  had  held  various  positions  in  the  chancery  since  1669.  In 
1680  he  became  a  councilor  and  secretary  to  the  chancery,  in  1684,  a  councilor 
of  state  (Etatsraad),  and  in  1688,  first  secretary. 

^  Perhaps  the  Jens  Harboe  who  was  first  secretary  in  the  war  department 
from  1691  to  1699,  and  a  privy  councilor. 

*  Jens  Juel,  the  statesman. 

^  Matthias  Moth.    Cf.  above,  pp.  90-92. 

*  Probably  Christian  Mule,  secretary  in  the  chancery  from  1685  to  1697. 
'  Kreyert. 

'"  Paa  hans  Regenskabs  afkorining. 

"  Jens  Tolder  (Rosenheim)  had  become  a  councilor  of  commerce  (Kommeree- 
raad)  in  October,  1681,  and  in  December  had  been  elected  to  the  board  of 
shareholders  in  the  Company.  For  Guinea  negotiations,  cf.  Mariager,  Historisk 
Efterretning,  pp.  51  et  seq. 

'*  Possibly  Steen  Andersen  Bille,  "vice  commandant"  of  the  city  of  Copen- 
hagen. 

"  This  was  Peder  Resen,  the  predecessor  of  Hans  Nansen,  who  became  "Fres- 


APPENDIX  E  305 

not  know  what  sort  of  an  account  your  cousin  here  in  Vlissingen  '* 
has  given  you,  for  he  hasn't  even  troubled  himself  to  answer  my 
letter  since  your  departure.  I  beg  of  you  to  have  nothing  to  do 
with  him.  You  must  not  ship  the  cotton  to  England;  no  price 
can  be  got  for  it  there.  Deldyn  seems  to  be  your  most  reliable 
man;  [he]  is  of  the  opinion  that  sugar  and  indigo  are  selling  well 
in  England,  and  he  is  a  good  man  there. 

I  haven't  much  confidence  in  Johan  Lorentz  and  all  those  who 
are  associated  with  you,  except  [Hendrick]  Irgens  alone.  The 
good  God  will  guide  you.  I  implore  you  most  heartily,  my 
dearest,  to  say  your  prayers  to  God  and  to  keep  him  as  your 
friend;  then  you  need  have  no  fear  of  anything  men  may  do  to 
you.  And  remember  always  the  former  grace,  and  feel  obliged  at 
all  times  to  fear  and  serve  him  who  has  done  such  great  things 
for  you,  and  always  will  do.  For  otherwise  you  are  miserable, 
poor,  poor. 

Hendriette  greets  you  heartily.  When  you  write,  remember 
to  write  to  Pauli;  ^^  he  is  my  friend.  You  probably  know  that 
I  have  signed  Marcolli's  note,  and  at  that  time  [when  it  is  due], 
he  must  have  his  money.  You  must  write  to  Claes  Sohn,i«  and 
not  forget  Mr.  Becker.  Mr.  Fadderbye  is  the  best  friend  I  have 
here.  He  sends  you  his  greetings.  Adieu,  my  dearest.  That 
the  good  God  may  grant  that  we  shall  meet  happily  once  more 
is  the  constant  prayer  of 

Your  affectionate 
last  wife, 
Charite  Esmits. 

My  sincere  greetings  to  the  good  admiral.  His  entire  family 
is  in  good  health;  his  wife  is  to  go  to  Holstein  to  her  sister's 
wedding. 

ident"  of  Copenhagen  July  7,  1688.  Resen  had  been  an  active  member  of  the 
Council  of  State  from  1673  to  1676,  had  become  a  councilor  of  justice  in  1677, 
and  councilor  of  state  in  1684.    He  died  June  1,  1688. 

"  Flushing. 

1*  Oliger  or  Holger  Pauli,  the  first  secretary  of  the  Company  in  its  Copenhagen 
office. 

1^  Claes  or  Claus  Sohn  was  elected  to  the  board  of  shareholders  in  1679.  Mar- 
iager,  op.  cil.,  31. 


APPENDIX   F 

REPORT  OF  BOARD  OF  POLICE  AND  TRADE  TO  KING  FREDERICK  IV 

(1716) 

Most  mighty  king, 

Most  gracious  hereditary  ruler: 

In  accordance  with  your  Majesty's  most  gracious  order,  we 
humbly  present  herewith  our  sincere  opinion  concerning  those 
privileges  and  [other]  matters  [in  dispute]  which  the  delegates 
sent  out  from  St.  Thomas  in  America  have  asked  the  West  In- 
dian Company  to  adjudicate  that  their  commerce  and  means 
of  livelihood  might  be  sustained,  [and]  which  the  Company 
considers  that  it  can  not  grant  them  without  serious  invasion 
of  the  rights  granted  it  in  the  charter.  Which  points  are  as 
follows: 

Query  1.  Whether  the  inhabitants  of  St.  Thomas  may  be 
permitted  free  trade  with  their  goods,  in  America  as  well  as  in 
Europe  (excepting  Copenhagen  and  Hamburg)  without  the 
West  India  Company's  charter  being  violated  by  said  free  trade? 

The  condition  of  the  island  ought  to  be  observed  in  this  con- 
nection; since  it  is  such  that  nothing  grows  there  except  sugar, 
cotton-wool  of  which  they  make  cotton,  and  millet,  which  is  a 
sort  of  plant  smaller  than  rice,  and  is  used  mainly  by  the  poorest 
whites  and  by  the  slaves  of  the  land.  The  nature  of  the  soil 
and  the  climate  is  said  to  be  such  that  nothing  can  grow  there 
except  beans  and  other  small  truck  which  cannot  be  taken  to 
Europe;  for  which  reason  the  inhabitants  must  necessarily 
procure  from  other  places  all  things  necessary  for  food  as  well 
as  clothing,  such  as  flour,  meat,  pork,  butter,  oil,  cloths  and 
stuffs,  muslin,  linen,  leather,  tobacco,  all  sorts  of  implements 
for  cultivating  their  land,  all  kinds  of  tools  for  trades,  and  all 
their  equipment  of  silver,  tin,  copper,  iron  and  the  like.  Either 
the  Company  must  bring  these  things  to  the  planters  in  suffi- 
cient quantity  for  their  daily  needs,  and  at  as  reasonable  a  price 
as  they  can  get  them  in  that  region  from  the  English,  French, 
and  Spaniard  colonies  in  the  vicinity,  or  they  must  be  allowed 
to  seek  them  where  they  may. 

'  From  Politi-  og  Commerce-Collegiets  Memorial  Bog,  Bd.  21  (1716-1720),  in 
Copenhagen  Municipal  Archives  (Raadstuearkiv) .  The  paragraphing  is  largely 
that  of  the  translator.    See  above,  pp.  179-180. 

[  306;] 


APPENDIX  F  307 

Hitherto  the  Company  has  not  demonstrated  its  ability  to 
provide  them  the  planters  with  suflScient  of  the  above-mentioned 
goods  to  satisfy  their  bare  needs, — to  say  nothing  of  providing  a 
plenty, — and  even  had  they  been  able  to  bring  in  such  goods, 
it  would  have  been  impossible,  and  will  be  still  more  so  in  the 
future,  for  them  to  bring  in  provisions  at  as  low  a  price  as  they 
could  have  been  secured  in  the  neighboring  colonies.  For 
example,  how  will  it  be  possible  to  bring  in  a  barrel  of  English 
flour  weighing  180-190  lbs.  net  for  6-7  rdl.,  a  bbl.  of  meat  weigh- 
ing 200  lbs.  net  at  the  same  price,  a  barrel  of  pork  for  10-11 
rdl.,  when  the  price  here  is  very  nearly  as  high?  Besides  it  will 
also  be  difficult  for  the  Company  to  furnish  enough  provisions 
to  keep  those  lands  properly  supplied  from  one  journey  to  an- 
other, and  if  that  cannot  be  done,  the  inhabitants  will  surely 
die  of  hunger  and  so  the  Company  would  be  the  loser  in  the 
end.  For  unfortunately,  there  has  not  been  a  year  since  the 
first  establishment  of  the  Company,  when  it  has  been  able  to 
fit  out  and  send  from  here  more  than  a  single  ship,  or  at  most 
two  ships.  How  often,  indeed,  has  it  not  happened,  especially 
in  times  when  these  dominions  or  those  of  our  neighbors  have 
been  disturbed  by  war,  that  St.  Thomas  has  seen  but  a  single 
ship  every  other  year !  ^ 

Next  must  be  considered  the  goods  which  must  be  carried 
thither,  and  especially  woolen  and  linen  goods,  which  the  Com- 
pany must  itself  import  from  foreign  places,  and  which  it  cannot, 
therefore,  bring  thither  at  the  price  at  which  they  can  be  se- 
cured in  the  neighborhood;  for  either  the  Company  must  bring 
them  in  at  a  great  loss,  or  St.  Thomas  must  suffer  the  mis- 
fortune of  being  impoverished  by  paying  exorbitant  prices  for 
such  goods,  and  higher  prices  than  are  paid  on  all  the  sur- 
rounding islands.  And  if  that  happens,  the  colony  will  no 
doubt  decay  of  itself,  and  the  colonists  move  to  other  places 
where  prices  are  more  reasonable  and  there  is  greater  freedom. 
Besides,  it  must  be  taken  into  consideration  that  some  of  the 
Company's  ships  on  leaving  here  first  sail  to  Guinea  and  the 
African  coasts  to  fetch  slaves,  which  are  the  very  best  and  most 
profitable  of  commodities  that  can  and  must  be  brought  to  St. 
Thomas  to  be  sold  for  the  cultivation  of  the  land  and  the  de- 
velopment of  the  plantations.  Now  they  are  obliged  to  bring 
from  here  a  double  cargo,  part  of  it  to  use  for  provisioning  their 
forts  and  lodges  in  Guinea,  and  for  purchasing  slaves,  and  part 
for  the  West  Indian  colony;  for  which  reason  the  ships  that  do 

^  Ja  hvor  tit  og  besynderlig  i  ufreds  Tiider  saavel  her  t  Rigcrne  som  andentteds  er 
del  sheet  at  St.  Thomas  ikkun  har  sect  eet  Skib  fra  Compagniet  hver  Andet  Aar. 


308  APPENDIX  F 

not  sail  directly  to  the  colonies  are  en  route  so  much  longer. 
Meantime  the  colony  is  likely  to  be  subject  to  various  dangers, 
such  as  violent  hurricanes  which  harry  those  regions  yearly, 
and  often  bring  great  disaster  down  upon  them;  sea-robbers, 
who  descend  upon  the  land  to  rob  its  inhabitants;  sicknesses 
and  other  plagues  which  are  likely  to  increase  their  misery. 
All  these  things  may  come  upon  them  without  their  being  able 
by  post  to  advise  the  Company  thereon,  and  when  they  do  not 
learn  of  the  colonists'  needs  and  sufferings  until  the  ships  arrive 
in  the  islands,  they  cannot  bring  with  them  the  needed  relief. 
Would  it  not  be  un-Christian,  then,  to  forbid  them  the  chance 
of  making  their  living  in  the  best  way  that  they  can,  inasmuch 
as  the  Company  itself  is  obliged  almost  every  year  to  supply 
its  own  fortress  and  plantation  from  New  York  and  [from]  the 
surrounding  islands,  and  ships  practically  nothing  from  here 
[Copenhagen]  for  their  [St.  Thomas']  provision? 

Besides  this,  there  are  other  goods  in  the  islands,  not  includ- 
ing sugar  and  cotton,  which  the  Company  either  will  not  or  can 
not  ship  out,  such  as  brandy,  which  they  make  from  sugar  cane, 
beans,  cassava,  [sweet]  potatoes,  yams,  etc.,  on  which  products 
alone  many  families  who  have  no  plantations  live,  and  which 
are  brought  in  from  other  places.'  It  is  indeed  a  sin  that  these 
goods  should  be  lost  to  commerce,  and  the  families  either  be 
forced  to  starve  or  to  move  out.  And  who  would  suffer  more 
therefrom  than  the  Company  itself  which  would  lose  its  surest 
and  largest  source  of  income,^  the  poll  tax.  [?] 

The  directors,  to  be  sure,  are  continually  harping  upon  their 
privileges  and  charter,  which  provides  that  no  one,  whoever  he 
may  be,  excepting  themselves  alone,  may  trade  with  the  col- 
onies, but  may  not  the  colony  seek  its  living  and  trade  with 
outsiders,  when  the  Company  itself  suffers  no  hardship  thereby, 
and  can  secure  enough  return  cargo  for  its  ships  [?]  It  appears, 
too,  that  the  Company  has  lost  nothing  by  the  free  trade  which 
the  inhabitants  have  connived  to  enjoy  during  the  past  few 
years,*  inasmuch  as  it  has  not  only  had  full  cargoes  for  the 
homeward  voyages,  but  while  its  ship  has  been  lying  in  the 
harbor  [in  St.  Thomas],  the  Company  has  frequently  disposed 
of  two  or  three  cargoes  to  other  places  before  its  own  ship  was 
loaded.  The  directors  may  say  that  this  occurred  without 
their  knowledge  or  consent.     But  it  is  scarcely  believable  that 

'  Alleeniste  leve,  og  andensteds  henfores. 
^  Intrade. 

^  Ved  Ind  Byggernes  Fri  Handel,  som  de  nu  i  nogle  Aar  af  deres  Connivence  hate 
nydi.  .  .  . 


APPENDIX  F  309 

their  servant  (the  governor)  should  have  been  a  party  to  such 
peculation  within  sight  of  the  Company's  own  ship,  which  was 
to  take  on  all  [the  cargo]  that  there  was  and  that  it  could  secure 
and  take  back  to  the  home  land,  without  special  orders  or  per- 
mission. 

It  also  appears  that  the  Company  has  not  suffered  through 
the  free  trade  thus  connived  at,  since  they  permit  their  own 
plantations,  which  are  the  largest  and  best,  to  lie  uncultivated, 
and  to  be  used,  according  to  report,  only  as  grazing  land  for 
their  horses  and  mules;  so  that  one  is  inclined  to  ask  how  the 
needed  provisions  could  be  obtained  upon  the  island,  except 
through  the  inhabitants  enjoying  free  trade,  which  enables  them 
to  secure  much  white  and  brown  sugar  from  the  French  colonies. 

From  all  of  which  circumstances,  we  can  by  no  means  con- 
cede that  free  trade  with  the  surrounding  islands  should  be  for- 
bidden to  the  inhabitants,  because  they  should  not  be  subjected 
to  privation  as  a  result  of  the  Company's  and  colony's  pros- 
perity and  growth,  because  they  ought  not  to  be  treated  with 
greater  severity  than  the  other  neighboring  colonies  round 
about,  since  thereby  the  island  might  become  desolate  and  other 
nations  might  avail  themselves  of  an  opportunity  to  seize  it; 
because  they  ought  not  to  be  treated  as  serfs  and  slaves  of  the 
Company,  since  they  are,  indeed,  a  free  people.  If  the  Com- 
pany would  confine  its  restrictions  to  one  sort  of  goods  or  an- 
other, which  they  were  not  to  be  allowed  to  ship  out  of  the  is- 
land, and  if  it  would,  on  the  other  hand,  agree  to  take  such 
produce  from  them  at  a  reasonable  price,  and  also  to  furnish 
them  with  all  necessaries,  which  it  cannot  possibly  do,  such  as 
the  free  use  of  money ,«  horses,  mules,  etc.,  it  wouldn't  have 
been  so  bad,  and  then  the  Company  and  the  colony  might  sub- 
mit to  certain  rules,  as  is  the  case  with  Iceland  and  the  Fseroe 
islands,  but  now  it  is  making  such  demands  that  we  can  by  no 
means  lend  it  support.  It  is  not  necessary  to  forbid  free  trade 
with  Europe,  except  with  Hamburg,  Bremen  and  Denmark. 

Query  2.  Whether  the  Company  shall  have  the  right  of  pre- 
emption [with  respect  to  colonial  gooils]  in  the  colony  and  [if 
so]  at  what  prices? 

The  Company  should  indisputably  have  the  right  of  pre- 
emption, as  the  Company's  store-house  nuist  always  have  a 
sufficient  quantity  on  hand  to  furnish  full  cargoes  for  its  ships 
on  their  return  voyages.  But  it  ought  to  be  observed  that  such 
right  of  priority  should  not  be  abused,  either  by  the  Company 
or  by  its  employees  at  the  forts  and  lodges,  as  they  have  hitherto 

'  Gratia  Contanter. 


310  APPENDIX  F 

done  to  their  own  profit  Jind  the  loss  and  injury  of  the  inhab- 
itants. For  the  way  the  Company's  employees  there  have  man- 
aged and  kept  the  inhabitants  from  making  a  living  has  been 
improper  and  ought  not  to  have  been  tolerated. 

If  the  Company  could  inform  the  inhabitants  how  large  a 
cargo  it  planned  to  take  out,  it  should  certainly  furnish  its  pack 
houses  with  the  needed  quantity;  but  the  Company  should,  on 
the  other  hand,  either  be  obliged  to  keep  up  its  own  plantations, 
which  are  the  best,  or  they  should  sell  or  rent  them  to  others 
on  such  terms  as  would  be  considered  reasonable  on  the  island. 
For  when  these  plantations  lie  uncultivated  the  colony  must 
make  up  the  difference,  and  thus  they  will  lack  produce  to  sell 
to  private  traders  in  exchange  for  provisions.  The  chief  ques- 
tion of  dispute  will  be  the  price. 

The  directors  maintain  that  they  should  secure  the  produce 
at  one-sixth  less  than  the  current  market  price.  The  colonists 
say,  on  the  other  hand,  that  this  amounts  to  more  than  16  per 
cent.,'  and  are  unable  to  perceive  why  they  should  sell  their 
goods  at  a  better  rate  than  the  market  price,  inasmuch  as  they 
are  now  paying  a  six  per  cent,  duty  on  all  outgoing  goods, 
whereas  previously  they  paid  but  four  per  cent.,  and  where 
they  formerly  paid  no  duties  on  incoming  goods,  they  now  pay 
five  per  cent.  Hence  the  Company,  after  it  had  permitted 
free  trade  ^  now  receives  seven  per  cent,  more  of  the  colonists' 
goods  than  before,  and  if  it  should  now  secure  their  goods  at 
one-sixth  off,  it  would  then  secure  twenty-three  per  cent.,  and 
poll  tax  for  persons  over  16  and  20  years  of  age,  whether  they 
are  free  or  slave,  besides;  which  runs  up  to  a  pretty  considerable 
total. 

It  is  our  firm  conviction  that  the  inhabitants  [of  St.  Thomas] 
have  much  reason  on  their  side.  The  prospect  of  their  losing  so 
high  a  percentage  of  their  produce  is  hard  indeed,  since  they 
must  not  only  pay  a  high  price  for  their  plantations,  and  for 
living  on  and  cultivating  the  land,  but  also  pay  so  large  an  im- 
port and  export  tax,  especially  [large]  in  view  of  the  necessity 
of  importing  from  abroad  all  their  food  and  clothing. 

What  is  most  to  be  feared  is  that  the  most  substantial  of  the 
inhabitants  will  put  their  heads  together  and  dehberately  raise 
the  price  of  the  goods  which  should  be  delivered  to  the  Company. 
But  to  that  they  have  replied  that  such  was  impossible,  for 
the  Company's  employees  being  in  business  as  well  as  themselves, 
are  as  well  informed  concerning  the  state  of  the  market,  and 

'  Crossed  out  in  MS.:  af  idle  udgaaende  Vahre,  i  steeden  de  ickun  Gave. 
*  Siden  d«  Conniverede  %id%  Deres  fri  Handel. 


APPENDIX  F  311 

when  they  so  desire,  they  can  both  raise  and  lower  (sic)  the 
price  as  they  please.^  It  is  our  humble  opinion  that  since  the 
Company  has  already  raised  their  customs  duties,  both  for 
exports  and  imports,  in  which  matter  the  colony  will  make  no 
protest  if  those  taxes  shall  remain  unchanged  where  they  are  at 
present,  it  would  be  very  severe,  indeed,  if  the  planters  should 
have  to  dispose  of  their  produce  at  such  a  fearful  loss;  for  the 
Company  has  already  a  sufficient  handicap,  both  through  its 
prior  right  of  purchase,  and  its  customs  duties. 

Query  3  is  whether  or  not  planters  who  leave  the  island  should 
pay  the  sixths  and  tenths  out  of  their  resources  which  the  di- 
rectors claim,  and  which  they  have  never  known  of  nor  paid 
hitherto  until  the  year  1702,  when  one  was  compelled  to  pay  it. 
Besides,  when  anyone  at  present  comes  to  the  island,  they  re- 
ceive from  the  pri\'y  council  there  a  promise  of  exemption  from 
that  tax  should  they  desire  to  move  away.  ..." 

For  one  must  distinguish  between  Europe  where  such  Abzug 
Gelder,  Nachsteuer,  Jus  Detractionis,  and  other  [taxes],  by  what- 
ever name  they  might  be  called,  are  everywhere  in  use,  and  the 
regions  of  Africa  and  America,  where  they  are  not  used.  Here 
in  Europe,  it  is  Jus  Gentium,  but  it  is  by  no  means  thus  in  those 
lands,  and  if  it  is  not  practicable  in  one  place,  it  is  hardly  ad- 
visable to  introduce  it  in  another  [near  at  hand]  unless  the  object 
is  to  instil  a  fear  of  such  a  place  in  men's  minds,  and  prevent 
them  from  coming  there  to  settle.  The  directors  should  con- 
sider that  scarcely  one  tenth — indeed  hardly  one  twelfth — of  the 
colony  consists  of  native  Danes,  but  most  of  them  are  Dutch, 
English  and  French,  for  there  are  reported  to  be  not  more  than 
ten  or  twelve  Danish  famiUes  who  are  in  a  position  to  own 
slaves  or  plantations  or  to  carry  on  trade.  The  rest  are  for- 
eigners. .  .  ." 

Query  5.^-  Whether  it  is  advisable  that  a  number  of  the 
leading  inhabitants  shall  have  seats  in  the  council  or  the  courts, 
in  matters  concerning  the  internal  affairs  of  the  island? 

The  directors  oppose  this,  since  they  fear  the  inhabitants  will 
become  too  greedy  for  power  and  encroach  by  intrigue  upon  the 
Company's  sovereignty  and  commercial  privileges. »*  But  we 
are  of  the  opinion  that  if  their  rights  are  limited  to  certain  fields, 

"  Hvarefter  de  meest  faar  at  rette  Sig. 

*"  Various  elaborate  argiunents  against  these  taxes  are  here  omitted. 
"  Arguments  favoring  various  deBnite  immunities  and  guarantees  along  the 
lines  above  indicated  conclude  the  reply  to  Query  3. 
^^  Query  4  does  not  appear  in  the  MS. 
"  Intriguere  sig  udi  Deres  Eyendoms  Rett  of  Deres  Praference  udi  Negoeen. 


312  APPENDIX  F 

such  as  disputes  arising  within  the  islands,  De  Meo  et  Tuo  and 
other  matters  in  which  the  Company  is  not  interested,  then  a 
number  of  the  most  inteUigent  and  best  of  the  inhabitants 
should  have  a  place  in  the  courts.  But  that  concerns  the  [de- 
partment of]  justice  and  not  the  Board  of  Trade.  Yet  we  shall 
take  the  liberty  of  saying  that  in  so  far  as  we  have  been  informed 
by  the  [St.  Thomas]  delegates,  the  administration  of  justice 
there  should  beyond  doubt  be  recognized  and  placed  upon  a 
different  footing;  which  need  is  indicated  by  their  complaints 
concerning  the  probating  of  their  estates. 

The  remaining  grievances  and  Gravamina  have  to  do  with 
fugitive  slaves,  the  seizure  of  their  vessels,  and  the  like,  in  which 
matters  we  have  nothing  more  to  suggest  than  either  the  seeking 
for  satisfactory  adjustment  through  your  majesty's  efforts,  or 
reprisals,  if  such  are  possible,  or  to  give  blow  for  blow,  for  which 
the  Company  is  too  weak.  But  with  respect  to  the  calling  or 
securing  of  ministers,  as  well  as  freedom  in  the  exercise  of  reli- 
gion,'^ the  directors  have  already  promised  a  remedy.  .  .  . 

Besides  all  this,  some  of  us  have  hit  upon  the  idea  that  your 
royal  majesty  might  himself  place  a  commandant  at  the  fort 
who  might  be  supported  from  those  imposts  which  the  Company 
draws  from  the  island,  such  as  customs  duties  and  poll  tax;  and 
the  commandant  could  defend  the  inhabitants  when  any  in- 
justice was  done  them.  Besides,  the  inliabitants  and  their 
property  would  be  more  secure  against  unexpected  attack,  con- 
cerning which  rumors  of  danger  have  gone  out  this  spring, 
inasmuch  as  the  fort  is  described  as  being  in  so  poor  a  condition 
that  it  is  to  be  feared  that  unless  an  improvement  takes  place 
there  will  be  danger  of  losing  the  island.  This  is  discussed  in  the 
communication  of  the  [St.  Thomas]  deputies,  art.  2,  of  May  20, 
1716,  and  further  in  the  letter  of  the  inhabitants  dated  F[eb- 
ruary]  24,  1716,  already  referred  to,  wherein  it  appears  that  for 
a  long  time  the  garrison  has  consisted  of  not  more  than  twenty- 
two  soldiers  largely  incapacitated  by  lack  of  food  and  proper 
care;  for  in  five  or  six  months  they  had  received  no  wages,  so 
that  they  had  become  desperate  [and]  wished  to  be  relieved. 
Besides,  for  this  small  garrison,  there  was  not  more  than  one 
month's  provisions,  only  ten  usable  pieces,  two  hundred  good 
balls;  no  small  arms  to  put  in  the  hands  of  the  inhabitants;  the 
commandant  is  apparently  not  a  man  of  military  training,  but 
interested  more  in  trade  than  in  looking  out  for  such  matters 
of  necessity.  ..." 

^*  Libera  exercitio  Religionis. 

'*  Here  the  members  of  the  investigating  Board  failed  to  agree,  J.  B.  Ernst,  A. 


APPENDIX  P 


313 


Your  royal  majesty's  most  humble,  dutiful  and  faithful 
servants 

N[iels]  Slange    J[ohan]  B[ertram]  Ernst     A[ndreas]  Franck 

C[hristian]  Braem     M[orten]  Munck 

M[arkus]  Johansen     A[braham]  Klocker  ^"^ 

Board  of  Police  and  Trade  [Copenhagen]  June  [?],  1716. 

To  this  statement  was  added  the  following:  Information  con- 
cerning the  cargo  which  the  last  ship  sent  by  the  Company 
took  with  it  from  the  fatherland  to  St.  Thomas  in  the  West 
Indies. 


Bricks 

Klincker 

Tilestones 

Norwegian  planks 

Rope 

Pitch  and  tar,  though  they 
may  be  secured  cheaper  from 
New  York 


A  small  quantity  of  copper 
work,  such  as  sugar  kettles 
and  the  like,  of  which  nothing 
has  been  sent  thither  during 
recent  years,  so  that  the 
planters  have  been  forced  to 
supply  their  needs  from  other 
sources. 

Silesian  linen 

Grindstones 

A  small  quantity  of  Liibeck 
beer 

Iron 

Goods  which  the  colony  on  St.  Thomas  needs  and  must  pro- 
cure from  other  places : 

Victuals:  Meat,  pork,  butter,  etc.  May  be  secured  at  far 
lower  prices  in  New  York  than  in  Denmark. 

Goods  for  clothing,  etc.  English  stuffs,  wool  and  silk  stock- 
ings, woolen  and  silk  puoser  (?),  camelots,  English  Bay  (?),  Hol- 
land linen,  French  "  Rouan  "  [Roiien  cloth],  table-cloths,  all  kinds 
of  linens  from  Flanders,  Westphalia,  Harlem  and  other  places,*' 
silk  and  threads,  flax  and  hemp,  lace,  pottery,  spices,  iron  im- 
plements for  the  cultivation  of  plantations,  domestic  imple- 
ments, sail  cloth. 

From  the  French  islands :  sugar,  both  white  and  brown,  cacao, 
indigo,  ginger,  powder,  money. 

Franck,  C.  Braem.  and  M.  Johansen  favoring  prompt  reinforcements,  the  others 
arguing  that  this  matter  was  not  for  them,  but  for  the  King  and  the  Company  to 
determine. 

'"  Of  these  Braem  had  been  on  the  directorial  board  since  1697,  and  Klocker 
was  to  become  a  director  in  1727. 

*' The  last  four  or  five  items  "may  be  had  from  the  English,  French,  and 
Dutch  islands." 


314  APPENDIX  F 

From  the  Spanish  islands:  cattle,  hides  and  leather,  cacao, 
Virginia  tobacco,  money,  etc. 

Exceedingly  necessary  for  sugar  mills  and  plantations:  mules 
from  the  Spaniards;  horses  from  New  York. 

From  the  English :  Brazil-wood,  Campeachy  and  other  woods 
suitable  for  rasping  and  dyes. 


APPENDIX  G 

GOVERNOR  ERIK  BREDAL  TO  DIRECTORS,    1719,    1722  i 

St.  Thomas,  May  25,  1719. 

.  .  .  The  English  nation  is  the  one  that  does  us  the  most 
good,  and  from  which  we  have  most  to  fear,  for  truth  to  say, 
they  hold  our  very  lives  in  their  hands;  and  if  they,  (who  dis- 
pute our  right  to  St.  Thomas,  and  threaten  St.  John)  should 
adopt  the  expedient  of  forbidding  the  sending  of  provisions  to 
this  place  for  half  a  year,  the  inhabitants  would  be  obliged  to 
leave  the  island,  for  their  live-stock  (now  that  the  land  is  laid 
out  in  cotton  and  sugar  works)  would  not  suflSce,  according  to 
my  calculation,  to  keep  them  supplied  with  food  during  that 
time,  the  less  so,  since  a  butchered  ox  cannot  be  preserved  here 
more  than  a  couple  of  days  on  account  of  the  heat. 

But  although  the  English  General  Hamilton  ^  might  enter- 
tain such  a  plan  because  of  the  evil  intentions  he  bears  toward 
this  land  on  account  of  the  occupation  of  St.  John,  yet  it  is  for- 
tunate for  us  that  the  governors  of  the  other  English  colonies 
from  which  we  secure  provisions  are  not  on  good  terms  with 
him,  and  are  not  prepared  to  carry  through  any  such  plan.  Be- 
sides, Mr.  Hamilton  might  easily  have  taken  the  chance  (con- 
sidering the  malice  he  bears  us)  to  ruin  both  of  these  islands  if 
he  had  thought  of  it.  For  a  long  time,  there  have  been  a  great 
many  English  sea-robbers  here,  who  have  always  kept  their 
posts  at  the  English  islands  Spanishtown  (sic)  and  Tortola, 
where  they  have  had  free  passage.  He  would  only  have  had  to 
set  them  upon  us  secretly  to  bring  about  our  ruin.  For  the 
amnesty  that  they  have  been  granted  is  so  liberal  that  they 
cannot  even  be  held  by  the  English  inhabitants  for  murder, 
robbery  or  other  misdeeds,  if  they  but  return  within  a  certain 
time  and  receive  amnesty.  In  that  manner  the  French  have 
received  the  greater  part  of  Hispaniola  [Haiti]  from  the  Span- 
iards in  the  midst  of  peace.  I  do  not  say  it  because  of  any 
fear,  and  I  do  not  think  that  anyone  accuses  me  of  that,  but 
because  of  the  caution  which  I  think  is  needed  here  to  prevent 
the  seizure  or  plundering  of  this  land  (especially  in  the  cold 
months  when  sickness  is  general), — which  may  God  avert! — 

1  B.  &  D.,  1717-1720.    The  paragraphing  is  that  of  the  translator. 
'  Governor  General  of  the  English  Leeward  Islands. 

(3151 


316  APPENDIX  G 

either  by  the  Spaniards  or  the  sea-robbers;  for  our  garrison 
amounts  to  nothing,  and  the  land  is  weaker  than  one  would 
believe,  since  in  the  course  of  time,  three  or  four  plantations 
have  come  under  a  single  owner,  so  that  where  formerly  there 
were  four  whites,  there  is  now  but  one.  Indeed,  we  are  not 
strong  enough  with  respect  to  the  negroes  themselves,  I  have 
warned  the  inhabitants  that  this  land  is  becoming  weaker, 
and  that  they  should  have  one  white  man  on  each  plantation, 
whether  or  not  several  were  under  one  owner,  but  they  have 
replied  that  they  were  unable  to  secure  any,  but  that  if  I  were 
willing  to  let  them  have  some  of  the  soldiers,  as  had  previously 
occurred,  they  would  take  them.  But  none  of  them  can  be 
spared.  It  has  actually  been  a  fact  that  the  foreign  ships  and 
vessels  lying  in  the  harbor  have  sometimes  had  four  times  as 
many  men  on  board  as  the  entire  fort  and  island  together,  .  .  . 

St.  Thomas,  June  17,  1722  ' 
Enclosed  herewith  is  a  letter  from  the  English  General  Hart 
who  was  sent  here  with  two  ships  of  war  to  request  St.  John  of 
me,  and  also  to  inform  me  that  the  English  also  claim  St. 
Thomas  as  belonging  to  them.  I  have  replied  to  them  as  was 
my  duty,  and  attempted  to  phrase  my  negative  reply  as  po- 
litely as  possible.  I  gave  to  Capt.  Ellis  Brand's  proposition  a 
similar  reply,  to  which  he  repHed  that  he  would  report  it  to  his 
General,  and  that  the  occupation  of  St.  John  might  cause  the 
Danes  to  lose  St.  Thomas,  too,  since  they  had  no  right  to  it, 
either.  News  had  also  reached  me  from  St.  Christopher,  be- 
fore the  arrival  of  these  ships,  that  the  English  said  that  they 
expected  to  go  and  seize  St.  Thomas  and  St.  John.  Neverthe- 
less, these  ships  left  here  without  attempting  anything,  after 
having  lain  anchored  far  outside  of  the  harbor  for  several  days. 
Although  one  would  suppose  that  the  said  two  islands  are 
not  worth  enough  to  the  English  to  pay  for  their  getting  into 
trouble  with  Denmark,  yet  there  is  reason  to  suspect  that  they 
would  be  useful  for  the  following  design.  It  is  known  that  they 
have  long  had  an  eye  upon  Porto  Rico,  and  with  St.  Thomas 
and  Crab  island  (which  they  are  also  talking  of  settling)  in  their 
possession,  they  would  be  able,  on  account  of  their  sea  power, 
so  to  hem  Porto  Rico  in  ^  that  they  would  make  themselves 
masters  of  it  on  the  first  break  with  Spain.  Likewise,  they 
have  also  a  short  time  ago  seized  the  island  of  Providence  in 
the  straits  of  Bahama,  which  though  not  considered  of  any 

» B.  &  D.,  172l-2Jt. 

*  Saaledes  indknihe  og  indsfarre  Puerto-rico  .  .  . 


APPENDIX  G  317 

particular  importance  in  Europe,  is  still  of  more  consequence 
than  one  would  readily  believe,  for  the  Spaniards  are  absolutely 
obliged  to  pass  by  it  with  their  silver  fleet;  and  the  English 
could  from  this  island  as  well  as  by  land  from  Virginia  disturb 
the  whole  coast  of  Florida. 

How  bold  that  nation  has  become  was  recently  shown  in 
their  attitude  toward  the  French  who  took  the  uninhabited 
island  of  St.  Lucia,  for  the  English  immediately  sent  ships 
thither  and  drove  them  out;  and  since  they  are  so  strong  in 
America,  the  French  have  allowed  the  matter  to  rest  there, 
although  the  French  General,  Marquis  de  Feuquireres,  at  once 
dispatched  an  express  to  Europe  to  complain  of  the  shameless 
treatment  accorded  an  officer  of  the  king  and  the  duly  consti- 
tuted French  governor  at  that  place.  .  .  . 


APPENDIX  H 
STATISTICS  FOR  ST.  THOMAS.  POPULATION,  PLANTATIONS  i 


Population 
White  1688     1691     1715     1720 

j  155..    155. 

I  145..   127. 

177..   247..   283. 
317..   389..   547..   565 


men.  .  .  . 
women . 
children 

total. 
Negro 
men  .  .  . 
women, 
manq. . . 
children 

total . 


361 


1725  1733 
.  155..  173. 
.  169..  159. 
. not  given 


1157. 1507. 
613. 


873. 
..  694. 
194. 1272. 1113. 


422..  555. 3042. 4187. 


1633 
979 
684 

1194 


2246 


1495 


1740  1745  1754 
121..  144..  139 
128..  127..  89 


909 
849 
979 
744 


4490. 3741 


..   837. 

635.. 

. .   750. 

748.. 

..   968. 

933.. 

..   578. 

678.. 

.3133. 

2994.. 

3481 


Plantations 


C.  PL. 
C.  W.. 

S.  PI... 

s.  w... 

K.  W.. 

Mixt.  .  . 
Total . 


81. 

.     1. 

.   11. 

.   13. 

.     9.. 

10.. 

5.. 

6 

.   69. 

.   61. 

.   74. 

.   68.. 

66.. 

55.. 

64 

3. 

.     8. 

.   34. 

.   24. 

.   11.. 

8.. 

4.. 

9 

32. 

.   24. 

.   31. 

.   32.. 

28.. 

34.. 

28 

16.. 

.   10. 

.     8.. 

.     6.. 

3.. 

1 

17. 

.   34.. 

.   24. 

.   27.. 

.   27.. 

38.. 

8.. 

46 

90... 101. 

.160.. 

.164.. 

.177.. 

.148.. 

153.. 

108.. 

154 

Abbreviations: 
C.  PI.    =  Cotton  plantations. 
C.  W.  =        "  "  with  "  works." 

S.  PI.    =  Sugar 
S.  W.    =      " 
K.  W.  =  Kill-devil  works. 

iMixt.    =  Plantations  with  various  products,  including  provisions  or  "  Kaast "  and 
Misc.  those  not  surveyed. 

Cap.     =  Slaves  capable  of  performing  full  adult  work. 

Manq.=  "  Manquerons  "  or  those  incapacitated  by  reason  of  age,  injur>-,  etc.;  de- 
fectives. 
PI.        =  Plantations. 

*  These  tables  have  been  compiled  largely  from  the  Land  Lister  in  the  Com- 
pany's archives. 


SIS] 


APPENDIX  I 


STATISTICS    FOR    ST    JOHN    AND    ST    CROIX: 
PLANTATIONS 


POPULATION, 


Population 


Whitrs 

Negroes 

Men 

Women    Children 

Total           Cap. 

Manq.  Children 

Total 

1728 

76. 

6 41 

.123 563  1 

84 30.  .  . 

...   677 

1733 

97. 

53 58 

.208 731.. 

119 237..  . 

. . . 1087 

1739 

73. 

60 75 

.208 743.. 

280 391... 

...1414 

Plantations. 

Owners   Owners 

Owners 

C.Pl. 

C.  W.   S.  PI.    s.  w. 

K.  W.     Mixt. 

Total  On  PI.       on 
St.  Th 

abroad 

1720-21 . . . 

39 

1728 

....48.., 

...   0 8 21.. 

...1 9.... 

.   87.  ..  .28 36.. 

.  ...1 

1733 

....15... 

...    3 1 9.. 

...1 80.... 

.109 67 4.  . 

.  ...1 

1739 

....29.. 

...36 3 21.. 

...0 20.... 

.109 61 ?.  . 

.  ...3 

For  abbreviations,  see  St.  Thomas  statistics. 


Populatio7i 

Plantation  owners  2  Negroes  (total) 

Children 
under 
Men  Women  age     Total     Cap.     Manq.   Child. 
1742. ..146... 23...    5  '  . 174. . . 1559. . .    31...    316. 
1745. . .162. . .30. . .19. . .211. . .1918. . .217. . .    743. 
1754. ..260... 23. . .21 . . .304. . .4851 . . .675. . .2040. 


Total 
.1906 

. 2878 . 


Christiansted 
Whites  Negroes 


M.     W.     Cap.     Mq.      Ch. 


.10. 


.7566<  .77. 


.    15. 
.409. 


.    3. 
.46. 


.      9 
.259 


Plantations 


1742. 
1745. 
1754. 


C.  PI. 
..122. 
..163. 
..34. 


S.  PI. 
.120  . 
.  77  . 
.  1343^  . 


Misc. 
..  42. 
.  .  23. 
..207. 


Total 
.264 
.263 
.375HJ 


*  The  women  included  one  mulatto;  the  children,  ten  groups  of  "heirs,"  each 
of  which  embraced  perhaps  two  or  more  children.  Several  owners  counted  in  the 
list  for  1739  resided  on  St.  Thomas,  St.  Eustatius  and  elsewhere. 

'  The  nature  of  the  records  makes  possible  only  an  approximation  to  accu- 
racy, especially  with  respect  to  the  white  population. 

*  Five  is  simply  the  number  of  plantations  credited  to  minors. 

*  Of  these,  four  hundred  and  nine  "capable,"  forty  defectives,  and  two  hundred 
and  thirty -nine  children  were  owned  in  Christiansted. 


[319] 


APPENDIX  J 

LIST  OF  SLAVE  CARGOES  ARRIVING  IN  DANISH  WEST  INDIES 
(compiled  from  the  company's  archives) 


Slave  cargoes 


s 

C 

-^ 

Cost  to 

Cost  to 

Ship  (and 
Skipper) 

Date  «/ 
arrival 

Registered 
from 

1 

S 

5 

15 

a; 

Company 
(wholesale) 

PlarUers 
(retail) 

rdl.  (each) 

rd/.(each) 

Wapen 

(GcTi.  Corf) 

1687  (May) 

80 

(Danish  Ship) 

1688 

Denmark 

200 

(Captain?) 

Marschall 

1688 

Emdcn 

291 

Dorfling 

(English  Ship] 

1090  (Apr.) 

Bermuda 

[109?] 

MarKchall 

1092 

Emden 

500? 

80-95 

Dorfling 

(Captain?) 

Frederick  III 

1696  (Nov.) 

Emden 

630 

(Jacob  Lam- 

brecht) 

Churprin- 

1696  (Nov.) 

Emden 

480 

sessen 

(Wouter 

Ypes) 

\Slave  vessel] 

1698  (June) 

Zealand 

364 

(Jac.  de 

(Nether.) 

Bruyne) 

Kobenh:  Bors 

1698  (Sept.) 

78 

128 

44 

14 

16 

280' 

(InnesPieters) 

[Frederick 

III?] 

1698  (late) 

Emden? 

624 

(Wouter 

Ypes) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1699 

Zceland 

[90]' 

70 

90 

(Math.  Boo- 

gaert) 
Christian  V 

1699  (July) 

123 

178 

35 

17 

353 « 

85-90 

(Jijrgen             1 

Grabner) 

1  There  were  shipped  from  Guinea  one  hundred  and  eighty-four  men,  two 
hundred  and  thirty-eight  women,  fifty-five  boys,  twenty-four  girls,  and  five 
infants,  a  total  of  five  hundred  and  six  negroes.  Of  the  two  hundred  and  eighty 
that  arrived  on  September  17,  thirty-seven  had  died  by  October  12.  Cf.  Gov. 
C.  B.,  16H~1700,  Lorentz  to  Directors  (October  12,  1698). 

"^  Only  ninety  were  sold  in  St.  Thomas,  fifty  to  the  Danes  and  forty  to  the 
Brandenburgers.    The  cargo  contained  three  hundred  and  fifty  slaves. 

*  Capt.  Grabner  took  on  five  hundred  and  forty-nine  negroes  in  Guinea. 

[320] 


APPENDIX  J 

LIST  OF  SLAVE  CARGOES— Conimued 


321 


Slave  Cargoes 


eo 

Ship  (and 
Skipper) 

Date  of 
arrival 

Registered 
from 

^ 

s 

g 

09 

3 

03 

si 

Cost  to 
Company 
(wholesale) 

Cost  to 

Planters 

(retail) 

Frederick  IV 

1700  (Oct.) 

Denmark 

72 

119 

27 

20 

2381 

50 

90-100 

(Innes  Pieter- 

sen) 

[Interloper] 

1701  (Jan.) 

Zeeland 

1542 

(Captain?) 

[Interloper] 

1702  (July) 

Zeeland 

74 

21 

12 

2 

109  s 

45 

80 

(Jean  Closter) 

(103'/3l 

[Interloper] 

1702  (Dec.) 

Zeeland 

51 

14 

18 

6 

89  1 

45 

80 

(Adrian 

[795/6] 

Daemes) 

[Interloper] 

1703  (June) 

? 

77 

10 

16 

5 

108  5 

48 

85-90 

(J.  Rogges- 

[991/6] 

taert) 

Christian  V 

1704  (May) 

Denmark 

123 

126 

27 

15 

4 

295 

60 

100 

(Willem 

12711/3] 

Resen) 

[Flying  Hart] 

1707  (Jan.) 

Middelburg 

246 

69 

62 

10 

387 

80 

100 

(Jac.  S.  Voss) 

[356'/3l 

Christian  V 

1707  (July) 

Denmark 

212 

160 

13 

8 

393  « 

70 

100 

(N.  C.  Boom- 

[3851/3] 

feldt) 

[Slave  vessel] ' 

1708  (Mar.) 

? 

33 

27 

13 

11 

84 

75 

100 

("Grazaleir") 

[73] 

Red  Lion 

1708  (Oct.) 

Zeeland 

139 

30 

34 

9 

212  8 

80 

100 

(Hubert 

Freth) 

[Flying  Hart?] 

1709  (Jan.) 

Zeeland 

227 

54 

20 

12 

3139 

80 

100 

(Jac.  S.  Voss) 

[2991/6] 

[Slave  vessel] 

1709  (July) 

Zeeland 

85 

60 

(Captain?) 

Two  Brothers 

1709  (July) 

17 

14 

3 

5 

39 

60 

90 

(Pieter 

? 

(352/3] 

Thebeu) 

^  Three  hundred  died  on  the  journey.  In  his  letter  to  the  Directors  dated 
October  24,  1700,  Lorentz  mentions  the  misfortune  that  has  likewise  struck 
other  traders,  several  Zeeland  interlopers  and  English  slave  ships  not  having 
brought  more  than  a  third  or  a  fourth  safe  to  their  destination.  Gov.  C.  B., 
1700-03. 

-  Lorentz  bought  the  cargo  in  company  with  Van  Belle,  the  Brandenburg 
factor. 

^  Of  these  the  Danish  Company  secured  one  hundred  and  eighteen,  the  Bran- 
denburgers  the  rest. 

*  The  Brandenburg  factor  bought  eighty-eight  from  Capt.  Daemes. 

*  The  Brandenburg  factor  bought  sixty-six. 

*  Capt.  B.  had  left  Guinea  on  June  2  with  four  hundred  and  forty-seven 
slaves,  and  arrived  at  St.  Thomas  on  July  23. 

^  Also  spelled  Grazselli. 

'  Four  per  cent,  duty  brought  the  Company  an  additional  eight  slaves. 
'  Of  these,  Peter  Smith  bought  one  hundred  and  forty-one,  and  two  French- 
men bought  twenty-six  and  one  hundred  and  seven,  respectively. 


322 


APPENDIX  J 

LIST  OF  SLAVE  CARGOES— Con^wwed 


Slave  cargoes 


Ship  (and 
Skipper) 


Rosenborg 
(Erasmus 

Muller) 
The  Ilunler 
(H.  de  Witte) 
A  merica 
(David  Dinc- 

sen) 
Prince  Eugene 
(Abr.  Schil- 

strad)^ 
[America] 
(David  Dine- 

sen) 
[Stave  vessel] 
(Sam.  Jo- 

chumsen) 
(Slave  vessel] 
(H.  de  Witte) 
New  Prince 

Eugene 
(Bastian 

Mugge) 
Papkiesborg 
(Corn.  Huy- 

sing) 
Crown  Prince 
(Jacques 

Thomas) 


Date  of 
arrival 


Registered 
from 


1709  (Aug.) 

1710  (Jan.) 

1710  (July) 

1711  (Jan.) 

1712  (Mar.) 

1712  (June) 

1714  (Jan.) 
1714  (Jan.) 

1714  (Mar.) 
1714  (June) 


Zeeland 

Zealand 
Zeeland 

Zeeland 

Zeeland 

Zeeland? 

Zeeland 

Zeeland 
Bergen 


i 

S 

S 

1 
05 

•^ 

3 

a: 

Cost  to 
Company 
(wholesale) 

138 

22 

19 

3 

187' 
[172Vb] 

312  2 

60 
65 

'  134 

26 

33 

7 

200 

65 

[229]  3 

16 

253 

96 

15.5 

25 

26 

6 

2126 

[196V6] 

70 

134 

27 

32 

7 

2006 

[1786/6] 

65 

:     76 

56 

76 

6 

216 
[173K1 

70 

121 

30 

72 

3 

226 
[193] 

65 

49 

9 

i 

45 
4 

24 
2 

1 

7 
3' 

135 

[lllVa] 
18 
[I5y2] 

70 
50 

Cost  to 
Planters 
(retail) 


90-95 


100 
100 


100 
94 


none 
sold 
100-96 


100 
120 


^One  hundred  and  eighty-seven  "manquerons"  were  delivered  back  to  the 
captain,  who  sold  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  to  private  buyers  for  5,459  rdl. 
Muller's  cargo  is  put  down  as  consisting  of  Lawango  negroes;  those  arriving  in 
July  are  called  "Calabary"  or  "Kalbarie  "  negroes, — in  English,  Calabar. 

^  De  Witte,  being  able  to  account  only  for  three  hundred  and  one  when  he 
should  have  had  three  hundred  and  twelve,  was  charged  with  the  difference  or 
"profit"  of  35  rdl.  each,  or  385  rdl.  The  Company  bought  two  hundred  and 
thirty-eight  (2293^  Pies  de  Indies)  at  65  rdl.  each.  Many  of  those  remaining 
were  delivered  back  to  the  captain  who  sold  them  to  planters  and  paid  the  Com- 
pany the  four  per  cent.  duty.    N.  J.,  St.  Thomas,  1709-1710. 

*  This  includes  men  and  women.  Of  the  two  hundred  and  twenty-nine,  forty- 
nine  were  sick  or  "manquerons  "  as  were  six  of  the  sixteen  boys.  Two  hundred 
were  bought  first,  and  fifty-three  later. 

*  Capt.  S.  died  immediately  after  arrival  and  Capt.  Anthony  Warene 
(Vareny)  took  his  place.  The  remainder  of  the  cargo  (six  hundred  and  twenty- 
six  on  arrival  at  St.  Thomas)  that  was  unsold  or  still  alive  was  taken  to  Porto 
Bello  and  Carthagena. 

*  Besides  these,  the  Company  received  eight  in  duty. 
^  Jochumson's  cargo  consisted  of  Angola  slaves. 

^The  lower  figures  represent  those  that  were  sick  or  "manquerons."    One 


APPENDIX  J 

LIST  OF  SLAVE  CARGOES— Continued 


Slave  Cargoes 

Ship  (and 
Skipper) 

Date   of 
arrival 

Registered 
from 

1 

83 

S 
1 

I 
i 

03 

Cost  to 
Company 
(wholesale) 

Cost  to 
Planters 
(retail) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1715  (Jan.) 

7 

20 

8 

118 

65 

100 

(Jacob  Valle) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1715  (Feb.) 

[103'/3l 

(Corn.  Lyn- 

"        "    1 

sen) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1715  (Apr.) 

(Jochim 

Gomertz) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1715  (Apr.) 

(Alex.  Ro- 

land) 

[Slave  vessel]^ 

1715  (Sept.) 

(Dan.  Gab- 

ion?) 

Crown  Prince 

1718  (July) 

Denmark 

104 

38 

19 

3 

164  2 

50 

120 

Christian 

(And.  Veroe) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1718  (July) 

42 

60 

80 

(Jan  de  Moor) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1719  (Aug.) 

(Jacob  Valle) 

"Haabet    Gal- 

1722 (Apr.) 

Denmark 

(16713 

34 

201 

60 

125 

ley" 

[182V3] 

(Lor.  Spang?) 

Christiansborg 

1724   (June) 

Denmark 

142 

80 

68 

351 

70 

125^ 

(P.  A.  Visroe) 

26 

11 

24  6 

"Haabet    Gal- 

1724 (Nov.) 

219 

70 

125 

ley" 

(Lor.  Spang) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1725  (Mar.) 

Netherl.? 

375 

73 

120  6 

(Jan  Vergoue) 

hundred  and  seventy-one  negroes  (sixty-eight  men,  fifty-seven  women,  twenty- 
six  boys  and  twenty  girls)  were  shipped  from  Guinea,  and  of  these,  eight  men, 
five  women,  two  boys,  and  five  girls  died  en  route. 

^  Capt.  Gabion  was  allowed  to  sell  his  cargo  to  private  buyers  on  payment  of 
thirty  per  cent,  "preference"  to  the  Company.  "On  Capt.  Gabion's  slaves 
about  2600  rdl.  has  been  gained  [by  the  Company]  through  import  and  export 
duties."     B.  &  D..  17U-17,  Gov.  M.  Crone  to  Directors  (February  24,  1716). 

^  On  the  way  from  Guinea  thirty-six  men,  seven  women,  four  girls  and  five 
boys — or  fifty-two  slaves — had  died  on  Capt.  Veroe's  (or  Waerroe's)  ship.  B.  & 
D..  1717-20  (July  8,  1718). 

'  The  one  hundred  and  sixty-seven  includes  men  and  women. 

*  The  profit  from  this  cargo  was  about  7,464  rdl.,  or  a  little  over  twenty-eight 
per  cent.  Deducting  for  the  twenty-one  slaves  retained  for  the  Company  would 
bring  the  profit  to  about  thirty  and  one-half  per  cent. 

^  The  lower  figures  include  the  sick  and  "manquerons."  A  "  Speciall-Liste " 
(fi.  &  D.,  1721-2It)  dated  July  14,  1724,  gives  the  same  total,  but  difiFerent 
subheadings.     He  had  left  Guinea  with  four  hundred  and  sixteen  negroes. 

'  The  net  profit  was  16,372  rdl.,0T  twenty-nine  and  seven-tenths  per  cent,  from 
both  Vergoue's  and  v.  der  Brocke's  cargoes. 


324 


APPENDIX  J 

LIST  OF  SLAVE  CARGOES— Co72/»>»ued 


Slave  cargoes 


— 

Ship  (and 
Skipper) 

Date  of 
arrival 

Registered 

s 

g 

[u 

Cost  to 
Company 

Cost  to 
Planters 

from 

^ 

03 

3 

aa 

(wholesale) 

(retail) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1725  (Mar.) 

Nether!.? 

379 

73 

(A.  V.  d. 

Brocke) 

1  Young 

1720  (July) 

1301 

Knight] 

(George 

Jones?) 

"Jonge 

1726  (Nov.) 

Nctherl.? 

Mathys"i 

(Charles 

Jansen) 

Christiansborg 

1727  (Feb.) 

Denmark 

109 

65 

23 

10 

207' 

70 

125 

(Jorgen 

Mathisen) 

"Ilaabet  Gal- 

1727  (May) 

Denmark 

125 

63 

16 

13 

[217i « 

70 

125 

ley  " 

(Lor.  Spang) 

[Slave  vessel] 

1727 

Zeeland 

18 

50 

(Hybregt) 

Young  Virgin 

1728  (Jan.) 

Denmark? 

32' 

("Allewelt") 

"Haabet"  G. 

1729  (July) 

Denmark 

63 

45 

14 

4 

126  « 

70 

120 

(A.  H.  Ham- 

mer) 

"Haabet"  G. 

1731  (Feb.) 

Denmark 

21 

29 

5 

55' 

70 

120 

(A.  H.  Ham- 

mer) 

Countess  of 

1732  (June) 

Denmark 

115 

SO 

100-1503 

Laurwig 

(Corn.  Bagge) 

Laarburg  G. 

1733  (May) 

Denmark 

124 

64 

26 

28 

242 » 

70  + 

120-156 

(Lor.  JfiBger) 

'  The  government  permitted  the  cargo  to  be  sold  to  outsiders  only,  on  pay- 
ment of  4J^  "pieces-of-eight"  for  each  slave  sold. 

^  A  cargo  was  offered  for  sale,  but  no  purchases  are  recorded. 

'  Two  hundred  and  eighty-three  were  taken  on  board  at  the  Danish  Guinea 
factory,  September  29,  1726.  These  included  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
ninety  women,  twenty-nine  boys,  fourteen  girls,  whose  total  purchase  price  was 
entered  at  18,216  rdl. 

*  Hope  Galley  left  Guinea  on  March  6,  1727,  with  a  cargo  of  two  hundred  and 
thirty-eight.  Of  these,  one  hundred  and  forty-seven  were  men,  seventy  women, 
eleven  boys,  and  ten  girls.     Cf.  N.  J.  for  Guinea,  1727. 

^  Forty-seven  left  Guinea.    G  —  galley. 

"  One  hundred  and  twenty-six  left  Guinea  May  28,  1729. 

'  These  were  taken  on  in  Guinea,  Dec.  28,  1729  (?). 

^  The  price  varied  according  to  whether  payment  was  made  in  cash,  or  in 
cotton  or  sugar  to  be  paid  in  six  weeks'  time.  Of  one  hundred  and  twenty  taken 
on,  only  one  hundred  and  two  were  reported  in  sound  condition  when  offered  for 
sale. 

'  One  hundred  and  ninety-nine  out  of  a  cargo  of  four  hundred  and  forty-three 


APPENDIX  J 

LIST  OF  SLAVE  CARGOES— Continued 


325 


Slave  Cargoes 


Ship  {and 

Date  of 

Registered 

J 

S 

^ 

w 

6 
■« 

Cost  to 
Company 

Cost  to 
Planters 

Skipper) 

arrival 

from 

fe: 

05 

3 

05 

;2  «> 

(wholesale) 

(retail) 

Countess  of 

1734   (May) 

Denmark 

60 

31 

7 

5 

180 

115 

Latirwig 

22 

43 

7 

5' 

(Corn.  Bagge) 

jomfru 

1736   (June) 

Denmark? 

108  = 

100 

100-133 

(Knud  Erich- 

sen) 

[A  bark] 

173S  (Jan.) 

St.  Eusta- 

8 

4 

35 

10 

57 

(P.  Heyliger) 

tius 

U  bark] 

1738  (Feb.) 

St.  Eusta- 

10 

£18 

(Robt.  Stew- 

tius 

art) 

[A  bark] 

1738  (Mar.) 

St.  Eusta- 

9 

14 

8 

8 

39  3 

(Robt.  Stew- 

tius 

art) 

lA  bark] 

1738  (Apr.) 

St.  Euata- 

20 

20 

15 

55 « 

£18 

(R.  Stewart) 

tius 

Countess  of 

1738  (Oct.) 

Zeeland 

109 

35 

15 

11 

170 

85 

Laurwig 

(Corn.  Mar- 

skalk) 
Countess  of 

1739  (Feb.) 

Denmark 

6 

8 

5 

1 

20  5 

75 

120-140 

Laurwig 

(Co.) 

(J.  N.  Hoist) 

Laarburg  G. 

1740  (Jan.) 

Denmark 

24 

12 

6 

2 

44 

120 

130-140 

(H.  Ostbye) 

(Co.) 

Countess  of 

1742  (June) 

Denmark 

19 

27 

4 

1 

51 

120 

140-155 

Laarwig 

(Co.) 

(Capt.  Hoist?) 

Williamine 

1744  (May) 

? 

41 

40 

11 

3 

95 

130 

140-235 

Galley 

(B.  H.  Pratt) 

Postillion  B. 

1746  (May) 

Denmark 

79 

150-240 

(A.  Thorsen) 

Williamine  G. 

1746  (Nov.) 

Denmark 

85 

38 

18 

5 

146 

100-150 

160-300 

(B.  H.  Pratt) 

(Co.) 

Crown  Pt. 

1747  (May) 

Denmark 

102 

GO 

25 

8 

195 

150-300 

Desire 

(Co.) 

(A.  J.  Seiero) 

Sorgenfri 

1747  (Nov.) 

Denmark 

274 

200-285 

(D.  Boysen) 

Princess  F. 

1748  (July) 

Denmark 

114 

86 

55 

20 

3 

278 

200-320 

(J.  Gronberg) 

Jaegersborg 

1749  (Jan.) 

Denmark 

77 

62 

15 

6 

160 

100 

180-270 

(O.  Erichsen) 

(Co.) 

Vesuvius 

1749  (Feb.) 

Denmark 

127 

66 

45 

14 

5 

252 

100 

(Capt.?) 

(Co.) 

Sorgenfri 

1749  (June) 

Denmark 

120 

89 

15 

11 

7 

235 

100 

140-220 

(Capt.?) 

(Co.) 

3               1 

died  en  route  of  a  virulent  form  of  dysentery.  Two  were  sold  to  Portuguese. 
The  profit  was  nevertheless  sixty-nine  and  one-half  per  cent,  on  what  re- 
mained! 

*  Sick  and  "raanquerons,"  or  defectives. 

^  Forty-two  had  died  on  the  way  from  Guinea. 

'  Sold  directly  to  planters  on  payment  of  usual  four  per  cent.  duty. 

*  Capt.  S.  had  asked  110  rdl.  for  the  grown  slaves,  and  80  rdl.  for  the  children. 
'  Capt.  Hoist's  cargo  came  from  Madagascar. 


326 


APPENDIX  J 


LIST  OF  SLAVE  CARGOES— Continued 


Slave  cargoes 


*2' 

s 

ti 

—  "3 

Cost  to 

Cost  to 

Ship  (and 
Skipper) 

Date  of 
arrival 

Registered 
from 

£ 

1 

1 

a 
^ 

3 

ai 

a  s 

Company 
(wholesale) 

Planters 
(retail) 

Crown  Pr. 

1750  (Feb.) 

Denmark 

69 

53 

26 

10 

161 

100 

140-220 

Desire 
(O.  Reinholt) 
Sophie  Mag- 

(Co.) 

1750  (July) 

Denmark 

27 

23 

22 

5 

3 

80 

-220 

dalene 
(Capt.?) 
Jcegersborg 

(Co.) 

1751  (Feb.) 

Denmark 

182 

82 

5 

3 

209 

100 

100-220 

(O.  Erichsen) 

(Co.) 

Sorgenfri 

1751  (July) 

Denmark 

58 

42 

23 

10 

133 

100 

150-250 

(P.  K.  Collin) 

(Co.) 

Crown  Pr. 

1752  (Mar.) 

Denmark 

224  1 

Desire 

(0.  Reinholt) 

-353 

Princess  Wil- 

1752  (June) 

Denmark 

109 

58 

12 

2 

1812 

helmineCar. 
(N.  Hoyer) 
Princess 

1752  (Oct.) 

Denmark 

164 

81 

27 

9 

3 

2813 

100 

150-354 

Sophia  Mag. 

(Co.) 

(P.  C.  Sam- 

soe) 

Jcegersborg 

1753  (Aug.) 

Denmark 

114 

58 

38 

21 

2311 

-320 

(J.  Rasmus- 
sen) 
Patientia 

1753  (Dec.) 

Denmark 

67 

30 

38 

11 

146  6 

100 

150-300 

(O.  Erichsen) 

(Co.) 

{Brigantine) 

1754  (Mar.) 

Denmark 

140  6 

*  This  ship  left  Guinea  with  three  hundred  and  thirty-eight  slaves  (Janu- 
ary 7,  1752). 

^  The  Guinea  cargo  was  recorded  at  two  hundred  and  three  slaves. 
'  The  Princess  Sophia  Magdalena  left  Guinea  July  29  with  three  hundred  and 
seven  slaves. 

*  Eighty-one  died  on  the  way,  apparently. 

*  Patientia  left  Guinea  July  30  with  two  hundred  and  seventy-five  slaves.  A 
mutiny  of  slaves  on  board  while  sailing  between  Cape  Coast  and  El  Mina  re- 
sulted in  serious  loss  of  life  and  property. 

^  From  this  cargo,  apparently  privately  owned,  a  profit  of  fifty  per  cent,  was 
reported.    The  journey  took  twenty-eight  days. 


APPENDIX  K 

PRICES  ON  ST.  THOMAS  (1687-1751)  i 


Year 


Sugar ^ 
(per  100  lbs.) 


Cotton     Year 
(per  lb.) 


Sugar 
{per  100  lbs.) 


Cotton 
{per  lb.) 


1687 10  sA; 

1688 10  " 

1697 30-32  " 

1699 14-16  " 

1701 5r(U. 

1702 41^-5    " 15  " 

1703 33^(?)"   ....  12  " 

1705 3    " 12  " 

1706 33^    " 12  " 

1707 3-33^    " 11  " 

1708 3    " 10  " 

1709 3    " 

1710 3    " 11  " 

1713  3 3]^    « 12  « 

1714 4    " 12  " 

1716 4^5    " 13-14  " 

1717 43^  "  ....       13  " 

1719 i}4  "  ....       13  " 

1720 43^  "  ....       13  " 


1721 3}4rdL 

1723 3     " 

1724 43^  " 

1727 

1728... 
1730. .  . 
1732... 
1733 .  .  . 
1739... 
1740... 
1741 .  .  . 
1742... 
1743. . . 
1744 . .  . 

1747* 5  " 

1748 5  " 

1750 43^  "    ....2  reals 

17516 41^  " 

1752  « 


.     43^ 
4 

.  43^ 
.3-43^ 
.3-3^ 
.  3^ 
.4-43^ 
4 
4 


.       13  sk. 

10  " 
.12-13  " 

13  " 

13  " 

13  " 

11  " 
.11-13  " 

.12-13  " 
.10-11  " 
.12-13  " 

.     13>^" 


^  Prices  paid  by  Company  to  planters,  though  not  necessarily  an  average  for 
the  year.  These  figures  are  derived  from  many  official  sources, — too  many  for 
enumeration. 

2  Brown  sugar. 

'  In  1713,  the  current  price  in  the  open  market  was  reported  to  be  43^5  rdl. 
per  100  lbs. 

*  The  St.  Thomas  officials  reported  the  following  prices  for  sugar:  in  Holland, 
7-9  rdl.;  St.  Eustatius,  5^/7  rdl.;  and  Curagao,  7-8  rdl.  per  100  lbs.  Martfeldt 
MSS.,  VI  (February  3,  1748). 

6  The  governor  and  council  on  St.  Croix  set  the  price  at  33^  rdl. 

"  The  St.  Croix  authorities  raised  the  price  of  sugar  to  43^  rdl.  and  fixed  the 
price  of  cotton  at  13  sk.,  for  unpacked,  and  133^  sk.  for  baled  cotton. 


:S27] 


APPENDIX  L 

WEST  INDIAN  SUGAR  EXPORTED  FROM  COPENHAGEN » 

(1709-1754) 

Year                   Quantity  {lbs.)  Destination                   Price  secured 

by  Company 

1709 8,950  br Lubeck 648  rd/. 

"    6,804  " Kiel 425  " 

"    2,519  wh " 348  " 

"    4,500  br " 281  " 

"    1,274  wh 179  " 

"    100     " Aarhus 

"    1,169     " 120  " 

"    3,904     " Lubeck 544  " 

1710 6,000  br Dantzig 377  " 

"    2,302  wh "        263  " 

1711 4,000  br Lubeck 312  " 

"    4,500    "    Kiel 351  " 

"    1,600  wh " 233  " 

"    2,160  br " 169  " 

"    228  wh " 29  " 

"    5  c.      " " 389  " 

"    4  c.      " Dantzig 291  " 

"    317  br Elsinore 

"    285  wh "         

"    200     " Aarhus 

"    151  br "        

"    1  c.  wh Kiel 94  " 

"    1  c.      " " 60  " 

"    42,544  br Kiel  (?) 2,659  " 

1712-20  2 

1721 6,296  br Lubeck 368  " 

"    1,000  wh Elsinore 

"    1,084    br "         

1722 6.061     " Dantzig 323" 

"    6,000     " "         312  " 

'  Udskiibnings  og  Passeer  Sedlers  Copie — Bog,  1709-1754.  This  volume  is 
included  in  a  bundle,  the  label  of  which  I  failed  to  note.  br.  =  brown  sugar; 
wh.=  white  sugar;  c.=  casks  (Fade).     The  marks  and  shillings  are  omitted. 

^  No  sugar  is  recorded  as  having  paid  the  one  per  cent,  export  duty  during 
this  period. 

[328] 


APPENDIX  L  329 

WEST  INDIAN  SUGAR  EXPORTED  FROM  COPENHAGEN— Continued 

Year                    Quantity  (lbs.)  Destination                   Price  secured 

by  Company 
1723 2,617  br Konigsberg 136  rdZ. 

"    11,251     " Lubeck 588    " 

1724 12,170     " Stettin 697    " 

1725 15,284     " "       875    " 

1726 none 

1727 1,225     " Lubeck 68" 

"    344     " Flensborg 

"    800     " Nyborg 

1728 232     " Elsinore 

"    2,144  wh Dantzig 134    " 

1729-30 none 

1731 426  wh.  (?) Bergen 

1732 230  wh.  (?) Christiania 

"    298  br Bergen 

1733 238   "    (?) Elsinore 

"    578  "    (?) Bergen 

1734 236  " Aarhus 

1735 389  " Bergen 

"    685  " "       

1738 2c.  (?)" Slagelse 

"    1  c.   " Elsinore 

1740 338  " Aarhus 

"    250  " Flensborg 

1741 58  " Laurwigen 

"    211  " "  

"    11,443  " Stockholm 

1745 400  " Aabenraa 

1746 350  sirup Nyborg 

1747 2  c.  br Holstein 

"    2  c.  sirup Randers 

"    64wh.  (?) Ritt(?) 

1748 none 

1749 111,864  wh Stockholm 8,815    " 

"    200    " Aarhus 

"    27,747  br Stockholm 2,456    " 

"    30  c.  " Lubeck 1,802    " 

1750 4,206"  "        240    " 

"    10,966  "  Stettin 628    " 

"    5,880  " [St.]  Petersburg 336    " 

"    82,958  "3 Nordkioping 4,752    " 

"    27,766  " Stockholm 1,590    " 

»  The  entry  of  80,  20,  and  20  Fade  apparently  refers  to  the  82,958  lbs. 


330  APPENDIX  L 

WEST  INDIAN  SUGAR  EXPORTED  FROM  COPENHAGEN— Conftnwed 
Year  Quantity  (lbs.)  Destination  Price  secured 

by  Company 

1750 28,628   br Carlshafn 1,640  rdl. 

"    200     " Aarhus 

"    62,878     " Nordkioping 3,029  " 

"    32     " Randers 

"    200     " Christiania 

"    230     " Amsterdam 10  " 

"    2,387     " Dantzig Ill  " 

"    200     " Aarhus 

"    1,249     " Stettin 58  " 

"    1,302     " Dantzig 61  " 

"    31,441     " Stettin 1,409  " 

"    3,218     " "        146  " 

1750 7,310     " Dantzig 343  " 

1751 39,739     " [St.]  Petersburg 2,276  " 

1,589     " Stettin 74  " 

6,796     " "      309  " 

8,386     " "      384  " 

42,360     " "      2,095 

5,176     " "      ? 

15,451     " LUbeck 734  " 

82,261     " Stockholm 3,892  " 

129,299     " Bergen 

129  c.  raw  br Stockholm 

205,850     br Amsterdam    9,633  " 

71,538     " Stettin 3,539  " 

37,987     " [St.]  Petersburg 1,780  " 

153,474     " Bergen 

82,984     " Amsterdam  * 3,848  " 

6,032     " "  310  " 

64,994     " Nordkioping 3,034  " 

86,294     " Amsterdam 4,045  " 

133,437     " "  6,231  " 

65,036     " Stockholm 3,025  " 

56,868  :  " Gothenburg 2,634  " 

19,100  r.  br.5 "  895  " 

30,976     br Amsterdam 1,411  " 

77,300     " Odense 

92,182     " Amsterdam 4,201  " 

144,240     " Bergen 

*  These  are  the  totals  of  seven  shipments  sent  to  P.  de  Wint. 
^  r.  br.  =  raw  brown  sugar;  r.  s.  =  "raw  sugar." 


APPENDIX  L 


331 


WEST  INDIAN  SUGAR  EXPORTED  FROM  COPENHAGEN— Con^mwed 
Year  Quantity  (lbs.)  Destination  Price  secured 

by  Company 

1751 128,694    br Stettin  « 6,032  rdl. 

1752 55,714     " Stettin 2,633    " 

"    106,394     " Odense 

"    29,775  r.  s Gothenburg 1,199    " 

"    144,712    br Bergen 

Gothenburg^ 953    " 

Bergen 

Odense 

Lubeck 187    " 

Odense 

Bergen 

Odense    


"    20,074 

"    158,270 

"    140,042 

"    3,428 

"    11,517 

1753  8 101,038 

"    84,023 

"    39,749 

"    117,176 

"    78,729 

"    74,219 

"    84,610 

"    87,477 

"    56,554 

"    210 

"    32,854 

"    38,592 

1754 77,668 

"    134,819 


.  Bergen .  .  .  . 
.  Trondhiem . 


Odense 

Frederikshald 

Aalborg 

KorsGr 

Aalborg 

Frederikshald 

Odense 

Bergen 

.  151,727     " Trondhiem 

904  r.  s Mediterranean 46 

.  69,373     br Frederikshald 

Aalborg 

Frederikshald 

Lubeck 

Trondheim 

Odense 

Amsterdam  ^ 1,538 

Frederikshald 

Aalborg  &  Viborg 

Bergen 


"    47,144     " 

"    112,320     " 

"    5,015     " 

"    158,614     " 

"    102,946     " 

"    36,449     " 

"    168.130     " 

"    15,134     " 

"    168,804     " 

'  Consigned  to  Iselin  &  Co. 

'  Consigned  to  Johan  Froichen. 

*  The  entries  from  the  latter  part  of  1752  and  after  refer  to  sugar  sent  to  the 
shareholders  in  the  refineries  in  Odense,  Bergen,  Trondheim,  Frederikshald  and 
Aalborg,  Cf.  above,  pp.  135-136. 

*  Consigned  to  F.  Wever. 


APPENDIX  M 

COMPANY'S  RECEIPTS  AND  DEBTS  AT  ST.  THOMAS  (1688-1754) 

Certain  of  the  Company's  Receipts  at  St.  Thomas:  compiled  from  the  account  books  of 
the  Danisli  West  India  and  Guinea  Company  (Rit/sarkiv) . 

No.  of      Poll  and  Customs  Weighing         Debt  of  Debt  of 

Year  planters      land  tax  receipts  fees  Co.  to  planters 

planters  to  Co. 

1688 489  rdl 23 

1689 550  57 

1690 1,817  621 

1691 30.155 «  8 

1692 

1693 37 584 rrfL...   5,162  35 

1694-97 

1698 3,452  36 

1699 32 653 

1700 78 2,643  72 

1701 3,233  132 

1702 3,065  27 

1703 52 1,294 9,.574  476 

1704 59 2,585 5,653  270 

1705 74? 2,716 4,112  183 

1706 1057 2,715 3,361  219 

1707 106 3,050 4,184  109 

1708 109 2,872 7,027  121 

1709 10,688  218 

1710 103 3,282 11,114  100 

1711 4,201 9,959  240 

1712 4,504 10,634  305 

1713 131 4,937 6,818  153 

1714 130 4,838 5,818  145 

1715 134 4,821 4,903  

1716 139 5,017 8,236  46 

1717 132 5,029 5,778  

1718 131 6.140 5,619  84 

1719 144 6,676 7,464  31 

1720 152 6,683 8,869  1,9952....  

1721 162 6,799 4,992  373 

1722 188 6,905 3,099  37,787 160,445 

1723 188 6,971 7,144  11 75,876 177,120 

1724 187 7,169 7,328  42 8,573 209,438 

1725 205 7,891 7,749  279 80,197 210,129 

1726 211 8,063 4,927  142 84,278 211,331 

1727 215 8,078 5,208  511 67,044 200,486 

1728  3 190 7,785 6,018  1,117 61,732 163,357 

1729 182 7,123 5,335  252 41,960 160,473 

1730 168 5,814 6,324  351 14.967 138,306 

1731 106 6,769 6,884  447 12,033 102,277 

1732 163 6,859 6,462  365 10,565 109,194 

1733 171 6,891 6,489  409 22,972 123,241 

1734 167 7,169 5,158  276 23,810 117,396 

*  See  above,  pp.  84-87,  for  story  of  seizure  of  Brandenburg  goods. 

-  Includes  moneys  collected  for  several  years  past,  and  now  disgorged  by 
guilty  oflScial. 

^  Before  1729,  the  fiscal  year  ended  in  March,  so  the  figures  entered  under 
1728  refer  to  the  year  from  March,  1728,  to  March,  1729.  With  1730  the  fiscal 
year  is  considered  to  end  in  December,  and  hence  the  records  for  1730  apply 
only  to  eleven  months. 

[332] 


APPENDIX  M  333 

COMPANY'S  RECEIPTS  AND  DEBTS  AT  ST.  THOMAS— Continued 

No.  of        Poll  and           Customs  Weighing         Debt  of             Debt  of 

Year                  Planters      Land  Tax          Receipts  Fees             Co.  to              planters 

planters  to  Co. 

1735 177 7,225 6,896    370 25,763 84,694 

1736 158 6,440 6,306    469 28.758 87,580 

1737 164 5,054 4,817    129 20,117 99,961 

1738 158 5,452 7,524    703 2,558 119,750 

1739 150 5,342 6,226    325 31,305 109,512 

1740 149 5,087 4,366    543 14,096 143,488 

1741 141 5,053 5,772    209 23,877 71,606 

1742 145 5,153 8,186    591 26,035 82,956 

1743 138 4,807 8,006    468 21,543 125,347 

1744 143 4,798 8,083    561 12,216 126,378 

1745 162 4,427 10,074    671 19,809 133,754 

1746 153 4,474 21,512    1,221 24,805 193,315 

1747 150 4,637 19,561    1,113 27,272 329,065 

1748 151 4,945 21,667    1,041 41,301 357,931 

1749 157 5,115 16,971    888 31,599 279,668 

1750 163 5,335 12,226    989 71,159 317,^79 

1751 165 5,552 14,947    877 42,549 385,243 

1752 151 5,551 10.448    773 83,611 443,376 

1753 160 5,545 16,754    1,078 40,272 491.601 

1754 168 5,745 10,830    1,036 34,409 503,515 


APPENDIX  N 

COxMPANY'S  RECEIPTS  AND  DEBTS  AT  ST.  CROIX  (1741-1753) 

Certain  of  the  Company's  Receipts  at  St.  Croix:  compiled  from  the  account  books  of 
the  Danish  West  India  and  Guinea  Company  (Rigsarkiv). 

No.  of       Poll  and  Customs  Weighing       Debt  of  Debt  of 

Year  Planters      land  tax  receipts '  fees  Co.  to  planters 

planters  to  Co. 

1741 764  rcM 52  rdl.. .  .   3,095  rdl.. . .  41,171  rdl. 

1742 84 2,807rdl....    1,207    66 3,065 41,180 

1743 122 2,589 972    64 2,949 49,863 

1744 202 4,029 1,868    83 3,347 57,869 

1745 199 4,662 1,773    108 12,464 76,058 

1746 195 4.529 3,733    171 15,864 98,633 

1747 207 5,158 8,202    250 20,313 136,007 

1748 204 5,402 8,887    234 25.111 202,941 

1749 218 5.830 9,139    286 35,187 79,642 

1750 246 7,107 10,458    408 69,186 169,788 

1751 288 7,587 26.465 392,425 

1752 332 8,081 13,358    562 25.619 452.866 

1753 355 8,624 13,976    673 16.125 562.089 

^  These  totals,  given  in  rdl.  only,  are  those  made  up  by  the  Company's  officials. 
The  greater  number  of  the  figures  given  exceed  by  50  rdl.  or  more  the  totals  de- 
rived from  the  Company's  cash  books,  where  the  receipts  are  entered  month  by 
month. 


[3S4] 


APPENDIX  O 

CAPITAL  INVESTED  AT  ST.  THOMAS  UNDER  PLAN  OF  1747 1 

Fixed  2  Circulating  ^  Private '  Interest  ^  Rate  oj  6 

capital  capital  capital  paid  interest 

1747 108,534 83,163 7,169 037 

1748 108,921 62,966 292,235 8,182 047 

1749 116,034 75,208 281,255 11,921 062 

1750 123,200 136,831 284,584 14,556 056 

1751 128,854 194,264 269,910 16,901 052 

1752 129,546 238,343 262,855 20,563 056 

1753 129,826 297,445 279,172 22,480 052 

1754 127,734 275,842 280,858 25,753 063 

^  From  Negotie  Journaler  for  St.  Thomas.    See  above,  pp.  221-222. 
^  Capital  Conto  vedk.  Comps.  faste  og  staaende  Fond. 
'  Capital  Conto  vedk.  Comps.  circulerende  Fond. 
*  Capital  Conto  vedk.  Comps.  particulaire  Vahre  og  tilstaaende  Gield. 
^  Interesse  Conto. 

'  The  rate  is  calculated  on  the  basis  of  the  "fixed"  and  "circulating"  capital, 
and  the  results  are  ofiPered  for  what  they  may  be  worth. 


[3351 


APPENDIX  P 

THE  COMPANY'S  BUSINESS  IN  BROWN  SUGAR 

(An  estimate  based  on  its  account  books) ' 

Income  Outgo ' 

Year  Lbs.  [Year]                                                             [Lbs.] 

1700  there  came  in 513,732  1700  waste  a  deducted 6,382 

and 356,568                                  and 2,158 

1701 94,456  1701  deducted 2,612 

and 209,149  1702         "        6.052 

1702  and  1703 560,545  1703  and  1704  nothing  deducted. 

1704 726,6.S3  1705 1 

1705 445,533  1706  }  nothing  [deductedl. 

1707} 

1706 299,539  1708  waste  deducted 205,869 


2707 723  992 

1708  to"  May  4 '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.['.'.'.    378!779  223,073 


4,310,976 
[4,308,9761 


During  the  period  that  the  late  Diderich  Mogensen  was  factor,  the  waste  deducted  is 
found  to  have  amounted  to  about  five  and  a  quarter  per  cent. 

no  waste  deducted. 


1709  there  came  in 1,036,048     1709  1  ^.^v^-v, 

1710 659,212     1710  L-.  u-.-eitu-. 

1711 93,085     1711 J  ^°'^  '^^^'^  ^"'^^'^■ 


1712 321,573     1712  deducted  "without  money." 

Total 95.276 

1713 554,660     1713  none. 

During  this  period,  during  the  greater  part  of  which  likewise  Diderich  Mogensen  was 
factor,  the  deducted  waste  is  found  to  have  amounted  to  a  little  over  three  and  a  half  per 
cent. 


no  waste  deducted. 


1714 659,666     1714 

1715 273,425     1715 

1716 131,114     1716.' 92,603 

1,064,205 

During  Soeberg's  term  as  factor,  the  waste  is  found  to  have  amounted  to  a  trifle  more 
than  eight  and  one-half  per  cent. 

1717 694,576  1717  1 

1718 248,861  1718 

1719 513,713  1719  \  no  waste  deducted. 

1720 617,944  1720 

1721 135,620  1721  J 

During  Schnelfejl's  and  Jan  Vlak's  terms  as  factor,  no  waste  is  found  to  have  been  de- 
ducted in  the  books,  hence  the  same  brown  sugar  from  those  years  remains,  \'iz.,  38,846 
lbs.  net,  which  makes  a  tolerable  waste,  viz.,  about  one  and  three-fourths  per  cent.,  which 
waste  will  be  deducted,  in  so  far  as  it  will  be  necessarj'  to  determine  the  actual  stock  on  hand. 

*  Translated  from  Secret-ProtocoUen  for  St.  Thomas,  1729-1730.  This  com- 
pilation was  made  by  Philip  Gardelin  at  the  instance  of  the  privy  coimcil  of  the 
island,  about  1729. 

-  For  saa  vidi  som  dend  paa  W.  &  T.  Reigning  afskrevne  Leccage  angaaer. 

'  Leccage. 


[336: 


APPENDIX  Q 

THE  COMPANY'S  BUSINESS  IN  COTTON 
(For  factor  Soeberg's  time,  according  to  the  booiiB)  ' 


Income 
Year]  Lbs. 

[1714 43,986 

1715 14,665 

1716  to  Sept.  14 28,927 

85,578 
So    he    (SiJeberg)     may    have 
charged    against    him    only    the 
stock  that  the  books  for  1713  in- 
dicate   to    have    been    on    hand, 

which  is 5,956 

Hence   there   still   remains   on 
Soeberg's  cotton  account 927 


Outgo 

[Year]  Lb». 

1714  delivered 38,093 

1715 15,386 

1716  to  Sept.  9 27,423 

Stock  delivered  to  Schnelfejl,  ac- 
cording to  books 1,923 

82,825 
The  Commission  has  decided  that 
Soeberg   must   pay,    for   cotton 
taken  out  of  the  warehouse  for 
Crone  and  himself 11,636 


94,461 


94.461 


Estimate  of  cotton  [handled]  in  Schnelfejl's  time, 

Received  from  Soeberg: 

Stock,  ace.  to  books 1,923 

1716  from  Sept.  incl(usive] 757 

1717  until  his  death,  Oct.  24 25,923 

Also  for  what  Soeberg  delivered 

in  1717,  which  he  is  credited  with 
by  the  Commission,  but  not  until 
now  in  the  books 1,103 


1716  nothing  delivered  out. 

1717  to  his  death 6,775 

Stock  at  Schnelfejl's  should  then  be  22,931 

29,706 


29,706 

[Cotton  handled]  in  factor  Jan  Vlak's  time. 

On  hand 22,931 

1717  from  Sept 3,479 

1718 23,096 

1719 30,591 

1720 26,786H 

1721  to  May  15 — on  the  19th  he 

was  suspended — there  came  in   10,810 

For  what  Soeberg  had  delivered 
in  1718  according  to  Jan  Vlak's 
own  account,  with  which  the  Com- 
mission has  credited  him,  but 
which  has  not  been  observed  until 
now 1 ,685 

.  . .  [ )  abus  which  ought  to  be  de- 
ducted from  the  capital  account. .     4,670 


1717  deUvered  from  Oct.  10 10,991 

1718 37,412 

1719 26,970H 

1720 30,407 

1721  to  April  29 8,760H 

Delivered   to   Stage  after  being 
properly  inventoried 915 

Hence  Vlak  has  fallen  short  in  his 

cotton  account 8,592H 


124, 048  H 


124,048H 


iProm   Seeret-Protocollen  for  St.    Thomas   (1729-1730),   compiled   by   Ph. 
Gardelin  at  instance  of  St.  Thomas  privy  council,  about  1729. 


337] 


APPENDIX  R 

RETURNS  ON  COMPANY'S  CAPITAL 

"  Gewinst  og  Verlies  Debet  til  Capital  Conto  "  .  .  .  "  saameqet  er  udi  dette  Aar 
vide  Gewinst  og  Verlies  Reigningen,  Gud  voire  oerit,  netto  vundet  som  paa  Capital 
Conto  p[er]  Soldo  hentransporteres." 

Numbers  in  parentheses  refer  to  months,  thus:  4  =  April. 

Year  RdlA  Year  Rdl. 

1688 3,825  1715 

1689  (4-10) 748  1716 4,606 

1690 1,669  1717 12,016 

1691 35,998  1718 8,698 

1692 no  acc't  1719 12,650 

1693  2 (542  1720 25,095 

1694-97 1721 10,222 

1698  (Aug.)  j  1722 12,973 

\ 14,020  1723 25,036 

1700  (Feb.)  I  1724 28,386 

1700 14,825  1725 21,792 

1701 2,904  1726 [loss— 662] 

1702  (2-6) 5,948  1727 14,729 

1703 29,180  1728 8,698 

1704 18,844  1729 35,386 

1705 6,678  1730 15,704 

1706 5,183  1731 26,449 

1707 22,899  1732 28,073 

1708 18,885  1733 39,760 

1709 26,008  1734 2,525 

1710 32,312  1735 29,610 

1711 21,366  1736 15,561 

1712 30,998  1737 4,782  ' 

1713 12,163  1738 15.165  * 

1714 30,879  1739 11,932 

'  The  marks  and  skilling  are  omitted  here. 

2  The  Thormohlen  and  Arff  leases  covered  most  of  this  period. 

'  "Because  of  the  many  expenses  in  connection  with  St.  Croix." 

*  "  Gewinst  til  Capital  Conto  burde  vcere  mere,  da  der  paa  Negere  de  Robert 
Stewart  og  Cornelis  Marskalk  ere  vundne  mindst  6,000  rdl.,  men  det  beregnes 
1739." 

[338] 


APPENDIX  R  339 

RETURN  ON  COMPANY'S  CAPITAL— Continued 

Year  Rdl.  Year  Rdl. 

1740 8.912  1748 34,631 

1741 15,991  1749 21,323  i 

1742 8,929  1750 19,384 

1743 15,040  1751 24.684 

1744 20,265  1752 20,159 

1745 23,278  1753 34,211 

1746 32,363  1754 28,567 

1747 29,418 

^  "  Vedk  Comps.  ■particulaire  Vahre  og  tUstaaende  Gidd." 


APPENDIX  S 

ST.  THOMAS  STATISTICS:  MISCELLANEOUS  (1700-1708;  1723-1754) 


Salaries 

1700 3,151  rdl. 

1701 3.279 

1702 1,085 

1703 4.694 

1704 

1705 3,989 

1706 2.978 

1707 3,082 

1708 

1723 6,368 

1724 10,665 

1725 10,318 

1726 6,026 

1727 10,323 

1728 7.211 

1729 8,359 

1730 13,501 

1731 9,145 

1732 9,121 

1733 9,389 

1734 7,912 

1735 8,189 

1736 8,525 

1737 10,251 

1738 9,461 

1739 10,820 

1740 9,983 

1741 10,626 

1742 10,203 

1743 9.484 

1744 8,338 

1745 8,418 

1746 8,960 

1747 9,827 

1748 9,360 

1749 10,036 

1750 15,553 

1751 13,482 

1752 14,057 

1753 14,557 

1754 13.633 


Governor's 
table 


.5,951 


Interest  Value  of         Ammunition 

account  Chrislianforl  account 

9,750  rdl 4,825  rd/. 

.4,757 
.6,.561 
.6,213 
.  5,900 
.  5,835 
.  5,874 
.  5,783 
.6,025 
.4,988 
4,410 


9,750 

9,750 

9,750 

9,750 

9,750 

9,750 

9,750 

9.750 

6.620 10,570 

10,570 

10,570 

3.109 10.570 

347 10.570 

671 5.876 10.570 

671 25.313 10.570 

671 10.457 10.570 

671 11.009 10,570 


671. 
671. 
671. 


.18,208 10,570 

.    6,925 10,570 

.   3,265 20.385 

.18.130 22.627 

.   3,849 

.    1.065 

.   4.482 

.   3.056 

.    1,940 

.    1,911 

.   2.421 

.   2.137 

.   3.303 

.   3.471 

.   4.445 

.   7.169 10,000 

.   8.182 

.11.921 

.14.556 

.16.901 

.20.563 

.22,480 

.25.753 


.4,902 
.4,605 
4,924 
5,651 
.  5,780 
.  5,700 
.5,721 
.6,078 
.5,547 
.4,606 
.  3,904 
.4,528 
.4,509 
.4,738 
.4,629 
.4,527 
.4.142 
.4.141 
.3,835 
.3,399 
.3,997 
.3,982 
.4,537 
.3,011 
.3,201 
.4,607 
.4,523 
.4,553 
.  5,333 
.4,544 


*  This  represents  the  accumulated  expenses  of  several  years.  Govemorg 
Crone  and  Bredal  each  had  long.l  tedious  disputes  with  the  directors  con- 
cerning allowances  for  table  expenses. 


340  J 


1742. 
1743. 
1744. 
1745. 
1746. 
1747. 
1748. 
1749. 
1750. 
1751. 
1752. 
1753. 


APPENDIX  T 

ST.  CROIX  STATISTICS:  MISCELLANEOUS  (1742-1753) 

Lost  OT  gained  on 
Salary'        "Interest         Princess         LaGrange       Value  of^      Value  oj^  Profit  on^ 
account        account"       plantation       plantation        Princess       LaGrange       capital 

.4,826 539 4,173 23,540 4,752 

.4,635 983 4,134 25,005 4,426 

.4,266 1,616 2,781 25,162 4,763 

.    5,769 2,524 2,254 — 46 26,097 3,520 7,446 

.   7,128 4,370 4,383 —194 26,178 3,770 14,902 

.    5,822 6,622 11,023 —617 38,088 8,216 37,002 

.   6,732 11,127 — 4,064 — 4,509 60,889 11,716 

.   8,314 4,207 1,614 —1,635 65,559 14,947 6,820 

.10,256 38,660 1,493 —1,107 67,718 14,676 

67,966 14,595 

.10,845 23,791 8,236 —337 78,568 38,660 40,291 

.   9,739 29,778 9,353 —655 78,888 39,930 50,365 


'  Sallario  Conto. 

^  The  Princess  plantation  lay  a  short  distance  northwest  from  Christiansted; 
La  Grange,  on  the  shores  of  West  End  Bay.  Both  belonged  to  the  Company. 
See  map  of  St.  Croix,  opposite  p.  248. 

^  The  writer  makes  no  attempt  to  explain  the  apparent  discrepancy  between 
the  inventory  value  of  LaGrange  plantation,  and  the  losses  recorded  against 
it.  The  accounts  of  the  Company  often  arouse  fear  and  wonder  rather  than 
understanding  in  the  observer.  Perhaps  they  fulfil  thereby  their  intended  mis- 
sion. 

*  These  figures  seem  to  represent  the  returns  on  the  capital  invested  by  the 
Company  upon  St.  Croix. 


(8411 


APPENDIX  U 

LIST  OF  SHAREHOLDERS  IN  THE  ROYAL  CHARTERED  DANISH 
WEST  INDIA  AND  GUINEA  COMPANY,  AND  SHARES  HELD  IN 
THE  COMPANY  AND  REFINERY  IN  THE  YEAR  1751  i 

Company        Refinery 
shares  shares 

1.  Det  Kongelige  Huus. 

Hans  Kongl,  Mt.  Vores  AUernaadigste  Konge 8  2 

Hendes  Mayt.  Dronningen  Lovise 4  1 

Hendes  Kongl.  Hoihed  Princesse  Charlotte  Amalia 16  4 

2.  Praeses. 

Hans  Hoi  Grsevel.  Excel.  Hr.  Geheime  Raad  og  Oberhof- 

marechal  Adam  Gotlob  Moltke 8     2 

3.  Directeureme. 

Hr.  Justitz  Raad  Peter  Lemvig 10^ 2 

Hr.  Etatz  Raad  Herman  L.  Klocker 8     2 

Hr.  Agent  Johan  Friderich  Vewer 7     2 

"        "     Joost  von  Hemmert 8     2 

4.  Hoved  Participanterne. 

Hr.  Etatz  Raad  Johannes  Valeur 5}4 l^/g 

"    Capitaine  Jesper  Richardt 7  1^ 

"   Justitz  Raad  Oluf  Blach 8  2 

5. 

Sr.  Hans  Christian  Oelgoed 8  2 

"  Peter  Boertman 7  3 

6.  Participantere. 
Hans  Hoy  Grsevel.  Excel.  Hr.  Ferdinand  Anthon  Grsev  af 

Danneschiold  til  Lauerwigen 9  8 

Hr.  Feldtmarschal  og  General  Schulenborg 4  1 

Hr.  Geheime  Raad  von  Berchentin 4  1 

Afg.  Hr.  Geheime  Raad  von  Schulin 4  1 

Hana  Excel.  Hr.  Vice  Statholder  Geheime  Conferentz  Raad 

Jakob  Benzon 20J^ i% 

Hr.  General  og  Commandant  M.  Numsen 8  2 

Hr.  Geheime  Conf .  Raad  Claus  v.  Reventlau 2  1 

'  From  Werlauff  MSS.  No.  22,  Royal  Library.  On  account  of  the  impossibil- 
ity of  finding  exact  equivalents  for  many  of  the  titles,  they  are  transcribed  as 
they  are  found  in  the  manuscript,  nor  is  any  attempt  made  to  correct  the  tran- 
scriber 8  spelling. 

[342] 


APPENDIX  U  S4S 

LIST  OF  SHAREHOLDERS— Con<i/med        Company        Refinery 

shares  shares 

Afgt.  Hr.  Geh.  Conf.  Raad  og  Baron  Gersdorf 2     

Afgt.  Hr.  Geh.  Conf.  Raad  Grseve  af  Gyldensteen  ...   7     l^/g 

Afgt.  Hr.  Geheime  Raad  og  Baron  Christian  Gylden- 

crone 1}4 IM 

Hr.  Geheime  Raad  Carl  von  Holstein 2     J^ 

"  "  "     Fridrich  W.  von  Holstein 2     }4 

"  "  "     von  der  Osten 8     2 

"  "  "     og  Baron  von  Dehn 4     1 

"  "  "     Demerciere 2     J^ 

"  "  "     Victor  von  Plessen 4     1 

"  "  "     Eggert.  Christ,  v.  Linstow 5     2 

"     Otto  Kot 1     1 

"  "  "     Oberhofmester  von  Juel 2     J^ 

"  "  "     Ober  Jsegermester  von  Gram 4     1 

"  "  "     Ober  Kammer  Junker  v.  der  Liihe  3     % 

Afgt.  Stiftamtmand  Adolph  Andreas  von  der  Liihe 

Ridder 5     2 

Hr.  Stiftamtmand  Holger  Scheel  Ridder  Johan  Albrecht 

Vith  Ridder 2     1 

Hr.  Vice  Admiral  Friderich  Hoppe 23^ ^/a 

Hr.  Vice  Admiral  Wilhelm  Lemvig ^/g J^ 

Hr.  Envoye  Extraordinaire  Walther  Titly 4     1 

Hr.  Kammer  Herre  Buchwaldt 4     1 

"  "  "     Christian  von  Stocken 5     1 

"  "  "      von  Staffelt 1 

"  "  "     Willum  Berregaard 10     2^ 

Frue  Geheime  Raadinde  Enke  af  Holstein 4     1 

Frue  Grsevinde  Knudt 8     2 

"         Amalia  Georgine  von  Schmettau 1     }4, 

Froken  Hofmesterinde  von  der  Osten 12     3 

Afg.  Frue  Baronesse  von  Gersdorf 12     2 

Frue  Wibeke  Krag  Generalindc  von  Eindten 1     3 

Frue  Generalinde  von  Stocken 4     1 

Hr.  Conferentz  Raad  Hans  Seidelin 4 J^ J^ 

"    SchoUer 2     H 

"  "     afgt.  Carl  von  Brandt 2     2 

"    afgt.  Lars  Benzon 2j/^ 1 

"  "  "     Baron  Matthias  von  Gyldencrone ...    1     M 

Frue  Conferentz  Raadinde  Rostgaard lOj/^ 2j^ 

Hr.  Etatz  Raad  Friderich  Holmsted 13j^ 

"   Gregorius  Klauman 8     2% 

"        "  "  Laurits  Munck 2     3^ 

"        "  "  Johan  F.  Friis 8     2 


344  APPENDIX  U 

LIST  OF  SHAREHOLDERS— Continued        Company        Refinery 

Shares  Shares 

Afg.  Etatz  Raad  Severin  Wartberg 3  5^ 

"    Thomas  Bartholin 2J^ 2 

Frue  Etatz  Raadinde  Weyse 2J^ 1 

Kammer  Jomfrue  Packo 4  1 

Hr.  Hof  Predicant  Bluhme 3  

Hr.  Lt.  (?)  Able  le  maire 1  ^ 

"   Oberst  Lieutenant  Hans  Albert  von  der  LUhe 1  

"        "  "  "     Christian  Scholler 1  J^ 

Frue  Anna  Stokfleth  SI.  Oberste  Brugmans 1  J<^ 

Hr.  Major  Friderick  Scholler 1  ^ 

"   Brand  Major  Johan  Boye  Junge 1  J^ 

Frue  Commandeur  Milhlenforts 4  1 

Kammer  Jimker  Adam  Levin  von  Dincklage 3  

Hr.  Commandeur  Capitaine  Gyntelberg  paa  Hr.  Cancel- 

lieraad  Laurentz  Kreyers  Naf n 3  2 

Hr.  Justitz  Raad  Diderick  Chr.  Lemvig J^ % 

"        "  '■  Schroder 1  J^ 

"        "  "   Putschier 3  % 

"        "  "  Johan  Finckenhagen 2  }4 

"        "  "   Bredo  Munthe 4  1 

"        "  "   Henrich  de  Hielmstierne 2  J^ 

"        "  "   Anthon  Fabritius 1  1 

"  Klarup 1  1 

"  "  Christian  Lintrup 5  J^ 

"        "  "   afg.  Iver  Jentof t J^ 1 

Hr.  Agent  Just  Fabritius 5  1 

"        "     Pieter  van  Hurk 1  1 

"        **     Herman  de  Place 4  1 

afgh.  Andreas  Biorn 43  4% 

Fr.  Justitz  Raadinde  Henrichsen 4  1 

Hr.  Capitaine  Michael  Johan  Herbst 2  J^ 

"       og  Reg.  Qv.  Mester  Peter  Kellerman 1  }4 

"       afgt.  T.  G.  Vieth 1  M 

Hr.  Cancellie  Raad  Hans  Riegelsen 2  54 

"  "      Simon  Borthuus 2  J^ 

Hr.  Kammer  Raad  Rasmus  Fugl 2  ]/2 

"    Georg  Henrich  Johan  Schmieden 2  J4 

"    Jens  Erick  Hauck 1  1 

Hr.  Consistorial  Raad  Provst  Mathias  Hvid 2  ^ 

Froken  Margrethe  Lemvig 2  ^ 

Frue  Assessor  Johan  Laverentzen 2  J^ 

Hr.  Raadmand  Thomas  Ziemer 4  

Hans  Hoist  de  Place 6  1 


APPENDIX  U  345 

LIST  OF  SHAREHOLDERS— Con^zViMcd        Company        Refinery 

shares  shares 

Hr.  Raadmand  Johan  Fridrick  Holmsted 1  2 

"  "  Johan  Didrich  Bechman 2  j^ 

Hr.  Apothequer  Christopher  Herfort  Mangor 1  }^ 

Hr.  Laugmand  Johan  Aradt  Jentof  t i  }^ 

Hr.  Rg.  Qvart.  Mester  Otto  Borthuus 5  % 

Hr.  Inspecteur  og  Landsdommer  P.  Kraft 2  J^ 

Hr.  Borgemester  Johan  Daniel  Baiur 6  1 

Hr.  Vice  Borgemester  Gabriel  Ferdinand  Milan 2  ^2 

Hr.  Secreterer  Bretonville 4  1 

"  "        Denis  Lucass 1  J4 

Hr.  Johan  de  Lehn 2J^ 1 

Hr.  Friderich  de  Peloy 1  J^ 

"   Thomas  Blixenchiold 2  H 

"    Peter  Henrich  Meyer  Ober  Kiobmand  og  2  '"  Stemme 

i  det  Secrete  Raad  i  Tranquebahr 2  J^ 

"   afgt.  Johannes  Laurens  von  Castenschiold 5  }/^ 

"   afgt.  Commandant  paa  St.  Thomas  Friderick  Moth ...  5  J^ 

Hr.  Christen  Host 1  }4 

Hr.  Slotsforvalter  Bernhard  Voldenberg 1  1 

Soe  Qveesthuuset  i  Kiobenhafn 20  

Hr.  Taxadeur  Jaeger J4 

Johan  Ludvig  Abbestee 1  ^i 

Lyder  Schielderop 8  2 

Johan  Christopher  Cramer 1  h 

Abraham  Pelt 4  1 

Peder  Morbeck 1  1 

Reinhard  Iselin /a 

Johan  Friderich  Gioring 4  1 

Andreas  Kellinghuusen 2  J4 

Peter  and  Johan  Wasserf  all 1  /^ 

Johan  Conrad  Colsman 1  ^/9 

Henrich  Peter  Werner 1  H 

Niels  Schot 4  1 

Sven  Kobke 2  }4 

Fridrich  Barfoed 1  Va 

Carl  Fitzman J^ J^ 

Herman  Murcken 1  3^ 

Povel  Pletz 2  Vg 

Christopher  Bartholin 2j^ 

Eggert  Rasmusen 1  ^/g 

Johan  Lyders 2  J^ 

Arnoldus  de  Fine  Olivarius 2  

Peter  Ursin 1  


346  APPENDIX  U 

LIST  OF  SHAREHOLDERS— Conh'nwed        Company        Refinery 

shares  shares 

Hr.  Johan  Jiirgen  von  Bergen 1     

"   Joseph  Zyber 2     J^ 

Mr.  Pierre  Boue  &  Sohne 2     J^ 

"   Morten  Kirchetorp 1     34 

af  g.  Casserer  Daldorph 5  i 

"    Messieurs  Johan  Peter  Isenberg  &  Sohn 4  1 

[afg.?]  Martin  Vajrn 8  l}4 

Casserer  Johan  Fridrich  Dalen 5}/^ 1 

Equipage  Mester  Christian  Fridrich  Irgens 1  

Bogholder  Peder  Brandorph 1  34 

Andreas  Lossejus  Dreger 1  

Madame  U.  Johannes  Colsman 1  ^/g 

"         de  la  Tour 1  

Jomf rue  Marie  Kirstine  Meyer 4  1 

"        Christine  Deichman 1  34 

"       Catharina  Elizabeth  Colsman 1  J^ 

"        Marie  Gerdrant  Colsman 1  3^ 

Gud  giv  Lykke  og  Velsignelse 4  1 

N.  B.  Hr.  Etatz  Raad  Klaumann. 
Meliora  Speramus. 

N.  B.  Hr.  Biskop  Pontoppidan 2  3^ 

Meliora  Speramus. 

N.  B.  Hr,  Professor  Reus 2  3^ 

Devise:  A.  M.  T. 

N.  B.  Hr.  Terchelsen 4  1 

Devise:  G.  C.  B.  &  C.  F.  B. 

N.  B.  Casserer  Dahlen 1 

Devise:  B.  J.  M. 

N.  B.  Bertel  Jacobsen  Moller 1  

Jomf  rue  Anna  Catharina  Hermanst 3^ 

"        Maria  Catharina  de  Riddere 3^ 

Hr.  Hieronymo  Alberto  de  Lindeman  Baron  de  Nevelstein .     5  1 

Johannes  Henricus  Emmerechts 1  

Pierre  Frangois  Hermans. 
Madame  Angela  Borckelman  H.  L.  Franciscus  van  te  Wenter 

Enke 1  

Hr.  Guillaume  de  Troy  (?) 2  }i 

"   Jan  Bap'"'  Bosch 2  }4 

D'Heer  Frangois  Joseph  Chapel 2  3^ 

Hr.  Poul  Jacobs 1  34 

"   Charles  Joseph  de  Man 2  3^ 

"   Johannes  Jacobus  Moretus 16  4 

Cornelius  von  Winghen 3  % 


APPENDIX  U  347 

LIST  OF  SHAREHOLDERS— Contonued        Company        Refinery 

shares  shares 

D'Heer  Henry  Geelhand  Heere  van  Mersen 12  3 

Hr.  Caspar  Baudier 4  1 

"  Anthoine  Andre  Dendon 4  1 

"   Louis  Frangois  de  Coninck 8  2 

JouflFrouw  Maria  Catharina  Wermoelen 2  J^ 

Hr.  Jean  Roggens 2  J^ 

"   Thomas  Josephus  de  Bie 4  2 

"   Anthonio  Gerhardo  Wellens 4  1 

"   Jacobus  Theodorus  Wellens 5  1 

"   Peter  Anthon  Wellens 8  2 

"   Norberto  Levies  de  Vael 12  4 

"  Josephus  de  Potter 1  1 

"    Jean  F.  M.  Lunde 8  2 

"   Gotfriede  UUens 4 1 

"   Pieter  Nic  de  Vos 4  2 

"  Jean  Bastyn 4  1 

"   Fransiscus  Emanuel  van  Ertbom 12  3 

"   Joan  Kramp 2  H 

"   Josephus  Albertus  Bartelo 2  

Chevalier  Engelbertus  Maria  Borrekins 8  2 

Hr.  T.  de  Jonge 6  1}4 

Madame  Weduve  Amoldt  de  Pret 4  1 

Madame  Maria  Isabella  Clare  Goris 4  1 

Hr.  Gotfried  Josephus  von  Possenrode  (?) 4  1 

"   Johannes  Josephus  &  Judserus  (?)  Hubertus  Pelgrom.  .    2J4 

"   Michael  Auvray 4  1 

"  Johannes  Josephus  Pelgrom 1  

"  Joan  Bap^°  Guielmo  Joseph  Vicomte  de  Fraula  Heere 

van  Rosier  bois 8  2 

Juff rouw  Anna  Philippina  &  Isabella  Regina  Reyns 1  

D'Heer  Balthazar  Moretus 8  2 

"      Charles  Vilain  XIII 1  

Hr.  Theodorus  Meulemaer 2  }4 

Hr.  Baron  W.  von  Krassow 3  

Madame  Maria  Boon  Weduve  van  de  Heer  Jacques  Schen- 

aerta 4  1 

Hr.  Adrian  Jansen 1  1 

D'Heer  Jean  Francois  Le  Grelle,  Cum  Uxore  Maria  Isabella 

Broeta 4  1 

"      Guilliehnus  F.  Le  Grelle 4  1 

"      Norbert  Goris 6  1 

"      F.  F.  Moretus 4  14 

Joncker  Petrus  van  Schorel  Heer  van  Vilryk 2  


348  APPENDIX  U 

LIST  OF  SHAREHOLDERS— CoMfmued        Company        Refinery 

shares  shares 

JoDcker  Joannes  Bap  "  Cock  Scheppen 1  

D'Heer  Peter  Neyhaus 4  1 

Me.  Vrouw  I.  B.  Cogels 24  1 

Hr.  Petrus  Verbert 1  

D'Heer  Jan  Henry  Lienard 4  1 

"      Joncker  Petrus  van  Schorel  Heere  van  Vilryck,  en  de 

Vrouwe  Anna  Maria  de  Clewes 2  1 

Hr.  Petrus  Reneus  van  Maes 1  

D'Heer  J.  G.  Knyff 8  2 

D'Heer  Michael  Joannes  Anthonius  Kuyff 1  

"      Jodocus  Morell 4  1 

Hr.  Adrian  Vleshouwer 4  1 

Juffrouw  Joanna  van  Laer 4  1 

D'Heer  Anthonia  Le  Begge 4  1 

"      Jean  Joseph  Pintena 2  M 

"      Charles  I.  Roose 4  1 

Me.  Vrouw  Maria  Theresia  Carolina  Knyff  Douariere  '  van 

Joan  Carlos  Bosscbardt 12  3 

D'Heer  Jean  Andre  Pietier 4  1 

D'Heer  F.  F.  Stevens 7  l}/^ 

Madame  La  Douariere  van  Collin  de  Bombout 2  J^ 

D'Heer  Joan  van  Eersel 4  1 

Hr.  Bernardo  Rottier 2  J^ 

"   Jan  B.  F.  Torfs 2  }4 

"   F.  Xaverius  Pick 2  J-^ 

Dame  Anna  Maria  Catharina  van  den  Branden  Douariere 

van  de  Heer  Carlo  Francisco  de  Bosscbardt 4  1 

Hr.  Guilliame  Vrancke  a  Loven 4  1 

"   Franciscus  Engelgrave 4  1 

D'Heer  Jean  Alexander  Guyot 4  1 

Me.  Juffrouw  Isabella  von  Laer 2  J^ 

D'Heer  Josepbus  Alexander  de  Pauw 2  J^ 

"      Peter  Jaspers 2  J^ 

Hr.  Petrus  Joannes  von  Setter 4  1 

"   Noe  Hellin 2  J4 

"   Jean  Charles  Cocqueel 4  1 

"   Guilielmo  Carlo  Lunden 8  2 

"   Joes  E.  Pieters 4  1 

D'Heer  James  Dormer 4  1 

Hr.  Samuel  Diderick  Mutzenbecker 1  M 

"   Bosanquet 2  1 

Madame  Sal.  Herman  Rendorfs 2  H 

*  Dowager. 


APPENDIX  U  349 

LIST  OF  SHAREHOLDERS— Con/inucd         Company         Refinery 

shares  shares 

Hr.  Jon  Frangois  Maximilian  de  Baltin  Raedt  en  Secre- 

tarius  der  Stadt  Antwerpen 2     J/^ 

Hr.  Leonardus  de  Bie 2     

Juffrouw  Isabella  Frangois  de  Bie 2     

Me.  Vrouw  de  Weduwe  van  de  Heer  Frangois  Mols 4     1 

Summa 1,000 260 


ERRATA 

Pap'e  xiii.     Fnlloiriiu/  Chap.  XI,  insert  line: 

Supplementary  Chapter:  1755-1917 243 

Page    2,  line  10.     Otnit  since. 

Page  30,  note  62.     For  1655,  read  1665. 

Page  130,  note  24.     For  Appendix  H,  p.  407,  read  Appendix  T,  p.  319. 

Page  260,  line  17.     For  Dietrichs,  read  Diedriclis. 

Page  294,  line  11.     For  oitlier,   read   other. 

Page  307,  line  2.       Omit  them. 

Page  359,  column  one,  line  7.     Bead  Swedish  ambassiidor. 


INDEX 


Achard,  F.  C,  Berlin  chemist,  253 
Adder,  F.  C,  190 
Adeler,  Kordt,  Danish  admiral,  35 
Aix  la  Chapelle,  peace  of  (1748),  234 
Alaska,  purchase  of,  257,  259 
American    Revolution.     See  Revolu- 
tion. 
Amiens,  Peace  of  (1802),  251 
Anguilla,  English  Leeward  island,  113 
Antigua,  12,  24,  5.3,  115,  229 
Area  of  Danish  West  Indies,  2 
Arff,   N.  J.,  81,  95-97,   passim,   104 

(n.  36),  141,  145,  205 
Aaiento,  89,  137,  227 
Augsburg  League,  War  of,  81, 187,  208 

B 

Barbados,  11,  40.  49,  115,  116,  127, 

1.38,  215,  252 
Barbuda,  12 
Barlovento  fleet,  111 
Beer,  G,  L.,  cited,  47.  117,  138  (n.  4, 

5).  141 
Bellamont.   Lord,   governor   of   New 

England.  114,  115,  118 
Benbow,  John,  English  rear-admiral, 

117,  118 
Bergen,  13,  19,  31,  36,  37,  136,  238, 

merchants  in  West  India  trade,  44 

(n.),  98 
Berlin,  86 
Bermudas,  11,  12 
Bemstorff,  A.  P.,  247 
Bemstorff,  J.  H.  E.,  240,  243 
Berregaard,  C,  190 
Beverhoudt,  John,  38,  169,  173 
Bille,  Steen  A..  53  (n.  22),  66  (n.  66) 


Biss,  Thomas,  50 

Blenacq,  Count  of,  110 

Board  of  Trade,  22,  23,  27,  31,  32,  45, 

104,  179,  180,  190,  191.  221,  240. 

306-314 
Bond,    George,    Enghsh    pirate,    53 

(n.  21).  55 
Bonnoust.  Pierre,  210,  211 
Bosal  negroes,  157,  159 
Boston,  231 
Brandenburg  African  Company.  70; 

chapter  III;  97,  99-104,   108-112, 

116-120,  130.  131.  142,  145.  146 
Brandenburg,  Elector  of,  44,  70,  71- 

77.  83.  87,  88,  90,  91,  93,  94 
Brazil,  19,  137 
Breda,  treaty  of  (1667),  24 
Bredal,     Erik,     governor,     128-130; 

signature  (1731),  128,  181,  184,  192, 

193,  196,  197,  201,  246  (n.  4),  315- 

317 
Brehan,  L.  R.  H.  de.    See  Pl^lo. 
Bremen,  1,  191,  309 
British  West  India  islands,  139.    See 

also  Barbados.  Nevis,  Montserrat, 

etc. 
Brochard,  J.  C.    See  Charapigny. 
Bromsebro,  Peace  of  (1645),  19 
Brun,  Constantine,  Danish  minister, 

260,  261 
Buccaneers  in  West  Indies,  25.  47-51 
Burgher  council.  232,  239 
Burke,  William.  Irish  trader,  49,  115- 

119,  passim. 


Cabo  Cor  so.    Sec  Cape  Coast. 

Caille,  Moses,  64,  80 

Calvinist  faith,  190.  191.  210,  214 


[351] 


352 


INDEX 


Campeachy,  26,  41.  134,  233 

Cape  Coast,  Guinea,  21,  76 

Cape  Three  Points,  Guinea,  73,  139 

(n.7) 
Capel,  Arthur.    See  Essex,  Earl  of 
Cargoes,  character,  distribution,  etc., 

134-136 
Caribbean  and  General  Gazette,  West 

Indian  newspaper,  244 
Caribs.    See  Indians. 
Carlile,  Charles,  English  captain,  53 
Carloff,    Henry,    Swedish    factor    in 

Guinea,  20,  21 
Carolina  and  paper  money,  196 
Carstensen,  George  {Jorgen),  189,  192 
Carthagena,  115 
Castenskiold.    See  Carstensen. 
Champigny,     Marquis     de     (J.     C. 

Brochard),  211 
Charisius,  Jonas,  Danish  envoy,  16 
Charles  II,  king  of  England,  23,  36,  41 
Charles  II,  king  of  Spain,  26 
Charles  X,  king  of  Sweden,  20,  23; 

Charles  XII,  188 
Charlotte  Amalia,  105,  122,  252 
Charter  of  1671,  translation  of,  294- 

298;  of  1697,  299-302 
Christian  I,  Danish  king,  15;  Chris- 
tian II,  14,  15;  Christian  IV,   16; 

interest  in  trade  and  exploration, 

16-19;  Christian  V.  31-34,  36,  37, 

40,  41,  87,  162,  179;  Christian  VI, 

201,  213,  228;  Christian  VII,  247 
Christiania,     19,    136;    ship    at    St. 

Thomas,  44  (n.) 
Christiansborg,  Guinea  "castle,"  21, 

40  (n.  24),  80,  140,  182,  213 
Christiansted,  235 
Christianswsern,  St.  Croix  fort,  217 
Clausen,   Peter,   governor,   237,   244, 

245 
Coins.   See  Money. 
Colbert  and  Denmark,  27,  28,  40  (n.); 

his  policy,  42,  208 
Colomo,  J.  J.,  Porto  Rico  governor, 

228 


Colonization  of  New  World  by 
Europe,  summary,  0-13 

Company,  Danish  West  India,  first 
proposed,  18;  esUiblishment,  31; 
compared  with  Hudson  Bay  Com- 
pany, 32-33;  charter,  32-35;  settle- 
ment of  St.  Thomas,  35-44;  trou- 
bles with  early  governors,  46,  68, 
'passim;  lease  of  St.  Thomas  to 
Brandenburg  African  Company, 
Ch.  Ill;  Thormohlen  lease,  95,  98- 
104;  ArflF  lease,  Guinea,  95-97; 
resumption  of  West  Indian  fac- 
tories, 105-109;  governor's  posi- 
tion, 119,  120;  its  plantations,  130- 
133;  European  trade,  135,  136; 
African  slave  trade,  144-156;  claims 
against  Spain,  161;  relations  with 
planters,  179-198;  St.  Croix  ac- 
quired, 199-212;  reorganization 
(1733-34),  204-207;  French  transfer 
of  St.  Croix,  210,  211;  the  new 
charter,  Ch.  XI;  Plan  of  1747,  221, 
222;  sale  of  Company's  stock  to 
king,  240 

"Convention  of  1747,"  155,  221,  222. 
230,  233,  237,  238 

Copenhagen,  13,  62,  65-68,  73,  81, 
136,  180,  188-90,  201,  213.  220,  233. 

Cotton,  43,  123-125,  180,  104,  204, 
216,  217,  223,  227,  233,  253,  254,  337 

Courland,  21,  68  (n.  73),  80 

Crab  island,  70,  73  (n.  7),  80,  87.  102, 
107,  111,  119,  160,  213,  299,  316 

Crappe,  Roland,  17 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  28 

Crone,  Michael,  governor,  180,  184, 
191,  192 

Curasao,  Dutch  island,  12,  69,  106, 
110-112,  115,  116,  147,  248  (n.  6) 

D 

Danish  West  India  Company,  first 
proposal  for  u,  18 

"Danish  West  Indies,"  recent  planta- 
tion company,  256 


INDEX 


353 


Dansborg.    See  Malabar. 

Danzig,  29 

Darien  Company  (Scotch),  119,  189. 
See  also  W.  Paterson,  J.  Smith. 

de  Baas,  French  governor  of  St.  Croix, 
42 

Delavigne,  Francis,  governor,  89, 100- 
103,  110,  183 

Delicaet,  Jochum,  St.  Thomas  cap- 
tain 50,  5Q  (n.  35),  69,  84 

Denmark-Norway,  rise  of  nationality, 
13;  contest  with  Hanseatic  League, 
13-14;  humanistic  movement,  14; 
North  Atlantic  explorations,  16-17; 
war  of  1643-45  with  Sweden,  19; 
loss  of  Swedish  provinces,  20;  ab- 
solute monarchy  established,  21-22; 
alliance  with  England  in  1670,  24 

Deurloo,  Peter,  St.  John  planter,  169, 
174 

de  Windt.    See  Windt. 

Diedrichs,  von,  German  admiral,  260 

Directors  of  Company,  list  of,  290-291 

Dominica,  23 

Dover,  secret  treaty  (1670).  24,  27 

Du  Casse,  French  governor,  110,  112 

Dutch,  activities  of,  2,  16,  27,  36,  41, 
42,  55;  in  West  Indies,  12,  38,  83, 
109,  130,  147,  151;  in  Guinea,  21, 
74,  86,  142,  144;  in  East  Indies.  10, 
11,  17 

Dyppel.    See  Iversen. 

E 

East  Asiatic  Company,  Danish  ship- 
ping 6rm,  252,  261 

East  Friesland,  77 

East  India  Company.  Danish,  11,  31, 
201 

Edwards,  Bryan,  on  St.  John's  harbor, 
4  (n.  5);  139,208 

Elizabeth,  queen  of  England,  13 

Elizabeth  Farnese,  199 

Elsinore,  15,  29,  35,  52,  1.36 

Emden.  77,  79,  83,  86,  92 


English  in  West  Indies,  settlements  of, 

2,  12,  26,  47-60,  222-224,  315-317 
Esmit,  Adolph,  St.  Thomas  governor, 

50-58;  signature  (1687),  66,  97,  109, 

123,  127 
Esmit,  Charity,  wife  of  Adolph,  52, 

53,  55-57,  61,  62,  66-69,  303-305 
Esmit,  Nicholas,  second  St.  Thomas 

governor,    election,    43;    signature 

(1682),    46;    governorship,    46-50; 

52,  53  (n.  21),  66 
Essex,  Earl  of,  in  Copenhagen,  24,  26, 

36 
Exquemelin,  John,  cited,  49  (n.  8) 

F 

Fabricius,  Knud,  cited,  27,  28,  31 

Falaiseau,  Brandenburg  envoy,  86, 
90,91 

Farnese.    See  Elizabeth. 

Fero,  Danish  ship,  37,  39 

Fish,  Hamilton,  American  secretary 
of  state,  259 

Fleury,  Cardinal,  199,  200 

Flushing  (Vlissingen),  72 

Fortuna,  Danish  ship,  58,  60,  61,  63,  64 

Foster,  John  W.,  American  secretary 
of  state,  259 

Frederick  III,  Elector  of  Branden- 
burg, 83,  91 

Frederick  II,  Danish  king,  15;  Fred- 
erick III,  20,  21,  33,  36,  37;  Fred- 
erick IV,  104,  201;  Frederick  V, 
239,  240,  243 

Frederick  II,  king  of  Prussia,  227 

Frederick  William  I,  Great  Elector, 
71-94,  passim. 

Frederick  William  I,  king  of  Prussia, 
91,94 

Fredericksborg,  Guinea,  21 

Fredericksted,  St.  Croix,  235 

French  in  West  Indies,  early  settle- 
ment of,  12-13 

Friis,  D.  ^..fiscal.  172,  174 

Froling,  Danish  lieutenant,  174 


354 


INDEX 


Gabel,  Frederick,  Danish  ambassador 

in  France,  27  (n.  55) 
Gardelin  MSS..  cited,  168,  169,  170- 

174,  210 
Gardelin,  Philip,  governor,  signature 
(1732),  166;  his  mandate  on  slave 
disorders,  167;  the  St.  John  insur- 
rection, 168-178,  passim;  181,  182, 
197,  246  (n.  4) 
Gilded  Crown,  Danish  yacht,  37 
Gioe,  Marcus,  Danish  ambassador  in 

London,  41 
Gliickstadt,  as  rival  of  Hamburg,  19; 
Guinea  company  formed  in  G.,  21, 
29;  company  absorbed  into  West 
India  company,  40;  M.  J.  Hen- 
riques'  petition  to  trade  in  slaves, 
96  (n.  9) 
Governors  in  West  Indies  and  Guinea, 

list  of,  285-289 
Great  Fredericksburg,  Guinea,  76,  92, 

93 
Greenland,  14,  19,  20 
Griffenfeld.    See  Schumacher,  Peter. 
Gross-FriedricJisberg.    See  Great  Fred- 
ericksburg. 
Guadaloupe,  peace  of,  23;  island,  12, 

25,  249 
Guinea   coast,    Swedish   factory,   21, 
Danish  factor  of  Gliickstadt  com- 
pany, 21,  43,  45;  new  plans  in  1680, 
46,  71;  Brandenburg  African  Com- 
pany, 73-78,  82,  83  (n.  55),  89,  91; 
the  Arf!  lease,  95-97;  Danish  trade, 
Ch.  VII;   162,  165,  180,  182,  192, 
220,  234,  237,  239 
Gustavus  I  (Vasa),  13,  14 
Gyldenlove,  U.  F.,  son  of  Christian  V, 

31,  76.  98  (n.  11),  103  (n.  34) 
Gyldensparre,  Albert,  statemsan,  52, 
57,64 

H 

Hamburg,   19,   29,    103;   Danish   de- 
signs on,  24,  191,  306,  309 


Hamburg-American  Line,  252-260 
Hamilton,  Alexander,  on  hurricane  of 

1772,  6-7,  249 
HamUn,  Jean,  French  pirate,  53-55, 57 
Hans,  Danish  king,  14 
Hanseatic  League,  13,  14,  19 
Hansen,  Claus,  lieutenant  and  gover- 
nor, 113,  117,  181-185 
Hansen,  Jens,  St.  Croix  governor,  236 

(n.  87),  237 
Ilaring,  C.  H.,  cited,  25,  26,  111 
Hay,    John,    American    secretary    of 

state,  259 
Heiliger,  Peter,  226,  235,  236  (n.  86) 
Heins,  Christopher,  St.  Thomas  lieu- 
tenant and  governor  ad  interim,  60, 
61,  64;  signature  (1687),  68,  69,  70, 
80,  182 
Helsingborg,  Sweden,  15 
Helsingor.    See  Elsinore. 
Hill,  Thomas,  56 
Hoesz,  Sivert,  116 
Hohn,  Edvard,  cited,  201,  227,  230, 

238,  239 
Holmsted,    Frederick,    153,   202-207, 

passim,  211 
Hoist,  Edward,  director  of  Company, 

52,57 
Hoist,  J.  N.,  Danish  skipper,  229 
Holstein,  Danish  duchy,  250,  258 
Holten,   Joachim   von,   governor,   84 

(n.  59),  101,  106,  181,  183-185 
Honduras  coast,  26,  161 
Hoppe,  Iver,  vice-admiral,  66-68,  101 
Horn,  John,  Company's  St.  Thomas 

bookkeeper,  172,  173,  175 
Hombech,    Dr.,    meteorological    ob- 
servations, 5 
Host,   George,  governor  ad  interim, 
240;  work  cited,  4,  119,  121,  153, 
167,  175,  176,  177,  206,  211,  213. 
214,  222,  236,  240 
Houtcoper,  governor  of  St.  Eustatius, 

60 
Houtman,  Comelis,  Dutch  explorer, 
10 


INDEX 


355 


Hiibner,  Martin,  authority  on  inter- 
national law,  S243 

Hudson's  Bay,  17;  the  Companj%  32- 
34 

Huguenots,  refugees  from  French 
islands,  69,  130 

Humanism  in  Denmark,  14,  15 

Hurricanes,  described,  5-7 


Iceland,  1,  18.  29,  309 

Indians,  21,  23;  on  St.  Thomas,  33,  55, 

122 
Indigo,  123,  180,  194,  204 
Isert,  P.  F.,  on  slave  trader's  voyage, 

141-143 
Iversen,  George,  first  governor  of  St. 

Thomas,  Chapter  I,  passim;  52,  56, 

57 

J 

Jackson,  D.  H.,  negro  editor,  257 
Jamaica,  23,  25,  26,  46-49,  138,  164 
Jenkins'  Ear,  War  of,  224  (n.  50),  227 
Johnson,  A.,  President,  258,  259 
Johnson,  Willis  F.,  cited,  256 
Juel,  Jens,  minister  of  state,  31,  45,  52, 
76,  90-92,  103,  108,  146,  179,  304 

K 

Kalmar,  Union  of,  13,  14 

Keller,  A.  G.,  cited,  176.  208 

Kidd,  William,  English  captain,  113- 

118 
Kommerce-kollegiet.       See    Board    of 

Trade. 
Konigsberg,  136 

L 

Labat,  Pere,  cited,  91  (n.  97),  105 
Labor  Union,  St.  Croix  newspaper,  257 
Lang,  Major,  observations  of  rainfall, 

5 
Lansing,  Robert,  American  secretary 

of  state,  261 
Laporte.  Brandenburg  official,  79,  81, 

83-88 


Larsen.  Kay,  cited,  11,  32,  201  (n.  7) 
Lassen.  Jens,   Danish  merchant,   21 

(n.  44) 
Laurentsen.    See  Lorentzen. 
Laurvigen,    Count    (Ferdinand    An- 

thon).  202 
Leers,  J.  M.,  merchant,  120 
Legendre  {le  blond),  French  privateer, 

89,  107 
Lente,  Christian,  51,  57 
Lerke,  Jacob,  120.  146,  147,  188 
Lerke  (Lerche)  Peter  P.,  director  of 

Company,  31,  32,  35 
Leszczynska,  Maria,  199 
Leszczynski,  Stanislas,  173,  199 
Leyenclo,  Anders,  Swedish  ambassa- 
dor, report  on  St.  Thomas,  67, 73,  95 
Lincoln      administration      and      St. 

Thomas,  257 
Linschoten,  Jan  van.  10 
Longueville,  French  commander,  174, 

175 
Lorentzen,  George,  106 
Lorentz,  John,  St.  Thomas  governor, 

48,  58,  69,  70,  81-91,  97,  99-104; 

signature  (1685),  105;  Chapter  V, 

124,   144,   164,   181-183,  189,  205, 

303  (n.  1),  305 
Louis  XIV,  King  of  France,  23,  24,  27, 

42,  44,  45;  Louis  XV,  199,  206,  228 
Lubeck,  peace  of  (1629),  19.  31 
Lund,  treaty  of  (1679),  45 
Lutheran  church  in  islands,  122,  159, 

210,  214,  223,  224 
Lynch,  Thomas,  governor  of  Jamaica, 

47,53 

M 

Maddox,  English  captain,  172 
Madrid,  treaty  of  (1070),  26,  47 
Magens,  Theodore  (Dietrich),  gover- 
nor, 161  (n.  13),  185  (n.  18).  189. 192 
Mahan,  A.  T.,  historian.  262 
Malabar  (India).  28 
Maria  Theresa,  Empress-queen,  227 
Martfeldt.  C.  cited,  4,  150,  159,  164- 


356 


INDEX 


166,   168.   169,   171.   172,   174-176. 

181,   183-185,  187,  191,  194,  197, 

215-218,  226-231,  246,  247 
Martinique.  12,  25,  27,  40,  107,  112, 

172,  173,  175,  192,  206,  208,  210 
Meyer,  George,  Danish  captain,  58, 

62,  63,  95,  96 
Meyer,    Herman,    director   of    Com- 
pany, 52 
Mikkelson,  M.,  royal  commissioner, 

63-65,  97,  98 
Milan,  Gabriel,  St.  Thomas  governor, 

57-70,  passim;  signature  (1686),  59, 

75.  81,  97.  105.  124 
Mims.  S.  L..  cited,  20,  40,  42,  44 
Moltke,  A.  G.,  Danish  minister,  229, 

238 
Money,   values  of,  34   (n.   9),  paper 

issues,  151,  197;  Spanish  issues,  196 
Montserrat,  12,  24,  53,  248  (n.  6) 
Moravian  missionaries,  34  (n.  8),  159 
Morgan,  Henry,  buccaneer,  26,  73 
Moth,  Frederick,  governor,  130,  131, 
170,  185,  197,  208;  signature  (1732), 

209;  210,  211,  229,  230 
Moth,  Mathias,  90-92,  103,  108,  146, 

179,  304 
Moy,  Daniel,  St.  Thomas  captain,  63 
Miiller,  Henry,  20 
Munk,  Jens,  17 
Miinster,  treaty  of  (1648),  25 

N 

Nansen,  Hans,  29,  31,  52 

Nantes,  Edict  of,  69 

Napoleon   HI.   Emperor   of   French, 

opposed  transfer  of  St.  Croix,  258 
Negroes  in  islands,   life   of,    123-25, 

Ch.  Vni,  218,  219 
Netherlands,       United       (Protestant 

Netherlands),  19,  23,  24,  29,  44 
Nevell,   John,   English   vice-admiral, 

112 
Nevis,  12,  53,  56,  60 
New  Amsterdam.  24 


New  England,  188,  193,  195,  231,  233, 

234 
Newton,  A.  P.,  cited,  26  (n.  53) 
New  York,  195,  196,  231,  233,  234.  308 
Nimeguen,  treaties  of  (1678-79),  71, 

73 
Northern  War,  188,  201 
Norway,  smuggling  in,  220,  238 
Nystadt,  treaty  of  (1721),  150 

O 

Ostend  East  India  Company,  199 

Ottingen,  Theodore,  176,  177,  211 
(n.  40) 

Oxenstierna,  Axel,  Swedish  states- 
man, 19 

Oxholm,  P.  L.,  cited,  124,  254 


Panama,  Spanish  American  city,  26 

Panama  Canal,  256 

Pannet,  P.  J.,  cited,  169  (n.  37),  171; 

present  at  St.  Croix  (1734),  211,  232 

(n.  77) 
Paper  money.    See  Money. 
Passage,  island,  107 
Paterson,  William,  Scotch  financier, 

98,  119 
Pauli,   Oliver,   Company's  secretary, 

41,  49  (n.  8),  305 
Pedersen,  Christian,  friend  of  Chris- 
tian II,  15 
Pedy,  John,  74-75 
Pelt,  A.,  sugar  refiner,  136,  207,  219 
Penn-Venables  expedition,  23 
Perry,  H.  A.,  cited,  92 
Peterson,  Harding,  Guinea  governor,  96 
Petit  Goave,  48,  97,  110-112,  114 
Petkum,  Simon,  president  of  Board  of 

Trade  (1668),  23,  27 
Philip  II,  king  of  Spain,  9,  15 
Pies  de  Indies,  described,  141 
Piracy     in     West    Indies,     113-119, 

passim 
Plan  of  1747.    See  Convention. 


INDEX 


3  57 


Plant  resources  of  islands,  7-8 

Plelo,  L.  R.  H.  de  B.,  200.  201,  203, 

206 
Plessen,  C.  A.  von,  202-206,  210,  211, 

213,  222  (n.  41),  223,  224,  229,  230 
Plessen,  C.  L.  von,  206 
Pointis,  Jean-Bernard  Desjeans,  baron 

de.  111,  112 
Polish  Succession,  War  of,  173,  198- 

200 
Poll  taxes.    See  Taxation. 
Population  of  St.  Thomas,  character 

and  number,  37,  39,  121,  122,  247, 

252,  253;  of  St.  Croix  (1754),  235, 

248,  249,  253 
Porto  Bello,  11,  26,  112 
Porto  Rico,  3,  4,  25,  41,  124,  160,  161, 

181.   186,   188,   190-192,  208,  228, 

246,  251,  252,  316 
Portuguese,  monopoly  in  East  Indies 

broken  by  Dutch,  10;  slave  trade, 

40,  137 
Prices  of  plantation  produce,  133,  232, 

233 
Privateering,  109-119,  -passim 
Providence,  Bahamas,  316 
Providence,  Rhode  Island,  231 
Provisions,  list  of,  195 
Provisions,   plantations   for  growing, 

158 
Purchase  of  Danish  islands  by  United 

States,  261;  proposals  for,  257-260 

Q 

Quidah  Merchant.    See  Kidd. 

R 

Raaslcifif,  General,  Danish  minister, 
257 

Rainfall,  5 

Randolph,  Edward,  117 

Raule,  Benjamin,  Brandenburg  states- 
man, 71;  71-94,  passim 

Rebolledo,  Count,  Spanish  ambas- 
sador, 21  (n.  44) 


Reedtz,     George     (Jorgen),     Danish 

envoye  at  Madrid,  41 
Reformed  faith.    See  Calvinist. 
Religion,  freedom  of  (on  St.  Thomas), 

76 
Revolution,  American,  249,  250 
Rivera,    Porto    Rico    governor,    192 

(n.  42) 
RoepstorfiF,  Danish  governor,  244 
Riirdam,  H.,  cited,  201,  224 
Rosenkrantz,  Herman,  17 
Royal    African    Company    (British), 

147  (n.  27) 
Royal  Danish  American  Gazette,  248, 

249 
Rule  of  1756,  243 
Rum,  distillation   of,    125;    products, 

163 
Ryswick,  Peace  of  (1697),  112,  145 


Saba  (Sabatk),  12,  69,  109,  247  (n.  6) 

St.  Christopher  (St.  Kitts),  12,  24,  27, 
53,  69,  85,  119,  172,  208,  248  (n.  6), 
316 

St.  Croix,  2,  3,  5-8,  12,  47,  144,  155, 
173,  177,  178;  acquisition  of,  by 
Denmark,  Chap.  X;  213.  21.')-227, 
228.  230,  233,  234,  235-237,  239, 
244-263,  passim 

St.  Croix  under  the  French,  42,  69,  75, 
198,  208 

St.  Eustatius,  12.  53  (n.  21).  60,  69, 
80.  84,  109,  161  (n.  11)  187,  192, 
226  (n.  54),  227,  247  (n.  6) 

St.  John,  slave  insurrection  on,  168- 
178,  246 

St.  John,  2-4,  8,  38,  80,  107,  127-130, 
133,  134,  151,  163,  165,  166,  168- 
178,  193,  198,  207,  213,  210,  236, 
246-248,  250,  258,  315,  316 

St.  Kitts.    See  St.  Christopher. 

St.  Lucia,  317 

St.  Martin,  248  (n.) 

St.  Peter,  island  in  West  Indies,  80 


358 


INDEX 


St.  Thomas,  area,  2;  description,  3,  4; 
climate,  4-7;  plant  resources,  8; 
6rst  attempts  at  settlement,  28,  29; 
preparations  for  settlement,  SI,  35; 
settlement  begim,  37-44;  guber- 
natorial troubles,  45-68;  Branden- 
burgers  at  St.  Thomas,  71-94; 
Thornohlen  lease,  95,  98-104; 
Lorentz's  governorship,  105-120; 
plantations.  121-127, 130-133;  slave 
trade  at  St.  Th.,  137-155;  life  of 
slaves  in  St.  Th.,  157-167;  St.  Th. 
planters  and  the  Company,  Ch.  IX; 
prices  of  goods,  223-227;  fugitive 
slaves,  228;  privateers  (after  1740), 
229;  trading  privileges,  233;  separa- 
tion from  St.  Croi.x  government, 
236;  population  (1765),  247;  free 
trade  edict  (1764),  250;  shipping  in 
19th  century,  252-253;  population 
(1773-1901),  253;  sugar  planting 
(1796-1851),  254-255;  purchase 
plans  of  U.  S.,  257-261 

St.  Vincent,  23,  75 

San  Domingo,  12,  13,  25,  111,  208. 
See  also  Petit  Goave. 

Santa  Lucia,  252,  317 

Scelle,  G.,  cited,  145 

Schimmelmann,  Ernest,  247 

Schleswig,  Danish  duchy,  35,  250,  258 

Schmidt,  Erik  Nielsen,  29,  37 

Schmidt,  J.  C,  cited,  158-160;  159 
(n.8) 

Schopen,  J.  W.,  planter  delegate,  232, 
239,  240 

Schumacher.  Peter,  Count  Griffen- 
feld,  31,  57 

Schweder,  Christian,  governor,  226, 
228,  230.  231 

Scott,  W.  R.,  cited,  148 

Seeberg,  Christian,  181,  185,  196,  198 

Sehested,  C,  190 

Seward,  W  H..  American  secretary 
of  state,  257-260 

Shareholders  of  Company,  292-293. 
342-349 


Sharp,  Bartholomew,  buccaneer.  49 
(n.8) 

Shipping  in  Danish  islands,  249-253 

Slagelse,  K.  J.,  30,  37,  39 

Slave  insurrection,  St.  John  (1733), 
168-178;  St.  Croi.x  (1759),  246-247 

Slaves,  runaways,  190,  191,  228,  246 

Slave  trade,  21,  43,  45,  73-79,  95-97, 
131, 135,  Chapter  VII,  195,  218,  221, 
234,  239,  247,  253,  320-320.  See 
also  Guinea  Coast,  Gliickstadt, 
Christiansborg,  Great  Fre<lericks- 
burg,  Asiento. 

Sleswig.    See  Schleswig. 

Smith,  James,  connection  with  Darien 
Company,  119  (n.  50),  189 

Smith,  Peter,  St.  Thomas  merchant, 
113,  115,  123,  189 

Soedtmann,  J.  R.,  St.  John  official,  168 

Sommer,  Soren,  223,  224 

Sound,  control  of  the,  15,  19,  20 

Spain,  her  monopoly  of  America  con- 
tested, 10-13;  protest  against 
Danes  on  St.  Thomas,  41;  report  of 
projected  attack,  110;  Danish 
claims  against,  228 

Spaniards  in  America,  75,  147,  186, 
217,  223,  238,  233,  306,  315-317 

Spanish  Succession,  War  of,  126,  131, 
149,  150,  160,  165,  181,  184,  185, 
190,  192,  195,  199 

Spice  Islands,  11 

Stanislas  Leszczynski.  See  Leszczyn- 
ski. 

Stapleton,  William,  British  Leeward 
Islands  governor,  41,  47,  50,  51-57, 
60,  127 

Stettin,  136 

Stoud,  H.  J.  O.,  Lutheran  minister, 
223-225 

Sugar,  30,  43,  123-125;  Chapter  VI, 
■passim;  180,  194,  195,  204,  206.  207, 
213,  216-220,  222,  226,  233,  238, 
245,  249,  253-256;  mills,  254-255; 
refinery,  136,  205-207,  219,  222, 
237,  238,  328-331,  336 


INDEX 


359 


Suhm,  Christian,  governor,  230 
(n.  70)  231,  236  (n.  87) 

Suhm,  Henry,  governor,  163,  170,  182 

Sumner,  Charles,  U.  S.  Senator,  259 

Sunderland,  Earl  of,  52.  57 

Surinam,  24 

Swedish   mb  assador.    See  Leyenclo. 

Sweden,  in  Union  of  Kalmar,  13;  in- 
dependent under  Gustavas  I,  14; 
gains  the  three  provinces,  20;  se- 
cures factory  on  Guinea  coast  of 
Africa,  21,  23,  24,  27,  28,  44;  peace 
with  Denmark  (1678),  45;  threat- 
ened attack  on  St.  Thomas,  150; 
trade  in  sugar,  136 


U 

Unicorn,  Jens  Munk's  ship,  17 
Utrecht,  Peace  of  (1713),  196,  226 


Van  Belle,  Peter,  Brandenburg  factor, 
108  (n.  8),  115,  116,  118,  119 

Vera  Cruz,  11 

Versailles,  Peace  of  (1783),  251 

Vervins,  treaty  of  (1598),  25 

Vessup.  William,  171 

Vieques,  island.    See  Crab. 

Virginia,  19,  40,  124,  317 

von  Frock,  Baron,  C.  L.  B.,  Danish 
governor,  245,  246  (n.  3) 


Tallard,  English  captain,  171 
Taxation  of  planters,  123,  126,  127, 

131 
Taxes  on   Danish   islands,    186-190, 

194,  215-218.  236,  237 
Temple,  Sir  William,  quoted,  24 
Thambsen,  O.  J.,  governor,  182,  183, 

184 
Theaters  on  St.  Croix,  248 
Thormohlen,    George,    Bergen    mer- 
chant, 82,  89,  95,  98-104,  passim, 

205 
Tobacco,  1,  30,  43,  69,  79  (n.  37),  123, 

124,  134,  294 
Tobago,  12,  80,  88 
Tortola,  3,  38.  50.  90,  171,  172  (n.  49), 

247  (n.  6) 
Tortuga,  12.  25 
Tranquebar,    East    India    Company 

factory,  11,  17 
Trinidad,  12 

Triple  Alliance  (1668),  24 
Trompeuse,  La,  53-55 


W 

West  India  trade,  beginnings  under 
Frederick  III,  20;  other  early  voy- 
ages, 28-30 

Weyse  family,  sugar  refiners,  136, 
207  (n.  21),  219 

Wheler,  Charles,  British  Leeward 
Islands  governor,  41 

WiUom.  John  de.  17,  18,  19  (n.  37) 

Windt,  J.  J.  de,  St.  Thomas  planter, 
189 

Y 

Yeaman,  G.  H.,  258,  259 
Yucatan,  26  (n.  55),  41,  47 


Zahle  (Danish)  ministry,  261 
Zeeland,  province  of  Netherlands,  10, 

72,  83,  103 
Zinck,  A.,  St.  Thomas  delegate  (1706), 

186-188 
Zytsema,    A.,    St.    Thomas    delegate 

(1706),  180-188 


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